Perestroika: from an attempt to modernize the system to a change in model social development. Mid 80's – difficult period profound changes, the content of which is the transition from a system of super-statehood to a social orientation towards a social market economy and agriculture. The beginning of the transformation - March 1986 - M.S. was elected to the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Gorbachev. A course of acceleration was proclaimed. In January 1987 they announced glasnost. In October 1987, the first symptoms of political disengagement appeared. Yeltsin spoke at the plenum of the Central Committee against indecisive reforms and personally against Ligachev. He was subsequently removed from high positions. Which had a big resonance.
Further political polarization - June 1988 - 19th CPSU Conference - decision on further democratization, beginning of reform political system THE USSR. In the same year, the law “company against Stalinism” was adopted. Study Commission Stalin's repressions came to the conclusion that Bukharin’s cases were falsified, etc. Big role Some of the worst works were also played: Rybakov’s “Children of Arbat”, Abuladze’s film “Rest”. The emergence of a multi-party system is taking place. Various, independent from the authorities, arise public organizations- “informals”. Starts in 1990 mass output from the party.
Spiritual life – increasing access to a variety of information. The Iron Curtain has been broken. Publication of previously inaccessible works by Solzhenitsyn.
Foreign policy. The turning point in 1999 was the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan. At the end of 1989, communist regimes collapsed in Eastern Europe.

POLITICAL SYSTEM REFORM

"Personnel revolution". Like his predecessors, Gorbachev began the transformation by changing the “team”. IN short term 70% of the leaders of regional committees of the CPSU and more than half of the ministers of the Union government were removed from their posts.

The composition of the CPSU Central Committee was significantly updated. In 1985-1987 More than half of the Politburo members and Central Committee secretaries were replaced. At one April (1989) plenum of the Central Committee, out of 460 members and candidates for membership of the Central Committee, 110 people were immediately dismissed.

Under the slogan of the fight against “conservatism,” the first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU V.V. Grishin, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine V.V. Shcherbitsky, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan D.A. Kunaev, the first deputy chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers were dismissed from work G. A. Aliev and others. Taking into account the real role of the party apparatus, Gorbachev replaced almost 85% of the leading personnel of the CPSU Central Committee - the pillars of the management system.

Soon all the key positions in the party and state were filled only with Gorbachev’s appointees. However, things still moved with great difficulty. It became clear that serious political reform was needed.

Political reform of 1988. The turning point in the political situation came in 1987. Society expected quick changes, but they did not happen. Gorbachev later called this time the first serious crisis of “perestroika.” There was only one way out of it - democratization of society.

The January (1987) plenum of the Central Committee decided to convene (after a 46-year break) the All-Union Party Conference, on the agenda of which it was decided to include the issue of preparing a reform of the political system. As the famous artist M.A. Ulyanov said, speaking at the plenum, “the time of cogs has passed... The time has come for the people who govern their own state.”

In May 1987, the first demonstration not sanctioned by the authorities took place in Moscow under the slogan: “Down with the saboteurs of perestroika!” In September, Moscow authorities were the first in the country to adopt regulations on the procedure for holding mass processions and demonstrations. Since then Manezhnaya Square the capital became the site of mass rallies.

In the summer of 1987 elections were held in local authorities authorities. For the first time, it was allowed to nominate several candidates for one deputy seat. Control over voter turnout was removed. The result forced the authorities to think: the number of votes against candidates increased almost tenfold, the absence of voters at polling stations became widespread, and in 9 districts elections did not take place at all. “Seditious inscriptions” appeared on the ballots.

In the summer of 1988, the XIX All-Union Party Conference of the CPSU took place, announcing the beginning of political reform. Its main idea was an attempt to combine the incompatible: the classical Soviet political model, which assumed the autocracy of the Soviets, - with the liberal one, based on the separation of powers. It was proposed: to create a new supreme body state power- Congress people's deputies; turn the Supreme Council into a permanent “parliament”; update the electoral legislation (introduce alternative elections, as well as the election of deputies not only in districts, but also from public organizations); create a Constitutional Supervision Committee responsible for monitoring compliance with the Basic Law. However, the main point of the reform was the redistribution of power from party structures to Soviet ones, created in the course of relatively free elections. This was the strongest blow to the party nomenklatura in all the years of its existence, as it undermined the very foundations of its existence.

However this decision not only deprived Gorbachev of the support of this influential part of society, but also forced it to seize personal ownership of what was previously only under its control.

In the spring of 1989, according to the new electoral law, elections of people's deputies of the USSR were held. At the First Congress of People's Deputies, the chairman Supreme Council The USSR elected Gorbachev.

A year later, elections were held in union republics, where the “competition” was 8 people for one deputy mandate.

Now the initiative to reform the country has passed to representatives of the people elected through open elections. They soon supplemented the political reform with new provisions. Chief among them was the idea of ​​building rule of law, in which the equality of citizens before the law would be truly ensured. The implementation of this provision in practice led to the abolition of Article 6 of the constitution on the leading role of the CPSU. Feeling that power was beginning to slip away, Gorbachev agreed to the proposal to establish the post of president and was elected the first (and, as it turned out, last) President of the USSR.

Revival of multi-party system. The crisis of communist ideology and the “slipping” of the reforms carried out by Gorbachev led to the fact that people began to look for a way out of the current situation on ideological and political principles other than communist ones.

The group of V. I. Novodvorskaya, which adopted the name “Democratic Union,” proclaimed itself the first opposition party in May 1988. At the same time, popular fronts arose in the Baltic republics, which became the first mass independent organizations. Despite the fact that all these groups and associations declared “support for perestroika,” they represented the most various directions political thought.

Socialists and Social Democrats were united in the “Socialist Party”, “Social Democratic Association” and “Social Democratic Party of Russia”.

Anarchists created the Confederation of Anarcho-Syndicalists and the Anarcho-Communist Revolutionary Union.

National parties first began to form in the Baltic and Transcaucasian republics.

However, with all the diversity of these parties and movements, the main struggle was between communists and liberals. Moreover, in the conditions of a growing economic and political crisis, the political weight of the liberals (they were called “democrats”) increased every day.

State and church. The beginning of democratization of society could not but affect the relations between the state and the church. During the 1989 elections, representatives of the main religious confessions were elected as people's deputies of the USSR. It was significantly weakened, and after the abolition of Article 6 of the constitution, party-state control over the activities of church organizations was completely abolished.

The changes that occurred during the years of “perestroika” again made the church one of the authoritative and independent elements of society.

In January 1990, " Democratic platform in the CPSU", which advocated a serious reform of the party on the principles of democracy, with its subsequent transformation into an ordinary parliamentary party. Following her, other movements arose in the CPSU. However, the leadership of the party, rejecting any attempts to reform it, actually led to the political death of a huge organization On the eve of the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU, the Central Committee published its own platform “Towards a humane, democratic socialism”, so abstract that in party organizations both the left and right flanks began to call it “Towards a vague, demagogic socialism”.

Meanwhile, the conservative-minded part of the CPSU leadership made an attempt to take shape organizationally. In the summer of 1990, the Communist Party of the RSFSR was created, which stood for a return to the previous model of the CPSU.

