By the evening of February 27, almost the entire composition of the Petrograd garrison - about 160 thousand people - went over to the side of the rebels. The commander of the Petrograd Military District, General Khabalov, is forced to inform Nicholas II: “Please report to His Imperial Majesty that I could not fulfill the order to restore order in the capital. Most of the units, one after another, betrayed their duty, refusing to fight against the rebels.”
The idea of a “cartel expedition”, which provided for the removal of hotels from the front, also had no continuation. military units and sending them to rebellious Petrograd. All this threatened to result in a civil war with unpredictable consequences.
Acting in the spirit of revolutionary traditions, the rebels released from prison not only political prisoners, but also criminals. At first they easily overcame the resistance of the Kresty guards, and then took Peter and Paul Fortress.
The uncontrollable and motley revolutionary masses, not disdaining murders and robberies, plunged the city into chaos.
On February 27, at approximately 2 o'clock in the afternoon, soldiers occupied the Tauride Palace. The State Duma found itself in a dual position: on the one hand, according to the emperor’s decree, it should have dissolved itself, but on the other, the pressure of the rebels and the actual anarchy forced it to take some action. The compromise solution was a meeting under the guise of a “private meeting.”
As a result, a decision was made to form a government body - the Temporary Committee.
Later, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government P. N. Milyukov recalled:
"Intervention State Duma gave the street and military movement a center, gave it a banner and a slogan, and thereby turned the uprising into a revolution, which ended with the overthrow of the old regime and dynasty.”
The revolutionary movement grew more and more. Soldiers seize the Arsenal, the Main Post Office, the telegraph office, bridges and train stations. Petrograd found itself completely in the power of the rebels. The real tragedy took place in Kronstadt, which was overwhelmed by a wave of lynching that resulted in the murder of more than a hundred officers of the Baltic Fleet.
On March 1, the chief of staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Alekseev, in a letter begs the emperor “for the sake of saving Russia and the dynasty, put at the head of the government a person whom Russia would trust.”
Nicholas states that by giving rights to others, he deprives himself of the power given to them by God. The possibility of peaceful transformation of the country into constitutional monarchy was already missed.
After the abdication of Nicholas II on March 2, a dual power actually developed in the state. Official power was in the hands of the Provisional Government, but real power belonged to the Petrograd Soviet, which controlled the troops, railways, post office and telegraph.
Colonel Mordvinov, who was on the royal train at the time of his abdication, recalled Nikolai’s plans to move to Livadia. “Your Majesty, go abroad as soon as possible. “Under current conditions, even in Crimea there is no way to live,” Mordvinov tried to convince the tsar. "No way. I wouldn’t like to leave Russia, I love it too much,” Nikolai objected.
Leon Trotsky noted that the February uprising was spontaneous:
“No one outlined the path for a coup in advance, no one from above called for an uprising. The indignation that had accumulated over the years broke out largely unexpectedly for the masses themselves.”
However, Miliukov insists in his memoirs that the coup was planned soon after the start of the war and before “the army was supposed to go on the offensive, the results of which would radically stop all hints of discontent and would cause an explosion of patriotism and jubilation in the country.” “History will curse the leaders of the so-called proletarians, but it will also curse us, who caused the storm,” wrote the former minister.
British historian Richard Pipes calls the actions of the tsarist government during the February uprising “fatal weakness of will,” noting that “the Bolsheviks in such circumstances did not hesitate to shoot.”
Although the February Revolution is called “bloodless,” it nevertheless claimed the lives of thousands of soldiers and civilians. In Petrograd alone, more than 300 people died and 1,200 were injured.
February Revolution began an irreversible process of collapse of the empire and decentralization of power, accompanied by the activity of separatist movements.
Poland and Finland demanded independence, Siberia started talking about independence, and the Central Rada formed in Kyiv proclaimed “autonomous Ukraine.”
The events of February 1917 allowed the Bolsheviks to emerge from underground. Thanks to the amnesty declared by the Provisional Government, dozens of revolutionaries returned from exile and political exile, who were already hatching plans for a new coup d'etat.
At the beginning of 1917, disruptions in food supplies to the big cities Russia. By mid-February, 90 thousand Petrograd workers went on strike due to bread shortages, speculation and rising prices. On February 18, workers joined them Putilovsky plant. The administration announced its closure. This was the reason for the start of mass protests in the capital.
On February 23, International Women's Day (according to the new calendar, this is March 8), workers took to the streets of Petrograd with the slogans “Bread!”, “Down with war!”, “Down with autocracy!” Their Political Demonstration marked the beginning of the revolution.
On February 25, the strike in Petrograd became general. Demonstrations and rallies did not stop. On the evening of February 25, Nicholas II from Headquarters, located in Mogilev, sent a telegram to the commander of the Petrograd Military District, S.S. Khabalov, with a categorical demand to stop the unrest. Attempts by the authorities to use troops positive effect they didn’t give it, the soldiers refused to shoot at the people. However, officers and police killed more than 150 people on February 26th. In response, the guards of the Pavlovsk regiment, supporting the workers, opened fire on the police.