As a result, the party arrived at the 28th Congress in July 1990, which became the last in the history of the CPSU, in a state of split. There were three main currents in it: radical reformist (“Democratic Platform”), moderate-renovationist (Gorbachev’s group) and conservative (Communist Party of the RSFSR). The congress did not bring the party out of the crisis either. On the contrary, without waiting for reform decisions, the Democratic Platform left the CPSU. Gorbachev himself, having become President of the USSR in March 1990, practically stopped dealing with internal party affairs. This meant a strengthening of the conservative position. In the fall of 1990, the leadership of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, without discussion in party organizations, approved its program document, which condemned the decisions of the last congress of the CPSU for “non-socialist guidelines for perestroika.” Some members of the CPSU Central Committee demanded Gorbachev's resignation from the post of General Secretary.

Under these conditions, the exit of CPSU members from the party became widespread. In a short time, the number of communists was reduced to 15 million people. Moreover, both those who supported the idea of ​​reforms and those who rejected them left it. There was a need for an organizational demarcation of the currents that existed in the CPSU. This was supposed to happen at the XXIX Congress in the fall of 1991. According to Gorbachev’s plan, the party was supposed to “return to the tracks of social democracy with which it began in 1898.” However, this never happened due to the acute political crisis in August 1991.

NATIONAL POLITICS AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. COLLAPSE OF THE USSR

Democratization of society and the national question. Democratization public life couldn't help but touch the sphere between national relations. Problems that had been accumulating for years, which the authorities had long tried not to notice, manifested themselves in drastic forms as soon as there was a whiff of freedom.

The first open mass demonstrations took place as a sign of disagreement with the number of national schools and the desire to expand the scope of the Russian language. At the beginning of 1986, under the slogans “Yakutia is for the Yakuts”, “Down with the Russians!” Student demonstrations took place in Yakutsk.

Gorbachev's attempts to limit the influence of national elites caused even more active protests in a number of republics. In December 1986, as a sign of protest against the appointment of the Russian G.V. Kolbin as the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan instead of D.A. Kunaev, demonstrations of many thousands, which turned into riots, took place in Alma-Ata. The investigation into abuses of power that took place in Uzbekistan has caused widespread discontent in the republic.

Demands for the restoration of autonomy were voiced even more actively than in previous years Crimean Tatars, Germans of the Volga region. Transcaucasia became the zone of the most acute ethnic conflicts.

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Political transformations during the period of "perestroika"

Changes in economic life, the need for reform, together with the worsening situation of the people, gave rise to a wave of criticism. The ideas of democratization were opposed to the over-centralized socio-political system. Democratization affected ideology, culture and politics. Search alternative solutions in the process of development led to criticism of the existing party-state foundations and past history. The atmosphere of openness made it possible to learn about tragic pages past, about corruption and bribery in the upper echelons of power. For the first time, the public learned that 2,080 thousand crimes were committed in 1985, and 2,787 thousand in 1990, while 1,269 thousand were convicted in 1985, and 820 thousand in 1990. The number of convicts turned out to be comparable to the period of the 30s, that is, the years of political repression.

By 1988, the intensification of the internal ideological struggle was clearly evident. The press put forward irreconcilable political positions from official conservative to anti-Sovietism and nationalism. Wide use received anti-communism. Ideological vacillations also gripped the political leadership. People's attitudes towards religion and Western spiritual values ​​changed.

In the context of sharp criticism of the deformations of socialism in political leadership a split occurs. M.S. Gorbachev, A.N. Yakovlev and some others came to the conclusion that it was necessary to abandon the leading role of the Communist Party and to abolish the constitutional guarantees of this role. In June 1988, this provision was made in the report of M.S. Gorbachev at the 19th Party Conference. For the first time in the history of the party, a report was made without preliminary discussion in the Central Committee, but the conference approved the provisions of the report. This event became a milestone. The ruling party's refusal to lead and retaining only its ideological and educational function meant a transition to a radical change in the political system.

The conference proclaimed the task of building a legal democratic state. The main directions of political reform were identified: - rejection of the monopoly of the party and the transition to a multi-party system; - formation of Soviets on an alternative democratic basis and the assertion of their sovereignty; - democratization of government bodies; - expansion of openness and pluralism in the ideological sphere; - restructuring of national relations on a democratic basis.

The provisions of the conference were not unanimously accepted within the party itself. In January 1989, at the Plenum of the Central Committee, the third part of the Central Committee was dismissed, not agreeing with the decisions of the conference. Leaving the party ranks has increased significantly. If in 1989 140 thousand people left the ranks of the CPSU, then in 1990 - 2.7 million people. Left the CPSU most of composition of the Communist Parties of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, organizing independent parties of social democratic orientation. The Communist Parties of Georgia, Armenia, and Moldova virtually ceased to exist. The last XXVIII Congress of the CPSU (1990) showed the inability of the party to have a decisive influence on the life of the country.

After the XIX Party Conference, laws were adopted that played crucial in reforming the political system. These include the law “On Amendments and Additions to the Constitution of the USSR,” which eliminated Article 6 on the leading role of the CPSU, as well as the law “On the Election of People’s Deputies,” which approved the election of Soviet deputies on an alternative basis. Subject to change higher authorities state power. The supreme representative body of power became the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, which elected the bicameral Supreme Council, which operates permanently. The post of Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR was introduced. A Constitutional Oversight Committee was created.

In March 1989, the first ever Soviet power alternative elections. At the First and Second Congresses of People's Deputies, deputy factions were formed. The III Congress (March 1990) for the first time in the history of the country introduced the position of the President of the USSR as the head executive power, M.S. Gorbachev was elected. The introduction of presidential rule was a measure to strengthen the weakening political system.

The repeal of Article 6 of the USSR Constitution contributed to the intensification of the activities of new political parties. The Democratic Union declared itself the first opposition party to the CPSU in May 1988. Since April 1988, Popular Fronts have emerged, the first national organizations, which were of a mass nature: “Popular Front of Estonia”, “Popular Front of Latvia”, “Sąjūdis” (Latvia). Later, similar organizations arose in all allied and autonomous republics. 1989 was the year of the emergence of many parties. The newly formed parties reflected all the leading trends in political life. The ultra-liberal direction was represented by the "Democratic Union", advocating a change in the model of social development. This wing also includes: “Russian Christian Democratic Movement”, “Christian Democratic Union of Russia”, “Christian Democratic Party of Russia”, etc. The first representatives of the liberal trend were the “Democratic Party Soviet Union", "Democratic Party", "Liberal Democratic Party" and three constitutional democratic parties. In May 1990, the largest party of the liberal camp - the Democratic Party of Russia - took shape, and in November - the Republican Party Russian Federation". "In October 1990, on the basis of the voters' movement "Democratic Russia" (created during the elections of people's deputies of the USSR in the spring of 1989), a mass socio-political organization of the same name took shape, uniting parties, public organizations and movements of a liberal orientation.

The social democratic direction was represented by two main organizations: the Social Democratic Association and the Social Democratic Party of Russia. Was founded in June 1990 Socialist Party". The anarchist trend was reflected in the activities of the Conference of Anarcho-Syndicalists and the Anarcho-Communist Revolutionary Union.

Many of these parties were small in number and did not have a strong organizational structure and social base and subsequently disbanded.

Political pluralism also affected the largest political force, the CPSU. In 1990 - early In 1991, five directions were identified in it: social democratic, “Democratic movement of communists”, centrist, “Marxist platform in the CPSU”, traditionalist. Each of them proposed its own version of reforms. On the basis of the CPSU, parties of a socialist orientation (People's Party of Free Russia, Socialist Party of Workers), and pro-communist orientation (All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, Russian Communist Workers' Party) were created.

In the fall of 1990, the formation of political parties began, advocating from the position of a right-wing radical reorganization of society: the Russian National Democratic Party and others. Organizations of Russian state traditionalism (monarchists) and revolutionary socialist traditionalism, the Unity group, etc. stood apart.

In the fall of 1991, religious and political organizations emerged: the Russian Christian Democratic Movement, the Islamic Revival. With all the diversity of parties and movements in the center political struggle There were two directions: communist and liberal. Liberals (democrats) advocated radical reforms, and communists advocated the preservation of the old system.

New political parties and movements that emerged in the country were a reaction to the deepening economic crisis and the search for a way out of the current situation. Their emergence showed that the previous one-party political system had collapsed, the levers of power that had developed over decades had ceased to function, and society had entered into a deep crisis. political crisis. Three trends in socio-political development have clearly emerged: a) reformist-democratic.. Represented by parties of a democratic orientation, this trend reflected the desire for a Western European-style society with its democratic institutions and freedoms and a market-capitalist economy. b) national-patriotic.. This the trend was evident in multinational country and was expressed in the formation of nationalist parties and movements, including Russian ones. This was facilitated by religious, regional and cultural-national differences between the peoples of the USSR, which became contradictions in the conditions of the economic and political crisis. c) traditional communist... Formed over decades, the socialist way of life with many elements of communist distribution, the preservation of the remnants of the almost 20 million Communist Party and 1 .5 million party apparatus contributed to the manifestation of this trend.

Thus, the five-year plan of “perestroika” led to profound changes in the political superstructure on the basis of a multi-party system, pluralism and inevitably caused a sharp political struggle.

Bibliography

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The second half of the 1980s was marked by fundamental changes for the Soviet Union; it went down in the history of the country as perestroika. The main goal of the reforms was the creation of a legal socialist state, the democratization of the existing system and the improvement of economic relations.

The need for such transformations was caused by the deepest crisis Soviet system, which developed in the late 70s and early 80s, as well as the decline in the authority of the USSR in the eyes of the world community and, above all, its allies in the countries of Eastern Europe. In these countries, as in the Soviet Union, democratic public opinion, a dissident movement was formed, demanding real personal and political rights, rejection of the methods of totalitarianism.

Ways to overcome economic difficulties Soviet people saw in improving economic management. It was intended to expand the independence of industrial and agricultural enterprises. Much attention was paid to the fight against corruption and mismanagement. It was about eliminating negative phenomena from the life of society, about its democratization. The majority of Soviet citizens supported this course aimed at establishing order in the country; Soviet people strongly condemned manifestations of immodesty, pomp, servility and glorification. However, measures to restore order in the country did not lead to tangible results.

However, if we talk about the need for radical restructuring, then current need was in it, all scientists then and today emphasized and emphasize its regularity and historical necessity, since it took place in an environment of increasing economic crisis. Low prices price of oil on the world market and the loss of economic control sharply reduced the already low standard of living in the USSR. The discontent of the masses spilled out into rallies demanding quick changes.

Perestroika revealed unpreparedness government agencies power and its leaders, to effective solution the main problems posed by life. Problems grew faster than they were solved.

In the spring of 1985 it seemed that the country was entering new cycle modernization public relations aimed at the formation of political democracy, demonopolization of the economy, liberation of private initiative, and the emergence of labor motivation. The purpose of these transformations was to increase the level of social well-being and create socio-economic and political comfort for the disclosure of the spiritual, creative, moral potential of the individual. At the same time, the state was assigned the role of guarantor of the preservation of the social condition of the population and those human rights that were achieved earlier.

But the people's expectations were not met. The declarative nature of the restructuring programs began to prevail over the implementation of the declared tasks. Doubts about the expediency of perestroika and the ability of the party and state leadership of the country to turn the tide of events began to become quite noticeable in the country, but it turned out to be unable to actively influence the ongoing processes.

At that time, the standard of living of the population and the degree of satisfaction of its needs did not correspond to the industrial power, the level of development of science and technology, education and culture of the population that the Soviet Union had achieved.

Deterioration economic situation countries had a particularly negative impact on the development of the social sphere. The backlog in solving social problems gradually accumulated. At first, this was due to the fact that, due to a number of objective reasons, it was necessary to redistribute funds in order to develop heavy industry or strengthen the country’s defense, or to restore the economy destroyed by the war. But subsequently, the lag in solving social problems turned out to be associated, first of all, with negative trends in economic development in recent years.

Stagnation in the economy and socio-political sphere increased. The shortage of goods and services was complemented by the threat of food shortages. The country's leadership, trying to slow down the deterioration of the economic situation, embarked on a significant redistribution of resources from social to production sector. Funds for social goals began to be allocated according to the so-called residual principle.

As a result, by the mid-1980s the country had taken a significant step back in terms of a number of social indicators. In subsequent years, the Soviet Union was one of the few countries in the world that began to reduce housing construction. Substantial part Russian families did not have a separate apartment or house, and a huge part of the Idom apartments that existed in the USSR, including rural areas, did not have the necessary sanitary facilities and utilities.

Another serious social problem This is a food problem. The point is not only that in the USSR in comparison with others developed countries there was a low level of consumption of meat products, milk and dairy products per capita, but also a very small range of these products, and their very low quality. The Soviet Union was significantly inferior to other countries in vegetable consumption, especially during certain periods of the year. The Russian population consumed three times less fruit than what is determined by medical standards, and this had a particularly adverse effect on the health of children.

The situation with the saturation of the domestic market with food and consumer goods was unsatisfactory. The reasons for this are quite deep, little food was produced and Low quality, the market was saturated due to imports, in light industry The equipment was not updated for decades, and by the 80s its technological lag became noticeable. Many consumer goods were produced in large quantities, but their quality was low.

In area foreign policy, the USSR made enormous expenditures on local wars in Africa, South-East Asia and in Afghanistan. The authority of socialism was high in those countries that received assistance from the USSR: Somalia, Ethiopia, and Angola. Mozambique and others. The Soviet Union supported the Cuban military presence in Angola and provided assistance Popular Front liberation of Mozambique. Some countries have become involved in long-term civil wars and our country had to supply them with weapons and help them with military specialists.

All these reasons influenced the decisions of the April 1985 Plenum, where the task of achieving a qualitatively new state of Soviet society was put forward. The components were named: scientific and technical renewal of production and achievement of a world level of labor productivity, material and spiritual life of people, activation of the entire system of political and public institutions. The main means to achieve this goal was to be a significant acceleration of social economic development society, and most importantly, acceleration scientific and technological progress, technical reconstruction of the national economy based on the latest achievements science and technology. Another slogan “acceleration, openness, democratization” was thrown at the masses.