Chairman of the Duma M.V. Rodzianko warned Nicholas II that the government was paralyzed and “there is anarchy in the capital.” To prevent the development of the revolution, he insisted on the immediate creation of a new government led by statesman enjoying the trust of society. However, the king rejected his proposal. Moreover, he and the Council of Ministers decided to interrupt the meetings of the Duma and dissolve it for the holidays. The moment for the peaceful, evolutionary transformation of the country into a constitutional monarchy was missed. Nicholas II sent troops from Headquarters to suppress the revolution, but a small detachment of General N.I. Ivanov was detained near Gatchina by rebel railway workers and soldiers and was not allowed into the capital.
On February 27, the mass transition of soldiers to the side of the workers, their seizure of the arsenal and the Peter and Paul Fortress, marked the victory of the revolution. The arrests of tsarist ministers and the formation of new government bodies began.
On the same day, in factories and military units, based on the experience of 1905, when the first organs were born political power workers, elections were held to the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. An Executive Committee was elected to manage its activities. The Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze became the chairman, and the Socialist Revolutionary A. F. Kerensky became his deputy. The Executive Committee took upon itself the maintenance public order and food supply to the population. The Petrograd Soviet was new uniform socio-political organization. He relied on the support of the masses who owned weapons, and his political role was very big.
On March 1, the Petrograd Soviet issued “Order No. 1” on the democratization of the army. Soldiers were given equal civil rights with officers, rough treatment of lower ranks was prohibited, and traditional forms army chain of command. Soldiers' committees were legalized. The election of commanders was introduced. In the army it was allowed to conduct political activity. The Petrograd garrison was subordinate to the Council and was obliged to carry out only its orders.
In February, at a meeting of leaders of Duma factions, it was decided to form a Provisional Committee of the State Duma, headed by M. V. Rodzianko. The task of the committee was “restoration of state and public order” and the creation of a new government. The temporary committee took control of all ministries.
February Nicholas II left Headquarters for Tsarskoe Selo, but was detained on the way by revolutionary troops. He had to turn to Pskov, to the headquarters Northern Front. After consultations with the front commanders, he became convinced that there were no forces to suppress the revolution. On March 2, Nicholas signed a Manifesto abdicating the throne for himself and his son Alexei in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. However, when Duma deputies A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin brought the text of the Manifesto to Petrograd, it became clear that the people did not want a monarchy. On March 3, Michael abdicated the throne, declaring that future fate political system in Russia must be decided by the Constituent Assembly. The 300-year reign of the House of Romanov ended. Autocracy in Russia finally fell. It was main result revolution.
On March 2, after negotiations between representatives of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, the Provisional Government was formed. Prince G. E. Lvov became the chairman and minister of internal affairs, cadet P. N. Milyukov became the minister of foreign affairs, the Octobrist D. I. Guchkov became the military and naval minister, and the progressive A. I. Konovalov became the minister of trade and industry. From the “left” of the party, the Socialist Revolutionary A.F. Kerensky entered the government, receiving the portfolio of Minister of Justice. The Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leadership of the Petrograd Soviet considered the revolution to be bourgeois. Therefore, it did not strive to take all the fullness state power and took a position of support for the Provisional Government. A dual power system emerged in Russia.
The reasons that provoked this revolution were political, economic and ideological in nature.
Remnants of serfdom, namely, autocracy and landownership, hampered development capitalist relations. This caused the country to lag behind advanced powers in all areas economic activity. This lag became especially acute and obvious during Russia’s participation in the First World War, which became the catalyst for a vast economic crisis, which affected all areas of production and led to the complete collapse of agriculture. All this, along with a severe financial crisis, led to the impoverishment of the masses, which, in turn, led to an increase in the strike movement and the number of peasant unrest.
Economic difficulties and, especially, Russia's failures in the war provoked an acute crisis of power. Everyone was dissatisfied with the reign of Tsar Nicholas II. Corruption, which affected the entire administrative apparatus from top to bottom, caused acute discontent among the bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia. Anti-war sentiment grew in the army and navy.
The decline in the authority of Nicholas II was facilitated by the continuous change of government members, most of whom were unable to solve pressing problems in leading the country out of the protracted crisis. Appearance in royal entourage personalities like Rasputin also discredited the monarchy in the eyes of the entire population of the country.
All this was aggravated by the growth of the national liberation struggle of the peoples who made up the national outskirts of Russia.
Move
The beginning of 1917 was marked by widespread interruptions in food supplies. There was not enough bread, prices were rising, and along with them, the discontent of the masses was growing. In February, Petrograd was engulfed in “bread” riots - crowds of desperate dissatisfied people bread shops were destroyed. February 23, Art. Art. Petrograd workers went on a general strike, demanding bread, an end to the war and the overthrow of the autocracy. They were joined by students, office workers, artisans and peasants. The strike movement spread to both capitals and many other cities in the country.
The tsarist government responded to these unrest by dissolving the Duma for two months and mass arrests of activists revolutionary movement and the shooting of demonstrators. All this only added fuel to the fire. In addition, the military began to join the strikers. On February 28, power in Petrograd passed to the strikers. Duma deputies formed a Provisional Committee to restore order. At the same time, an alternative government body was elected - the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet. The next night, these structures jointly created the Provisional Government.
The next day was marked by the king's abdication of power in favor of his younger brother, who, in turn, also signed an abdication, transferring power to the Provisional Government, instructing it to choose members of the Constituent Assembly. A manifesto about this was published on March 4.
Power, therefore, was, on the one hand, in the hands of the Provisional Government, on the other, in the hands of the Petrograd Soviet, which invited the rebels to send their delegates to it. The situation, called “dual power” in history textbooks, subsequently developed into anarchy. Constant disagreements between these structures, prolongation of the war and necessary reforms exacerbated the crisis in the country...
Results of the February Revolution of 1917
The primary result of this event was the overthrow of the monarchy and the proclamation of political rights and freedoms.
The revolution abolished inequality along class, national and religious lines, the death penalty, courts-martial and a ban on political organizations.
An amnesty was granted to political prisoners, and the working day was reduced to eight hours.
However, many pressing issues remained unresolved, which led to a further increase in the discontent of the popular masses.
The publication was prepared within the framework of the project “Russian Revolution: Lessons from History”*
February 1917 was a turning point in the history of Russia, when every day brought new shocks
Since according to Gregorian calendar This date corresponds to March 8, when International Women's Day was celebrated. At 9:00, the first to take to the streets of Petrograd were the workers of the Vyborg side - the Nevka paper spinning factory and the Sampsonievskaya paper spinning mill. Workers from nearby enterprises and women standing in lines for bread began to join them. This protest action did not surprise anyone. Artist Alexander Benois wrote in his diary: “On Vyborg side There were big riots due to grain difficulties (one must only be surprised that they have not happened yet!).”
People stand in line for bread. Petrograd, 1917 / RIA Novosti
Rallies began in other areas of Petrograd. According to the historian's calculations Igor Leiberov, on February 23, 128,388 people from 49 enterprises took part in the protests, which accounted for 32.6% of total number capital workers. With slogans “Bread!” and “Down with war!” demonstrators rushed into the city center, which was prevented by the police. By 16:00, some of the workers, in groups on the ice of the river or individually across bridges, finally reached the center of Petrograd, where the protesters were met by reinforced detachments of mounted police and Cossacks.
According to police reports, at about 18:00 “the crowd, heading along Suvorovsky Prospekt to Nevsky, pursued by a foot police squad sent from the station, managed to break 8 glasses in 3 stores along the way and take 5 keys from the carriage drivers.” At this time, in the mechanical workshop of the Franco-Russian plant, “workers from all departments, numbering 3,000 people, gathered and staged a rally.” “The speakers spoke mainly about the lack of bread, speeches were made both for and against the war, as well as for and against the riots. Final decision The question of the speech was postponed, and the workers calmly dispersed,” the police recorded.
Late in the evening, a meeting of the military and police authorities of Petrograd was held in the city administration building, chaired by the commander of the Petrograd Military District, Lieutenant General Sergei Khabalov. Having discussed the report of the mayor of Petrograd, Major General Alexandra Balka Based on the events of the day, the members of the meeting decided to transfer responsibility for order in the capital to the military from February 24.
On the same day at a meeting of the State Duma, a Menshevik deputy Matvey Skobelev stated: “These unfortunate half-starved children and their mothers, wives, housewives, for more than two years resignedly, humbly standing at the doors of the shops and waiting for bread, finally lost patience and, perhaps helplessly and still hopelessly, went out peacefully into the street and They cry hopelessly: bread and bread. And behind them are their husbands, workers, who Lately, going to the factory early in the morning, they cannot stock up on a miserable crumb of bread.” Soon deprived of the word by Duma Chairman Mikhail Rodzianko, Skobelev made a reminder that became a prophecy: “We know in history cases when the government, having completely decomposed the country, forced the population to starve, and the indignant population cruelly punished those who starved the population.”
The number of strikers exceeded 160 thousand people. The demonstrations also became more crowded. The process took on an avalanche-like character. At the Mariinsky Palace, chaired by Prime Minister Prince Nikolai Golitsyn A meeting was held on the issue of food supply to Petrograd. Having found out that the capital had a reserve of 460 thousand pounds of rye and wheat flour and the supply of food was proceeding as usual, the meeting gave control over the distribution of bread to the City Duma. Khabalov tried to reassure the residents of Petrograd by publishing an announcement that there was enough bread in the city and the supply of flour was being carried out without interruption.