Changes in the socio-political sphere began with the implementation of the policy of openness. Censorship was lifted and the publication of new newspapers was allowed. This caused a wide outcry social activity population. Numerous public associations emerged in support of perestroika. Widespread discussion of the new government policy took place at mass rallies of citizens. On the pages periodicals A discussion arose about the choice of the path of social development. M. Gorbachev explained the essence of the “renewal” strategy at meetings with party and economic assets of different cities.

Glasnost, from an instrument of criticism and improvement of the socialist system, began to turn into an instrument of its destruction. It led to a sharp polarization of society. By 1987 a conflict has matured between supporters and opponents of the reform course in the highest echelons of power.

One of the ideological justifications for perestroika was the orientation towards the West; M. Gorbachev proclaimed this idea as the guarantee of the existence of a single world civilization. In his opinion, the Soviet Union allegedly deviated from this path, from this the concept of a return to civilization and a focus on human values, bringing the economic basis of the USSR closer to the West.

At the end of the 1980s, the structures of government power also underwent transformations. They began with the 19th All-Union Party Conference. It witnessed a sharp struggle of opinions between supporters and opponents of perestroika on the issue of the country's development tasks. Most of the delegates supported M. Gorbachev's point of view about the urgent need for economic reform and transformation of the political system of society.

Democratization of public life was one of the objectives of perestroika, its most significant characteristic at that time. It permeated all spheres of society; in the sphere of politics, it implied a change in the very mechanism of power, a transition from hierarchical management a society for the working people through a relatively narrow ruling stratum, towards self-government of the working people. In the economic sphere, democratization was focused on changing the mechanism for the implementation of public and personal property, so that labor collectives and all workers received real rights masters of social production, and the opportunity to express individual labor initiative.

In 1988 executing the decision of the XIX Conference, through the Constitutional reform the structure of the supreme bodies of power and electoral system countries. A new Legislature- Congress of People's Deputies, which met once a year. It elected the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and its Chairman from among its members. Similar structures were created in the union republics.

The reform also approved the post of President of the USSR, endowed with broad powers. The President was becoming Supreme Commander-in-Chief Armed forces of the USSR, appointed and removed military command. The President represented the Supreme Council of the USSR, and then the Congress of People's Deputies for approval and dismissal of the Chairman of the Government of the USSR, Supreme Court, Prosecutor General, Chairman of the Supreme arbitration court USSR and personnel Committee for Constitutional Supervision of the USSR.

As perestroika progressed, it became more and more obvious that its fate rested on the state of the political system, political life society. The increasing public attention to the problems of social development has increasingly shown that without radical changes in social life it is not possible to solve either economic or social tasks. The reformers' initial idea of ​​preserving the socialist political system and only partially democratizing it became more and more utopian.

The differences between the reformers and the emerging social movements, especially the new labor movements, were very serious. A federation of independent trade unions of Russia was formed, a congress of miners announced the creation of a new miners' trade union, and similar steps were taken by workers in a number of other industries. The past congress of councils of labor collectives and working committees expressed their readiness to share responsibility for the progress economic transformation in the country, to prevent the uncontrolled sale of state property, the transformation of previously all-powerful ministries into new monopolistic associations, concerns and associations.

By that time, in extreme difficult situation The life support system turned out to be, the domestic food and industrial supply was noticeably reduced, serious damage was caused to transport, telecommunications and other systems, the housing and communal services fell into decay. An orientation toward elite, expensive products began to take shape. medical service, paid higher education and providing benefits to various categories of workers.

Under these conditions, M. Gorbachev and his team of reformers were looking for different ways way out of the crisis. And here the restoration of relations between church and state played an important role. Several meetings took place between Gorbachev and the Patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church Pimen and representatives of other religious denominations. In 1988 on state level Anniversary celebrations took place in connection with the 1000th anniversary of the baptism of Rus'. New religious communities were registered, spiritual educational establishments, the circulation of the published religious literature. The religious buildings that had previously been taken from them were returned to the believers. The authorities gave permission for the construction of new churches. Church leaders were given the opportunity, along with all citizens, to participate in public life; several prominent church hierarchs were elected deputies to the Supreme Council of the country.

The ongoing economic reform did not improve the situation in the national economy; the growth rate of industrial production decreased sharply. The size of the state budget deficit increased, unemployment grew, and mass protests by dissatisfied workers intensified economic policy state, powerful miners' strikes began.

In relation to agricultural enterprises, party reformers from the very beginning took a tough position; M. Gorbachev’s associate A. Yakovlev directly proclaimed that it was necessary to destroy the Bolshevik community - the collective farm.

The informational anti-collective farm campaign and hostility towards collective farms reached their maximum in the early 90s. Agrarian policy reformers based on the destruction of collective and state farms, and the establishment of farming has reached a dead end. Failure of reform Agriculture largely deprived Gorbachev of public support, since for many the criterion for assessing his activities was the availability of food in stores.

The reforms carried out in the country radically affected the armed forces; the reorganization of this institution of the state took place in the context of a harsh ideological campaign against the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Considering them the most conservative part of the Soviet state, the ideologists of perestroika sought to psychologically disarm them . Destruction actions were purposefully carried out positive image all armed forces in public consciousness and to undermine the self-esteem of the officer corps.

Following its peace-loving policy, the Soviet government unilaterally declared a moratorium on testing nuclear weapons, the deployment of medium-range missiles in the European part of the country was also suspended. To the detriment national interests and were withdrawn without apparent need Soviet troops And military equipment from the territory of the GDR, the armed forces were reduced by 500 thousand people. The conversion of military production and the transfer of military factories to the production of civilian products, mainly consumer goods, began. Under public pressure in February 1989. The withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan was completed, but for another two years Afghanistan received assistance with weapons and ammunition. Without preconditions, the withdrawn Soviet troops were quartered in unprepared military camps, and as a result, the morale of the troops rapidly fell.

A real step towards the implementation of political reform and the creation of a rule of law state was the reform of the law enforcement system of the USSR. Major changes that have occurred in psychology Soviet people, could not but affect the activities of the court, prosecutor’s office, authorities state security and the police. In the conditions of building a rule of law state, democratization of public life, and humanization of legislation, much has changed in the activities of internal affairs bodies. Restructuring in the political and economic life of the country contributed to the deterioration of law and order and the growth of crime, registration discipline was significantly weakened, concealment of crimes from registration and illegal prosecution flourished. By this time, conditions had developed in society for the formation organized crime and banditry.

In 1989-1991 outwardly subtle but important changes have occurred in all law enforcement agencies(Ministry of Internal Affairs, KGB, court, prosecutor's office), this is the departure of most qualified personnel from the system. This was encouraged objective reasons: strong pressure from the press, which discredited these bodies, a rapid decrease in salaries, which in these bodies cannot be compensated for by side earnings, inconsistency social guarantees standard of living and, most importantly, the squeezing out of the professional core of Soviet orientation. All this led to a significant increase in crime, violations public order, reducing the level of public safety of the population and accelerating the collapse of the USSR.