Znamenskaya Square during the days of the February Revolution. 1917
The strike covered 240 thousand workers. At about 10:00, at the corner of Finsky Lane and Nizhegorodskaya Street, a hundred Cossacks and a platoon of dragoons blocked the way for a crowd of workers. “Police Chief Shalfeev came there with a detachment of mounted police of 10 people,” Major General wrote in his memoirs Alexander Spiridovich. - Having approached the crowd, he began to persuade the workers to disperse. The Cossacks and dragoons left. The crowd understood this as the reluctance of the troops to work with the police and rushed at Shalfeev. He was pulled from his horse, seriously wounded with an iron and beaten. The police squad rushing to the rescue was crushed. There were single shots from both sides. They threw stones and pieces of iron at the police. The squads arrived in time and finally dispersed the crowd. Shalfeyev was taken to the hospital in an unconscious state.” At 17:20, as noted in the reports Security department, y Gostiny Dvor“a mixed detachment of the 9th Reserve Cavalry Regiment and a platoon of the Life Guards Preobrazhensky Regiment opened fire on the crowd of demonstrators.” During the dispersal of the rally on Znamenskaya Square, several dozen people were killed and wounded. Shots were fired at demonstrators on Sadovaya Street, Liteiny and Vladimirsky Avenues. At about 21:00, Nicholas II gave an order from Headquarters to Khabalov: “I command you to stop riots in the capital tomorrow, which are unacceptable in hard times wars with Germany and Austria."
On the same day in the evening the Minister of Internal Affairs Alexander Protopopov sent a telegram to Headquarters summarizing the events three days. “The rumors that suddenly spread in Petrograd about the upcoming supposed limitation of the daily supply of baked bread for adults by a pound, and for minors by half the amount, caused an increased purchase of bread by the public, obviously in reserve, which is why there was not enough bread for part of the population,” the minister reported. - On this basis, on February 23, a strike broke out in the capital, accompanied by street riots.
Alexander Protopopov
The first day about 90 thousand workers went on strike, the second - up to 160 thousand, today - about 200 thousand. Street unrest is expressed in demonstrative processions, some with red flags, destruction of shops in some areas, partial cessation of tram traffic by strikers, and clashes with the police.<…>More serious disturbances took place near the Emperor's monument this afternoon Alexander III on Znamenskaya Square, where bailiff Krylov was killed. The movement is of an unorganized, spontaneous nature; along with excesses of an anti-government nature, rioters in some places greet the troops. Energetic measures are being taken by the military authorities to stop further unrest.”
In the morning, residents of the capital read an announcement posted around the city signed by Khabalov: “ Last days In Petrograd, riots occurred, accompanied by violence and attacks on the lives of military and police officials. I prohibit any gathering on the streets. I preface the population of Petrograd that I have confirmed to the troops to use weapons, stopping at nothing to restore order in the capital.”
From the very morning, bridges, streets, and alleys leading from working-class neighborhoods to the city center were occupied by reinforced police and military units. During the day, demonstrators were fired upon near the Kazan Cathedral. The number of dead and wounded reached dozens. However, not everyone was ready to shoot at the people. In the afternoon, the 4th company of the reserve battalion of the Pavlovsky Life Guards Regiment refused to open fire on the demonstrators and fired at the police, according to Khabalov’s order, “stopping at nothing to restore order.” The Preobrazhensky soldiers who arrived soon surrounded and arrested the company soldiers, and 19 of the instigators were sent to the Peter and Paul Fortress.
Despite this incident, the events of the day suggested that, on the whole, the government was managing to control the situation in the capital. According to the cadet Vladimir Nabokov, “On the evening of the 26th we were far from thinking that the next two or three days would bring with them such colossal, decisive events of world-historical significance."
Late in the evening, during a government meeting in Prince Golitsyn’s apartment, the majority of ministers spoke in favor of dissolving the State Duma, within the walls of which flowed an endless stream of criticism against the authorities. Golitsyn entered the date on the form of the tsar’s decree specially left to him by the emperor to terminate Duma meetings. Its chairman was notified of the dissolution of the Duma. Mikhail Rodzianko I learned that on the basis of Art. 99 Basic state laws Russian Empire Nicholas II dissolved the State Duma and the State Council, setting a date for resuming their work in April “depending on emergency circumstances.”
In the same day Mikhail Rodzianko exaggerated his colors in a telegram to the emperor: “There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed. Transport of food and fuel was in complete disarray. Public discontent is growing. There is indiscriminate shooting in the streets. Troop units shoot at each other. It is necessary to immediately entrust a person enjoying the confidence of the country to form a new government.”
Mikhail Rodzianko
The Chairman of the Duma sent another telegram to the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief General Mikhail Alekseev, where he declared “necessary and the only way out from the existing situation there is an urgent calling for a person in whom the whole country can trust and who will be entrusted with the task of forming a government enjoying the confidence of the entire population.”
The order to shoot at demonstrators caused discontent among the soldiers and unrest in many parts of the capital's garrison, especially in the reserve battalions of the guard regiments. In the morning, the training team of the Life Guards Volyn Regiment rebelled. “It is interesting that in 1905–1907 this regiment had a reputation as one of the most conservative regiments of the guard: for brutal reprisals against rioters, the Volynians received the reputation of Black Hundreds,” notes the historian Oleg Airapetov. - Now unrest began in his training team, which the day before fired at demonstrators several times. Its soldiers and non-commissioned officers were clearly unhappy with the role they had to play on the streets of Petrograd. Staff Captain Lashkevich, who arrived at the regiment, formed a training team in the barracks and greeted them. There was no answer. Even the right-flank non-commissioned officers did not greet the commander. Lashkevich went down the stairs and went out onto the parade ground, heading to the regimental office. Then a shot was fired from the windows of the training team - the officer was killed on the spot. After this, the soldiers no longer had a choice. Armed, they went out into the street, dragging the rest with them.”