The new foreign policy concept and its implementation corresponded to the tasks of the internal political development of the USSR. It made it possible to limit the arms race and significantly reduce military spending. Broad sections of the population in the Soviet Union and abroad came out in support of the ideas of M. Gorbachev, new thinking destroyed the stereotypes of anti-Sovietism and suspicion.

Serious changes took place in relations between the USSR and the states of Eastern Europe. The economic and political crisis in these countries and the decline in the authority of the ruling parties caused the growth of opposition in them. The situation in the USSR and the course towards the renewal of socialism led to the activation of opposition forces and the intensification of their confrontation with governments. The transition of Eastern European countries to parliamentary democracy led to the collapse of the socialist community. The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the organization ceased their activities Warsaw Pact, without any conditions from the USSR. As a result, the level of economic cooperation between the USSR and the states of Eastern Europe significantly decreased.

The policy of “new thinking” for the USSR and the world was not only the collapse of the Soviet Union, but also the reconstruction of the entire Yalta-Potsdam system international relations, and with it world stability. The strengthening of the United States as the only world superpower led to the establishment of world globalism, in which Russia was assigned a role developing country and its ignoring new system European security.

For a multinational Soviet state great value had the development of national relations. Developing the main directions national policy For the future, M. Gorbachev directed party committees to ensure that the contribution of all republics to the development of a single national economic complex corresponded to their increased economic and spiritual potential.

However, the perestroika processes in the union republics contributed to the awakening of national self-awareness in the autonomous republics. As a result, in many national regions Extremism and nationalism became commonplace. Migration has become widespread, refugees and internally displaced persons have appeared. Not long ago, people living peacefully began to be persecuted on the basis of race, religion, political beliefs. Nationalist elements called for a revision of borders, the eviction of foreigners, and demanded secession from the USSR or joining neighboring related states. Noticeable social force reforms were the national intelligentsia, namely, teachers, doctors, agronomists, engineers became carriers of the ideas of reviving national identity. Having taken upon themselves civic responsibility for the state of national languages, culture, preservation of traditions and way of life of their peoples, most of the national intelligentsia did not allow themselves to be drawn into nationalism and extremism.

The main role in containing perestroika reforms in the autonomies and national entities belonged to local party and government bodies. M. Gorbachev did not see the impending danger in a timely manner and did not dare to turn to the people for help in defending the socialist state.

In the republics of the Middle Volga region the situation was also not very stable; some autonomies were overwhelmed by a wave of nationalism, in open form There was no confrontation, but relations with the center were tense. In others, the progress of reforms was controlled by party and government structures.

Mordovia in the Middle Volga region was a specific region, since it is geographically located in the center of Russia and on the western outskirts of the Volga autonomies. It absorbed all the uniqueness of the region in the republic in 1985. 966 thousand people lived, including 527 thousand urban and 439 thousand. rural population.

In the mid-1980s, a stable economic and socio-political situation developed in Mordovia. The entire industry of the republic confidently showed economic growth according to its main indicators. There was also an upward trend in agriculture, as state procurements main types of products in 1986 increased compared to 1980. 1.5 - 2 times, the number of unprofitable collective farms in 1988 compared to 1985 fell to 2.1% from 16.2%. The main industries for the economy were sectors of union specialization and depended on imported materials and raw materials. Thus, all leading enterprises were integrated into all-Union industrial relations, and their effectiveness was directly dependent on the condition economic system THE USSR . The economic crisis, which began within the USSR and continued within the RSFSR, led to the severance of established ties between the regions of the country, causing significant damage to the economy of the republic.

There was no conflict between the authorities and the opposition in socio-political life; Mordovia did not have a situation characterized by predictability and stability; the absence of ethnic conflicts, movements of an extremist and separatist nature in Mordovia gave political stability a sustainable character.

Therefore, reforms of the economic and political system in Mordovia, through the efforts of the local party and Soviet nomenklatura, were superficial character. According to scientists and politicians, this factor made it possible to maintain the relative stability of industry (the increase in production volumes was 5.4%) and agriculture (gross output of 555.3 million rubles). There was a clearly visible trend of increasing rates of economic development and industrial output, and agriculture was consistently developing. During this period, the need to saturate the consumer market with goods and services fully manifested itself, so the republican authorities made no small efforts to satisfy the consumer demand of the population. The Union authorities had taken the first steps by this time to transfer planned system farms to market ones. The caution with which the republican authorities acted allowed the republic not to fall into an economic crisis during this period. Since 1987 the beginnings began to take shape in the republic market economy, cooperatives were created to provide services and produce goods, private stores and intermediary firms for the purchase and resale of products were opened.

The low level of conflict among the political elite was reflected in the life of society and was characterized by high level trust in authorities. While the Soviet Union was rocked by social upheavals associated with deteriorating living standards, in Mordovia the level of tension was very low due to the passivity of the population during the protest and total control for social life. The position of almost all the media was to not write or say anything about politics, or to provide such material that it is not easy to judge the true state of affairs in the political arena.

The end of the 80s was characterized by political transformations in the country; in the republic, party bodies transferred their powers to the Councils of the corresponding levels and their executive committees, began to cooperate with national movements, hoping to use them to their advantage. There have also been changes in the leadership of the Republican Party Committee. According to the directive of Gorbachev’s leadership, a massive renewal of party leaders was taking place in the regions; the first secretary of the regional committee, A.I., who had headed the republic for over 20 years, left the arena. Berezin.

The intense development of political events overshadowed the economic reform, resulting in a significant lag economic reforms from political ones, the pace began to slow down economic growth Mordovia, the economic downturn was a consequence destructive phenomena in the Soviet economy. This led to a split in the ranks of perestroika supporters and the emergence of socio-political and national movements. Formed as clubs and regional branches of allied parties, they, in the process of evolution, became parties of radical orientation. In their programs they set the goals of developing self-government in enterprises, private entrepreneurship, farming, conservation national culture and language. The formation of the national society “Mastorava” did not become widespread. Reasons for the lack of a broad social base and the insignificant impact of “Mastorava” on ethnic political situation in the Republic of Mordovia should be sought in the lack of unity among the leaders. With the adoption of the declaration of state sovereignty of the RSFSR, similar processes took place in the autonomous republics. Mordovia, which had purely decorative autonomy, needed to transform its state and legal status. After national autonomies Volga region: Tataria, Bashkiria, Chuvashia, Udmurtia and others, Mordovia was drawn into the process of socio-political changes. Held in March 1990 elections of people's deputies of the RSFSR, Mordovia and local councils showed high activity and awareness of the population. The Councils included many leaders “ Democratic Russia” and other movements, so N.P. Medvedev and T.V. Tyurin became deputies of the USSR, and V.D. Guslyannikov as a deputy of the MSSR. Through their efforts in December 1990. The Supreme Council of the MASSR adopted a declaration on the state-legal status of the republic, the Mordovian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was transformed into the Mordovian Soviet Socialist Republic. Mordovia was one of the first Russian regions to introduce the post of President and in 1991. held popular elections. The election to this post of the leader of local democrats V.D. Guslyannikov did not bring calm to the political and economic life republics. Being a supporter of the President of the Russian Federation B. Yeltsin, V.D. Guslyannikov set a course for confrontation with the Supreme Council of Mordovia; as a result, the political situation worsened, the economy was in a deep crisis. Frequent elections, coups, and the creation of scandals in the media by journalists who were not burdened with funds or moral restrictions, heated up the situation in the republic.