The Volyn residents headed to the barracks of the Preobrazhensky and Lithuanian regiments. Soon they were joined by demonstrators and soldiers from other units of the garrison, including the 6th reserve engineer battalion. The movement grew like a snowball. Smashing the police stations they met along the way, the crowd reached the Kresta prison, broke into it and freed the prisoners - both political and criminals. They all rushed to the Tauride Palace. Deputies of the Duma, which had been dissolved the day before, had been there since 11:00.
Cadet Leader Pavel Milyukov recalled that day: “From the evening, members of the seigneurial convention knew that a decree had been received to adjourn the sessions of the State Duma.<…>The meeting took place as planned: the decree was read in complete silence from the deputies and isolated shouts from the right.<…>But what next? You can’t disperse in silence - after a silent meeting! Members of the Duma, without prior agreement, moved from the meeting room to the adjacent semi-circular hall. This was neither a meeting of the Duma, which had just closed, nor a meeting of any of its commissions. It was a private meeting of Duma members.”
Life Guards Volyn Regiment was the first to go over to the side of the revolution
The debate there was heated. sounded different offers, including not to disperse and to declare the Duma Constituent Assembly. As a result, they decided to elect a Provisional Committee of the State Duma to “establish order in the city of Petrograd and to communicate with institutions and individuals.” As Miliukov later admitted, this decision partly predetermined the composition of the Provisional Government.
In turn, at 13:15 the Minister of War Mikhail Belyaev telegram notified Headquarters: “Started in the morning in several military units unrest is firmly and energetically suppressed by the companies and battalions that remain faithful to their duty. Now it has not yet been possible to suppress the rebellion, but I am firmly confident in the imminent onset of calm, to achieve which merciless measures are being taken. The authorities remain completely calm."
Belyaev was clearly wishful thinking, misinforming the emperor. Deputy of the Fourth State Duma Vasily Shulgin subsequently wrote about this day: “The point was that in all this huge city it was impossible to find several hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities... And that’s not even the point... The point was that the authorities did not sympathize with themselves...<…>The class of former rulers was fading away... None of them was able to slam their fist on the table... Where did Stolypin’s famous “you won’t be intimidated” go?”
Belyaev was not capable of this either. At 19:22, he reported to Headquarters that the “military mutiny” he had “has not yet been able to be extinguished by the few units remaining faithful to duty,” and asked for the urgent dispatch to the capital of “really reliable units, and in sufficient numbers, for simultaneous actions in various parts cities".
Badge of the Volyn Regiment of the Provisional Government period
While the Duma, at a private meeting from a circle of deputies, was creating a body of new power, the socialists liberated from Kresty and the soldiers and workers who came with them appeared at the Tauride Palace at about 14:00. Nikolay Sukhanov, a non-factional Social Democrat, later testified: “Soldiers actually broke into the palace in increasing numbers and more. They gathered in heaps, spread through the halls, like sheep without a shepherd, and filled the palace. There were no shepherds." At the same time, they “flocked to large number Petersburg public figures of various classes, ranks, calibers and specialties,” among which there were plenty of applicants for the role of “shepherds.” Initiative group led by a Menshevik Nikolai Chkheidze announced the creation of the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies (Petrosovet). The Executive Committee appealed to the workers to immediately elect deputies to the Petrograd Soviet - one per thousand. At the suggestion of the Bolshevik Vyacheslav Molotov, it was decided to contact parts of the capital’s garrison with a proposal to send their representatives to the Petrograd Soviet - one from a company.
At 16:00, the last meeting of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Empire began in the Mariinsky Palace.
And at 21:00 the non-factional Social Democrat Nikolay Sokolov opened the first meeting of the Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies, which included representatives socialist parties, trade unions, and non-party workers and soldiers. On general meeting The Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet was elected, headed by Chkheidze. He, like the leader of the Duma Trudovik faction who became his deputy, Alexander Kerensky, by that time was already a member of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma.
Thus, in one day, two authorities arose within the walls of the Tauride Palace, the relations between which still had to be streamlined. Alexander Shlyapnikov, then a member of the Bolshevik Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP, recalled: “From the first day the occupation of the Tauride Palace by troops and the Council of Workers’ Deputies happened territorial division buildings and premises of the former State Duma. One half of the palace, to the right of the entrance, including the buffet, Catherine's Hall and rooms on both sides Great Hall meetings, was engaged Executive Committee Council, its bodies and party organizations. The left part of the Tauride Palace, the library, the offices of the chairman and other services of the State Duma were at the disposal of the Provisional Committee.”
Meanwhile, around 20:00 in Mariinsky Palace arrived Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich and Mikhail Rodzianko. Together with Golitsyn, Rodzianko began to persuade the emperor’s younger brother to declare himself regent and appoint the prince as head of government Georgy Lvov. Mikhail Alexandrovich refused, demanding that Headquarters be notified about this conversation. Having contacted General Alekseev via direct wire, he asked to report Nicholas II, that the only way out of this situation is the creation of a “responsible ministry” headed by Georgy Lvov. While Alekseev reported this to the emperor, the Grand Duke was waiting for an answer from the apparatus. According to the testimony of the Quartermaster General of Headquarters Alexander Lukomsky, “the sovereign listened and told the chief of staff to tell the Grand Duke that the sovereign thanks him for his advice, but that he himself knows what to do.”
In stating this, Nicholas II was unlikely to have information that the Chairman of the State Council was arrested on that day Ivan Shcheglovitova, killed the head of the Petrograd provincial gendarmerie department Ivan Volkova, they plundered and set fire to the building of the Security Department and lowered the imperial standard from the Winter Palace.
On the night of February 28, an appeal “To the population of Russia” was drawn up by the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, in which it stated that “with harsh conditions internal devastation caused by the measures of the old government, found himself forced to take into his own hands the restoration of state and social order.”
On February 27, the old government in the capital collapsed, and the contours of a new one emerged. Further development events and their outcome largely depended on Nicholas II, who had already lost Petrograd, but not all of Russia.
On the same day at 12:40 Mikhail Rodzianko telegraphed to Headquarters: “The sessions of the State Duma have been interrupted by Your Majesty’s decree until April. Last stronghold order has been eliminated. The government is completely powerless to suppress the disorder. There is no hope for the garrison troops. The reserve battalions of the guard regiments are in revolt. Officers are being killed. Having joined the crowd and the popular movement, they head to the house of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the State Duma. Civil War has begun and is growing. Order to immediately call on a new government on the principles I conveyed to Your Majesty in yesterday’s telegram. Order the legislative chambers to be reconvened to repeal your highest decree. Announce these measures without delay the highest manifesto. Sir, do not hesitate. If the movement spreads to the army, the German will triumph, and the collapse of Russia, and with it the dynasty, is inevitable. On behalf of all of Russia, I ask Your Majesty to fulfill the above. Hour, fate decider Yours and the Motherland, it has come. Tomorrow may be too late."
At 5:00 the imperial train departed from Mogilev. Nicholas II, concerned about the events taking place in the capital, decided to return to Tsarskoe Selo.
At 6:00, Mikhail Rodzianko sent a telegram to Alekseev and all front and fleet commanders, saying that “due to the removal of the entire staff from control former Council ministers government power has now passed to the Temporary Committee of the State Duma.”
In the morning, with the sanction of Rodzianko, a member of the State Duma, engineer Alexander Bublikov with a team of soldiers occupied the building of the Ministry of Railways and arrested the minister. As commissioner of the Ministry of Railways, he sent to all railway stations A telegram to Russia, signed by him and Rodzianko: “Railroad workers! The old government, which created devastation in all areas state life, turned out to be powerless. The State Duma Committee, having taken into its own hands the equipment of the new government, addresses you on behalf of the Fatherland: the salvation of the Motherland now depends on you. The movement of trains must be maintained continuously with redoubled energy.”
With his second telegram, Bublikov prohibited the movement of any military trains at a distance of 250 versts from Petrograd. In addition, he ordered not to allow the emperor’s train “north of the Bologoe-Pskov line” (including the telegram: “Dismantling the rails and switches, if he decides to pass by force”).
In Petrograd, the rebels captured the Mariinsky and Winter Palaces, the Admiralty, the Peter and Paul Fortress, destroyed and set fire to the buildings of the District Court, the Gendarmerie Department, the House of Pre-trial Detention and many police stations, and also took the Arsenal, which made it possible to arm the workers.
Those who were obliged to fight the unrest began to go over to the side of the rebels. Some did it voluntarily, others were forced. All day, the soldiers of the Petrograd garrison units walked almost in a continuous stream towards the Tauride Palace. As Vasily Shulgin recalled, “the soldiers considered it their duty to appear at the State Duma, as if to take a new oath.”
Nikolay Ivanov
At 13:00 the general’s echelon departed from Mogilev for Tsarskoe Selo Nikolai Ivanov. The Emperor appointed him commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District, ordering him to restore order in the capital, and ordered the subordination of ministers to him. Ivanov was given a battalion St. George Knights to avoid “troubles” along the way. Headquarters decided to transfer four cavalry and four infantry regiment, completing their loading into trains on March 2.
In the evening, Alekseev sent telegram No. 1813 to the commanders of the fronts and fleets, informing them of what was happening in the capital. In particular, it said: “I have just received a telegram from General Khabalov, from which it is clear that he can no longer actually influence events.”
At 21:27, Nicholas II's train arrived in Likhoslavl, from where the emperor gave a telegram to his wife: “Tomorrow morning I hope to be at home.”
At 2:00 the imperial train stopped at Malaya Vishera, where information was received that the nearby stations Lyuban and Tosno were occupied by revolutionary troops. Then they decided to go through Bologoe to Pskov, to the headquarters of the Northern Front.
At 11:15 he came to the Tauride Palace to surrender to the new authorities Alexander Protopopov. The former Minister of Internal Affairs introduced himself to a student policeman and was arrested.