With the deterioration of the socio-political situation, the standard of living of the population fell, the people became impoverished, and the number of rural residents. The number of unprofitable enterprises and bankrupt agricultural enterprises rapidly increased, the area under cultivation and the number of animals decreased, equipment was sold off for debts, wage arrears accumulated, and unemployment grew. The desire for the immediate administrative destruction of the previous system of planned economy and the introduction of the market with the accelerated transfer of state-owned enterprises into private hands was accompanied by a drop in production and inflation. However, life required increasing the competitiveness of manufactured products, stability and sustainability in changing conditions. It should also be noted that during the reform of the economy and agriculture of the republic, investments sharply decreased. And the main negative role in this continued to be played by the deepening political confrontation legislative and executive branches of government, Russian experience testified that rule-making activity did not always continue in the strict regulation of public order and the executive discipline of managers and governed.

By the early 1990s, in Mordovia the economic crisis had penetrated all elements of industrial and agricultural production. Crisis processes in the economy affected the social sphere and socio-political life of the republic. Against the backdrop of deepening industrial and agricultural decline, the first results of a gradual transition emerged regional economy to new conditions of economic activity.

The decline in production affected all sectors of the economy of Mordovia, but its dynamics in the main sectors varied significantly. The greatest decline occurred in the light industry of the republic. By 1990 its production volume decreased by more than 6 times. In industry building materials, mechanical engineering, forestry and woodworking industries, this figure was 60%, and the chemical and petrochemical, food industry were characterized by an almost two-fold decline in production. To the least extent, these processes affected the medical industry and the electric power industry; they retained more than 2/3 of production volume. Largest specific gravity unprofitable enterprises accounted for transport, construction, housing and communal services and the agro-industrial complex.

Recession industrial production led to major changes in the market work force. The number of people employed in the public sector has decreased, the pace of creation of cooperatives has slowed down, the number of people employed in the private sector, ancillary and household. Real unemployment has increased. In such a situation, small businesses became an important component of the republic’s economy as a potential producer of consumer goods, the potential of which by the early 1990s. just started to open up. main reason the deepening crisis of the system was that it was exhausted by the 1980s. its development potential, which was confirmed by perestroika. Undertaken under completely socialist slogans, it naturally turned into a market reform that promoted the most determined and radically minded representatives of the nomenklatura, ripe for a final break with socialism, to leadership.

Keeping it in your hands political power, the former Soviet nomenklatura, having freed itself from ideological dogmas, immediately set about transforming its social status manager of state-owned objects, into a full-fledged owner of these objects and, first of all, the most attractive and promising ones economic point vision. Komsomol leaders who were able to quickly navigate the current situation joined her. The transformations were supported by shadow workers representing an illegal, market economy by nature. accumulated by them in Soviet period They managed not only to preserve capital, but also to legalize it during the years of market reform. The most enterprising people from other countries also joined the unfolding struggle for the appropriation of objects of former state property. social strata, who widely used the only criminal methods available to them, which allowed them to accumulate capital in amounts sufficient to participate in monetary privatization and in the redistribution of property.

In such conditions, the government had no choice but to take a course towards a radical transition to the market and announce the liberalization of prices, abandoning the moderate-radical recovery of the economy. Since Russia was quite capable of the task of creating a democratic order and a normal market.

The events taking place in the Soviet Union fundamentally affected the largest party in the USSR. Despite the massive exit from the party ranks of representatives national republics, the intelligentsia and the schismatic activities of some reformers, the CPSU remained an organization capable of uniting, self-organizing and finding a way out of the crisis. But forces not interested in this led to a split in its ranks and the emergence of several socialist and communist parties. Immediately they began to play a noticeable role in the political life of the country. Communist Party RSFSR (KPRF), Russian Party of Communists (RPK) and Russian Communist Workers' Party (RCWP). The main task they wanted to strengthen the role of the state while maintaining communist ideology, but taking into account the changes that had taken place in the country. Parties of social democratic and national patriotic orientation advocated for the revival social state and national identity, differing from each other in methods and forms of implementing this.

Many parties and movements disintegrated before they had time to strengthen, others merged with others, new political groups and blocs arose, and all of them actively participated in the public life of the USSR. But at the center of the political struggle for power at the turn of the 80s and 90s, parties and blocs of communist and liberal orientation still remained, criticizing the ongoing reforms and advocating humanization and democratization of social life.

Political situation in Mordovia in initial period perestroika, as in most Volga region autonomies, remained generally stable, since it was controlled by the party and Soviet nomenklatura, which did not allow manifestations of discontent and free-thinking. Especially in economics crisis phenomena did not lead to the decentralization of its management. The administrative-command style of leadership and the planned nature of industry and agriculture in the republic allowed the economy to function stably for some time, and in some industries to increase production indicators. It was these circumstances that made it possible to maintain the political situation in the republic for some time and avoid the growing confrontation between society and the authorities throughout the country.

The first signs of free-thinking and distrust of party and Soviet authorities appeared during the campaign to nominate delegates to the XIX All-Union Party Conference in June 1988. The delegation of pre-selected delegates to the conference, as well as the sharp struggle of opinions that unfolded between supporters and opponents of perestroika on the issue of the country's development tasks, contributed to the creation of the first political discussion clubs of perestroika adherents industrial enterprises, at the university, in the republican house of political education, at the district committees of the Komsomol.

Despite their small numbers, they were the first to make an attempt to unite and organize around themselves independently thinking people. But when complete absence Due to publicity in the press, their activities went unnoticed.

Nomination of candidates for deputies of the USSR in the NPO “Power Electronics”, in February 1989. was the event from which it is customary to count the beginning of the democratic movement in Mordovia, and the Power Electronics NPO for some time became a school of democratic and public education. By the summer of 1989, together with the voters’ club of the Research Institute “Electrovypryamitel”, the already formed headquarters of the democratic movement, which rallied around several hundred people who did not agree with the official line of the leadership of the republic and in every possible way demonstrated their commitment to Gorbachev’s course towards perestroika.

Beginning of 1990 in the history of Mordovia became a turning point, a stormy wave of rallies that swept across the republic in winter and spring brought together many democrats under the slogans of “Democratic Russia”. The bloc of democrats, as the most organized, was joined by members of the “democratic initiative” and members of the historical and educational society “Memorial”.

Having united many other clubs around itself, the “Democratic Russia” movement has grown into a regional branch of an all-Russian opposition organization that stands on the platform of radical economic and political reforms. The leaders of the movement, led by V.D. Guslyannikov, waging a rally war with the authorities, expressed their demands in slogans and criticism of the actions of the regional committee and city party committee.