It is significant that on this day the Petrograd Soviet became the Petrograd Soviet of Workers and soldiers deputies. The Executive Committee of the Council issued Order No. 1 for the garrison of the capital's military district, which legitimized soldiers' committees, endowed soldiers with civil rights, declared their equality with off-duty officers, abolished titles and placed the orders of officers and generals under the control of soldiers' committees.
Around 16:00 Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich ( cousin Nicholas II) brought the sailors of the Guards crew entrusted to him to the Tauride Palace at the disposal of the new government.
At 19:55 the imperial train arrived in Pskov. General Yuri Danilov, who was then the chief of staff of the Northern Front, noted in his memoirs: “By the time the Tsar’s train arrived, the station was cordoned off, and no one was allowed into its premises. The platform was therefore deserted. Guard of honor was not exhibited."
Late in the evening, the emperor ordered a telegram to be sent to Rodzianko, announcing his consent to the creation of a government responsible to the Duma. At the same time, the monarch personally as a Supreme Commander The responsibility of the Minister of War and Navy and the Minister of Foreign Affairs was to remain.
On the night of March 2, in Rodzianko’s Duma office, a joint meeting of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the delegation of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies was held, at which the composition and program of the Provisional Government were agreed upon.
Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief Headquarters Mikhail Alekseev
On the same day Mikhail Alekseev sent telegram No. 1847 to the emperor. Reporting that unrest had already begun in Moscow and that they should be expected to spread throughout the empire, and then the cessation of the normal functioning of the railways, the destruction of the rear and the collapse of the front, the general stated: “Demand from the army that she fought calmly when there is a revolution going on in the rear, it is impossible. The current young composition of the army and officers, among whom there is a huge percentage of those called up from the reserves and promoted to officers from the highest educational institutions, does not give any reason to believe that the army will not react to what is happening in Russia. My loyal duty and duty of oath obliges me to report all this to Your Imperial Majesty. Before it is too late, it is necessary to immediately take measures to calm the population and restore normal life in the country. Suppressing unrest by force under current conditions is dangerous and will lead Russia and the army to destruction. While the State Duma is trying to establish possible order, but if from your Imperial Majesty there will be no act conducive to general calm, power tomorrow will pass into the hands of extreme elements, and Russia will experience all the horrors of the revolution. I beg Your Majesty, for the sake of saving Russia and the dynasty, to put at the head of the government a person whom Russia would trust, and instruct him to form a cabinet. At the moment this is the only salvation.”
At 00:25, Headquarters reported to Pskov that the ministers of the tsarist government had been arrested and that Petrograd was firmly under control new government. All parts of the garrison obeyed her, including His Majesty’s Own convoy, whose soldiers expressed a desire to arrest the officers who refused to “take part in the uprising.” Commenting on this message from Stavka, historian Oleg Airapetov writes: “The last statement was clearly untrue. In Petrograd there were only fifty foot soldiers of the convoy, which consisted of five hundred. Two hundred were stationed in Tsarskoe Selo, two in Mogilev, and fifty on foot in Kyiv under the Dowager Empress. Hundreds of convoy and part of the Consolidated Regiment, who held the defense in the Tsarskoye Selo Palace, recognized the new government only after the abdication of the emperor.<…>In any case, one cannot but admit that the disinformation blow was delivered masterfully. Nikolai was shocked."
From 3:30 to 7:30, commander of the Northern Front, General Nikolay Ruzsky conducted long negotiations on the Hughes apparatus with the Chairman of the State Duma. Mikhail Rodzianko explained his reluctance to come to Pskov by the unrest in Luga, which did not allow him to travel railway, and the impossibility of leaving Petrograd at such a moment. “They still believe only in me and carry out only my orders,” he noted. Nicholas II, since by this time he had already agreed to the creation of a government responsible to the Duma and State Council, was ready to discuss the text of the draft manifesto. In response, Rodzianko said: “Unfortunately, the manifesto is late. It should have been published immediately after my first telegram..."
At 9:00, in a direct conversation with Danilov, Lukomsky asked to report to Ruzsky that the emperor’s abdication was necessary, adding: “We must remember that all royal family is in the hands of rebel troops."
At 10:15 Alekseev, who maintained constant contact with Rodzianko, requested by telegraph the opinion of all front and fleet commanders regarding the possible abdication of the emperor in favor of his son Alexei. Quoting fragments from Rodzianko’s night conversation with Ruzsky, Alekseev emphasized: “Now the dynastic question has been posed head on, and the war can be continued to a victorious end only if the demands presented regarding the abdication of the throne in favor of the son of Alexei under the regency of Mikhail Alexandrovich are fulfilled. The situation apparently does not allow for any other solution.”
By 14:30, positive responses were received from the front commanders, and Nicholas II agreed to abdicate the throne. Shortly before this, he signed decrees appointing a governor in the Caucasus and a commander Caucasian Front Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich as Supreme Commander-in-Chief and Prince Georgy Lvov as Chairman of the Council of Ministers. The time was set on the decrees: 14 hours. In addition, the emperor appointed the commander of the 25th army corps lieutenant general Lavra Kornilova commander of the troops of the Petrograd Military District.
At this time in the crowded Tauride Palace Pavel Milyukov announced that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies had reached an agreement on the creation of a Provisional Government, and announced its composition. When asked about the fate of the monarchy, he replied that the “old despot” would leave, and the throne would be transferred to Alexei. The news of the preservation of the monarchy caused sharp discontent among soldiers and workers.
At about 22:00, deputies of the Fourth State Duma Alexander Guchkov and Vasily Shulgin arrived in Pskov, who were tasked with achieving the abdication of the emperor. They did not know that Nicholas II had already agreed to this. At 23:40, in their presence, the sovereign, who had previously declared his readiness to transfer the throne to his son Alexei, changed his mind and signed an act of abdication for himself and his son in favor of his brother Mikhail. A few minutes later, Nicholas II made an entry in his diary: “The point is that in the name of saving Russia, keeping the army at the front and peace, this step must be taken. I agreed... At one o'clock in the morning I left Pskov with heavy feeling experience. There is treason, cowardice, and deceit all around.”
Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, not succumbing to the persuasion of Guchkov and Milyukov to accept the throne, stated that the question of political structure Russia must be decided by the Constituent Assembly.
Having made a truly historic decision, he complained to Vasily Shulgin: “It’s very hard for me... It torments me that I couldn’t consult with my people. After all, my brother denied for himself... And I, it turns out, deny for everyone..."
In history Russian monarchy the point was made.
Prepared by doctor historical sciences Oleg NAZAROV
* When implementing the project, government support funds allocated as a grant are used in accordance with the presidential decree Russian Federation dated 04/05/2016 No. 68-rp and on the basis of a competition held by the All-Russian public organization « Russian Union rectors."
The February Revolution of 1917 formally began on February 18. On this day, more than 30 thousand workers of the Putilov plant went on strike. The government responded to this by immediately closing the Putilov plant. People found themselves unemployed and on February 23, crowds of demonstrators took to the streets of St. Petersburg to protest. By February 25, these unrest had developed into a real strike. People opposed the autocracy. The February Revolution of 1917 entered its active phase.
On February 26, the fourth company of the Peter and Paul Regiment joined the rebels. Gradually, all the troops of the Peter and Paul Regiment joined the ranks of the protesters. Events moved quickly. Nicholas 2, under pressure, was forced to abdicate the throne in favor of his brother Mikhail (March 2), who also refused to lead the country.
Provisional Government of 1917
On March 1, the creation of a Provisional Government was announced, headed by G.E. Lviv. The provisional government worked, and on March 3 it issued a manifesto with tasks for the development of the country. The February Revolution of 1917 continued with a mass amnesty for prisoners. The provisional government, wanting to inspire people's trust, announced the imminent end of the war and the transfer of land to the people.
On March 5, the Provisional Government dismissed all governors and officials who served Emperor Nicholas 2. Instead of provinces and districts, commissariats were created, which resolved issues locally.
In April 1917, the Provisional Government experienced a crisis of people's distrust. The reason for this was the statement of the Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Miliukov, who stated that Western countries that Russia will continue the first world war and will participate in it until the very end. People poured into the streets of Moscow and St. Petersburg, expressing disagreement with the actions of the authorities. As a result, Miliukov was forced to resign. The leaders of the new government decided to recruit the most influential socialists among the people, whose positions were still extremely weak. The new Provisional Government made a statement in mid-May that it would begin negotiations on concluding peace with Germany and would immediately begin resolving the land issue.
happened in June new crisis, which shook the Provisional Government. The people were dissatisfied that the war was not over and the land was still in the hands of the chosen ones. As a result, on June 18, a demonstration in which about 400 thousand people took part poured into the streets of Petrograd, chanting Bolshevik slogans en masse. Simultaneously major movements took place in Minsk, Moscow, Nizhny Novgorod, Kharkov and many other cities.
New wave in July popular movements swept Petrograd. This time people demanded the overthrow of the provisional government and the transfer of all power to the Soviets. On July 8, the socialists who headed individual ministries issued a decree declaring Russia a republic. G.E. Lvov resigned in protest. Kerensky took his place. On July 28, the creation of a coalition provisional government was announced, which included 7 socialists and 8 cadets. This government was headed by Kerensky.
On August 23, a representative of the Provisional Government arrived at the headquarters of Commander-in-Chief Kornilov, who conveyed Kerensky’s request to send the 3rd Cavalry Corps to Petrograd, since the Provisional Government feared possible actions of the Bolsheviks. But Kerensky, seeing the troops near Petrograd, was afraid that Kornilov’s troops would want to put their boss in power, and declared Kornilov a traitor, ordering his arrest. This happened on August 27. The general refused to admit guilt and sent troops to Petrograd. Residents of the city stood up to defend the capital. Ultimately, the townspeople managed to resist the onslaught of Kornilov’s troops.
These were the results of the February Revolution of 1917. Then the Bolsheviks came to the fore, wanting to completely subjugate power to themselves.