As a result long time there was no movement qualitative change ideology, and his revealing and anti-nomenklatura slogans gradually led to a decrease in popularity among the population and an outflow of sympathetic members. The retired activists of “DR” did not go into the shadows, but became the initiators of the formation of regional branches of parties and movements: the Social Democratic Party of Mordovia, the People’s Party, the Constitutional Democratic Party, the Democratic Party of Russia, the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia, many republican organizations of Russian parties and movements. They are not numerous in composition in their political activity were at a very low level; from them one can trace the evolution of associations that declared themselves parties, but did not correspond to this status. Torn apart by internal conflicts and undecided on ideological priorities, they often did not live up to their loud name.

Disagreements within the CPSU led to reforms in the party; endless discussions between right and left groups, supporters and opponents of reforms brought disorganization to the ranks of the communists. The Mordovian party organization was losing its influence, groups of communists began to branch off from it and create new movements and parties. Among them, the Socialist Party of Working People of Mordovia stood out for its activity.

After the ban on the CPSU, activity on the left flank decreased noticeably, but by the fall of 1991. Conferences began to unite all supporters of the socialist and communist camp. Behind a short time were formed: - The Communist Party of the Bolsheviks of Mordovia and the Mordovian organization of the Russian Communist Workers' Party, members of the bloc “For Unity and Justice”. Because of internal contradictions they did not play a special role in the political life of the republic, although they were quite large in number.

At the end of the 1980s, social forces intensified in Mordovia in defense of the national languages, culture, and identity of the Mordovian people. Important role National movements played a role in this, speaking under the slogans of ethnic revival; the initiators of their creation were mainly scientific and creative workers.

The most widespread, which for many years took a leading position among cultural and educational societies, was the “Mastorava” society. Starting 1989 In their activities with national problems, issues of language preservation and cultural development, the leaders of the movement consciously emphasized the non-political nature of the association. Already in 1990 “Mastorava” began to participate in all democratic rallies, but could not take a leading position in the democratic movement of the republic due to its poor organization and disunity.

However, in a short time, on the initiative of “Mastorava”, the faculty of national culture of the university, the national theater, the national - Cultural Center, exhibitions and national festivals were held, works began to be published in national languages, ties with the Mordovian diaspora have noticeably strengthened.

The concerns of the leaders of “Mastorava” in matters of state sovereignty of the republic, Moksha-Erzya relations, and economic concept were formulated in program documents society and decisions of three congresses of the Mordovian people (1992; 1995; 1999)

The socio-political associations “Vaigel”, “Od Viy”, “Beyond” branches of “Mastorava”, “Union of Revival of Erzyans and Mokshans” were also involved in scientific and educational activities to promote Mordovian languages, literature, culture, education, and maintain close ties with fellow countrymen. . Despite their number, they were small in number and did not have any real influence on the activities of the national movement.

Did not remain aloof from national movements and public association Tatars of Mordovia “Yaktashlar”, it also declared cultural and educational goals, demonstrated its loyalty to the authorities, and advocated contacts with all political parties and movements. Society supported good relations with the Tatar movement outside Mordovia and was an example of restraint and understanding of existing republican problems.

The Russian creative and humanitarian intelligentsia was the last to join the social and political life of Mordovia. Not participating in “Democratic Russia” and for a long time Russian intellectuals who remained out of politics in 1992 formed the Republican Society of Russian Culture “Rus”, which declared the revival of Russian culture, national identity and took a confrontational position in relation to “Mastorava” on most issues. The appearance of “Rus” in the political arena of the republic was a response to calls from some national figures for the sovereignty of Mordovia and recognition of privileged rights for the Mordovian people.

By 1993 There were already several dozen parties and movements registered in the republic that were part of blocs and associations; most of them had no ideological difference in their programs. Small parties joined larger ones or created blocs. National movements also came to naught and were busy resolving cultural and educational issues.

By 1997 In the Republic of Mordovia, 49 political parties and social movements were registered, including national ones:

- “Od Viy”, “Weigel”, Mordovian Society native word, Foundation for Saving the Erzyan Language named after. A.P. Ryabova, Council for the Revival of the Mordovian People, associations of Erzya and Moksha women - “Erzyava” and “Yurtava”.

As of 2001, about 300 associations and foundations were registered in Mordovia, of which 3 were women’s, 9 were medical, 19 were youth, 4 were research, 2 were educational, 3 were veterans of wars, labor, the armed forces, 4 assistance to families and children, 11-national.

In accordance with Federal law“On political parties” as of January 1, 2007. registered 23 regional branches political parties of the Republic of Mordovia, the total number of members is just over 40 thousand. The most massive of them is “ United Russia" - about 21 thousand members, it also plays a leading role in the socio-political life of the republic. Some parties that play a prominent role in Russia (SPS, LDPR, Yabloko, Communist Party of the Russian Federation, A Just Russia) are represented insignificantly in the republic and have no influence on the political and economic situation do not provide.

In general, the socio-political life of the republic is characterized by relatively competition during elections to all levels of government, and being in opposition to the authorities and the ruling party, a correct and civilized debate. Against the background of the general passivity of the population, the activities of some parties and movements calling for protests are not successful. An undoubted advantage in the development of parties and movements at present is the creation with them and active work youth organizations. Conducting youth policy they educate their reserve and thus guarantee their continued existence and development in the conditions of modern democracy and pluralism of opinions.

The collapse of the USSR, formalized by the Belovezhskaya Agreement between the leaders of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, is one of the most significant events in the world history of the 20th century. This is perhaps the only assessment that is accepted by most historians and politicians. All other issues related to the analysis of the causes and significance of the collapse of the USSR remain the subject of heated debate. Now that the frenzy of perestroika has subsided, it should be noted that the obvious is that the collapse of the USSR led to the emergence of independent sovereign states, and the geopolitical situation in Europe and throughout the world has radically changed. The severance of economic ties became one of the main reasons for the deep economic crisis in Russia and other countries - the heirs of the USSR. Arose serious problems, related to the fate of Russians who remained outside of Russia, and national minorities in general. The process of becoming new Russian statehood began with the adoption by the Supreme Council of the RSFSR of the Declaration on the Sovereignty of Russia (1990) and the elections of the first Russian President(June 12, 1991). With the collapse of the USSR (December 1991), the status of the Russian Federation as an independent sovereign state became a legal and factual reality. The period of formation of Russian statehood ended on December 12, 1993, when the Constitution of the Russian Federation was adopted in a national referendum and the Soviet political system was finally dismantled. The birth of the modern Russian state was a dramatic, extremely painful and complex process.

The process of the collapse of the USSR was initiated from within and without, as evidenced by numerous materials. Long years, throughout cold war, plans were being developed in the United States to destroy the Soviet Union. For this purpose, huge amounts of money were spent, nuclear arsenals were created, radio stations were financed in third countries, and so on. And now comes “Perestroika”, “New Thinking”, “Glasnost”, the Soviet Union becomes more open to the world and faces economic difficulties while implementing socio-political changes.

Perestroika revealed many people, the so-called fifth column, who gathered people around them in squares and parks and raised discussions about the horrors of the Soviet system and the terrible state of the country. Mass demonstrations that took place throughout the country at that time were aimed at destroying the ideological foundations of Soviet society. These demonstrations were anti-communist and anti-Soviet, with the same ideological orientation. Each such demonstration had its own organizer; it has been proven that most of these demonstrations were organized thanks to someone else's financial support.

In addition to speeches on the streets, the entire press was inundated with negative information about the Soviet system. The image of a terrible Motherland and a wonderful foreign country appears in the press.

It was noticed that performances on the streets, publications in the press and the meaning of many cultural works had all the signs of PR campaigns and the same information orientation. This is a criticism of the Soviet political and ideological system, the Soviet Union in general, the creation negative image Soviet country, and a positive image abroad. Such the same direction of action various factors explained only by guidance from single center. In other words, there was an information attack on our country . And this attack yielded results, the composition internal environment was changed, and signs of a falling apart country began to appear throughout the country.

The United States of its foreign policy supported the appearance of such signs. They were among the first to recognize the independence of the Baltic countries and supported separatism within Russia. It is safe to say that the United States was the leading force in organizing the information attack on the CCCP. The collapse of the USSR was the first example in world history when one state managed to destroy a second state without resorting to military force. This example shows how destructive political technologies can be.

In this work I have made an attempt to trace the complex and controversial history perestroika and collapse of the USSR. Russian state During the twentieth century, it experienced two turning points. The first period is October 1917, when the balance of power in society and the state changes and the Bolsheviks come to power. The second was the time of the August 1991 coup, when the Soviet system, created over 70 years, collapsed.

The collapse of the USSR was a consequence of mistakes in ruling environment and impact external factors. Throughout the history of the Soviet state, attempts were made to reform the socialist system, but all reforms were unfinished. In society, there was a gradual alienation of the people from power; it had no social support. Even extremely moderate, evolutionary reforms were opposed real forces, old relations of production, the established management apparatus, ossified economic thinking.

The reforms were doomed for another reason. Transformations in the country's economy were not supported by changes in the political and social spheres, the vast majority of resources were directed to the development of the military-industrial complex.

Although it was necessary to develop high-tech industries, invest in the field computer technology. Instead, there was an exorbitant development of heavy industry. In the field of foreign policy, the USSR spent enormous amounts of money on wars. Waging the Cold War took enormous amounts of money, and the United States set its goal to exhaust the Soviet Union with a large-scale arms race.

Attempts by the leadership of the USSR to make the bureaucratic system more effective without significant structural changes, to increase demands and control, and to fight certain vices did not bring the country out of crisis. .

Perestroika was protracted, painful and ended, having virtually exhausted itself, revealing the fact that the administrative-command system is not amenable to reform.

The collapse of the Soviet system was inevitable, since while maintaining the foundations of the old system, the democratization of old power institutions was reduced only to replacing them with seemingly new, but authoritarian institutions. The democratic Gorbachev regime was never able to overcome internal conflict with the remaining foundations of the previous political system.

All of the above does not detract from the significance of the restructuring that took place. The greatness and at the same time tragedy of perestroika will be appreciated and studied over time. Ultimately, this was yet another attempt at a breakthrough, carried out by unusual and therefore ineffective methods.

History of the State of the Soviet Union Socialist Republics ended. The numerous reasons for the death of the mighty country are just becoming the subject of study by historians. Humanity does not know another example of the death of a superpower without external military intervention. Utopia has come to an end, because the very attempt to create ideal state was doomed from the start. Many scientists and historians predicted the terrible price that would have to be paid years later for the experiment begun in Russia.

It is naive to believe that Gorbachev or those leaders who gathered in December 1991. V Belovezhskaya Pushcha, predetermined the collapse of the USSR. The political system has outlived its usefulness. This conclusion was made before 1991. And the fact that this outcome was unexpected for many only confirms the importance of studying the history of the country.

In my work, I tried to trace the process of radical changes in the socio-political life of the Soviet Union and partly the process of political reforms in Mordovia. The restructuring of the system and institutions of power went through several stages of political and economic reform, each of which was studied in this work

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Periodicals

USSR in 1985-1991 Perestroika.

In March 1985 Secretary General The Central Committee of the CPSU was elected M.S. Gorbachev. He became the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council A.A. Gromyko, Chairman of the Council of Ministers - N.I. Ryzhkov. At the April Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee, impetus was given to the beginning perestroika- a course was proclaimed to accelerate the socio-economic development of the country. Political reforms were not planned. It was only intended to correct certain “defects” of socialism. To achieve this, the new leadership announced a policy publicity, with the help of which he hoped to secure support for himself in society. However, it quickly became clear that perestroika was impossible without political changes. In January 1987, the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee put forward the task of democratizing public life. The main slogan of those years was “a return to Leninist norms.” The essence and depth of the crisis in the political system of the USSR was not yet realized.

Glasnost stimulated the growth of political activity of the people, the desire to rethink their past and present. The first public organizations and movements appeared highest form which became Popular Fronts in the Baltic states and a number of other republics. Since the end of 1987, symptoms of political disengagement and consolidation of opposing forces began to appear.

In June 1988 it took place XIX Conference of the CPSU, at which, for the first time in the Soviet period, the question of the need for deep reform of the political system was raised, since the roots were hidden there braking mechanism development of the country. The decisions of the party conference provided for combining certain elements with “socialist values”, including one-party system Western democracies. For example, a policy was proclaimed to create rule of law, partly - parliamentarism, to create alternative electoral system to state authorities. The Soviets were planned to be democratized and used as a new “engine” of perestroika.

The measures outlined by the conference were implemented in 1989. Elections were held in the spring, and in May the I Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR. It clearly showed polarization political forces. Deputies who advocated democratic reforms united to the Interregional Deputy Group(MDG), representatives of the communist nomenklatura - to the group "Union" who fought for the consolidation of the republics on conservative principles.

In March 1990, at the III Congress of People's Deputies, he was elected president USSR M.S. Gorbachev. At the same time, he continued to be the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

The spring of 1990 was marked by elections to the highest bodies of state power in the union republics. During them, political life became even more intensified, and a new generation of politicians came to the fore. The activity was particularly popular B.N. Yeltsin. He won the elections of people's deputies of the USSR and the RSFSR by a significant margin, then was elected Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, and on June 12, 1991 - the first president Russia.

The most important event political life was the weakening of the CPSU. At the III Congress of People's Deputies, a decision was made to abolish 6th article of the USSR Constitution, consolidating the leading role of the CPSU in society. This was the impetus for the creation multi-party system in the country. The emergence of new parties testified to the crisis of communist ideology and the deep division of society. Formed and organized democratic opposition authorities. Within the CPSU itself, groups and “platforms” were formed - “Democratic”, “Marxist”, etc. Each proposed its own version of reforms. In 1990, the Communist Party of the RSFSR was created, whose leadership opposed the reforms. This alienated the population from her.

In July 1990, the XVIII Congress of the CPSU took place, the decisions of which no longer mattered for the country. Democratic-minded members began to leave the party. The activities of the Komsomol and pioneer organization. This pushed the strengthened conservative wing of the CPSU to active actions. In August 1991, they tried to isolate Gorbachev and seize power. After the failure of this attempt, the CPSU virtually ceased to exist. As it turned out, the party really was the supporting pillar of the political system of the USSR, and with its ban, this system was doomed. In the autumn-winter of 1991, all political institutions And power structures THE USSR.