The Russian economy during the war. The origins of the national crisis. Russia's participation in the First World War radically changed the internal situation in the country. The Russian economy had to be restructured on a military basis and primarily provide for the needs of the army and the front in weapons, supplies, etc. In 1914, Russia was militarily unprepared for war. The “big program” of rearmament of the army was supposed to be completed only by 1917, and the fleet did not have time to make up for the losses of Port Arthur and Tsushima. Following European experts, Russian military experts believed that the future war would be fleeting. In accordance with the prevailing military doctrine, reserves were prepared for 2-3 months. The capacities of three pre-war factories were used for two to three months during the three pre-war years. By the beginning of the war, the Russian army lacked 370 thousand rifles and 12 thousand machine guns. To establish military production, the tsarist government moved to regulate not only the military industry, but the entire economy in general. The transfer to the state (sequestration) of large military factories and banks began. This gave rise to state capitalism. This was the case not only in Russia, but in all the warring states. Various committees and societies were created in the country to organize assistance to the government in restructuring the economy on a war footing. In the first days of the war, the nobility created the All-Russian Zemstvo Union, headed by the prince G.E. Lvov . Somewhat later, bourgeois circles created the All-Russian Union of Cities under the leadership of the mayor of Moscow M.V. Chelnokova. In mid-1915, both of these organizations created Chief Army Supply Committee or Zemgor led by Prince G.E. Lvov. He was engaged in sanitary work, and with the consent of the government, his functions included: mobilization of handicraft industry for military purposes, distribution of orders, organization of procurement of raw materials and supplies, supply of uniforms, equipment, food to the army; evacuation of industrial enterprises, accommodation of refugees, etc. In May 1915, representatives of industry and trade created Central Military-Industrial Committee led by A.I. Guchkov. His task was to help the government rebuild industry on a war footing. In parallel with these bodies, to regulate intra-economic life, the government established its own bodies in the form of four Special meetings for state defense, for fuel, for food and for the transportation and accommodation of refugees, headed by the relevant ministers. The main one was the Special Conference on Defense. The Chairman of the Special Conference on Defense had great rights and powers: he distributed military orders not only within the country, but also abroad, controlled production and set prices for products, could close private enterprises, subject them to sequestration, etc. The same were the rights of other chairmen of the meetings. With the outbreak of the war, more than 80% of Russian factories were placed under martial law. During the war years, more than 25% of the country's adult male population was mobilized into the army. 20% of industrial personnel workers were sent to the front. This caused an influx of unskilled workers into factories. As a result, labor productivity at industrial enterprises fell. Production volumes were reduced, especially in light industry. During the war years, the decline in industrial production fell by 20%. But there was a growth in industries working for the war. The production of various types of weapons and ammunition has increased significantly: rifles by 11 times, guns by 10 times, and shells for them by 20 times. New specialized automobile, aviation and chemical enterprises for the production of optical glass and explosives emerged, and electrical engineering and the radio industry were created. Already by 1917, the Russian army was provided with weapons and ammunition better than at the beginning of the war. However, the front's needs for weapons and ammunition were not satisfied. Due to the lack of proper organization of work, clear performance discipline, lack of management, and criminal negligence, there was a shortage of raw materials and equipment; weapons, uniforms and food were not delivered to the front on time. Thus, despite significant efforts by the government, the situation with the supply of the army not only improved, but became increasingly confused. Transport, especially railways, was in a difficult situation. In 1916, 1/4 of the locomotive fleet failed or was captured by the enemy. Large locomotive and carriage factories, fulfilling military orders, sharply reduced the production of rolling stock. Old, war-damaged locomotives and wagons could not cope with the transportation of military cargo. The population of the central cities was starving, while due to the lack of transport on the Volga, Caspian Sea, and Don, supplies of meat, fish, and bread spoiled. The difficult situation on the railways affected the deterioration of supplies to the army and cities. In 1916? the planned cargo was not exported. The supply of food to Petrograd was reduced by half, and to Moscow by 2/3. (See textbook material) The forced concentration of all industrial activity on military production destroyed the domestic market. Industry did not meet the needs of the civilian population. Over the course of several months, a shortage of industrial goods developed. Unable to buy what they needed, peasants cut supplies to the cities, causing prices for agricultural products to rise as well as for industrial goods. The country entered a period of inflation and deficit. Wages have not kept pace with rising prices. The living conditions of the people deteriorated sharply. In this situation, the Russian government did not take measures to combat inflation, freeze prices and wages, or introduce a card system. The lack of a consistent economic policy contributed to the creation of a political vacuum. The war had a detrimental effect on agriculture. During the war years, 2.6 million horses were requisitioned and a huge number of peasant farms were left horseless. The mobilization of men into the army in some provinces reached 50 percent or more. In most provinces, about a third, and sometimes about half, of peasant farms were left without workers. The German occupation of dozens of western provinces (all of Poland, Lithuania, part of the Baltic states, Western Belarus and Western Ukraine) led to a reduction in sown areas. During the war years, grain crops were reduced by 12%, grain harvests fell by 20%. Nevertheless, the average annual grain harvest - 4.4 billion poods - was still sufficient to provide for the city and the army. The cause of the food crisis was not a shortage of bread in the country, but poor organization of its purchases and delivery to cities. For these reasons, the delivery of bread to the front in 1916 amounted to only half of the required norm, and by the end of 1916 - no more than 1/3. At the end of 1916, grain requisitioning was introduced in 31 provinces. In December, the grain allocation was brought to every peasant household. The harvest of potatoes and other agricultural crops has decreased. Sugar production was reduced by 1/3, and rationing was introduced. Sales of meat on the market during the war years decreased by 4 times. The production of agricultural machinery has decreased. As a result, food prices have increased several times. To save grain, the government banned the production of vodka. The export of bread abroad continued, because it was necessary to pay for the import of weapons and industrial equipment. In 1915, a food crisis began in the country. The country's food situation deteriorated sharply, and speculation flourished. The fuel crisis began to make itself felt. Coal production and supply were clearly insufficient. In 1915, Petrograd received 49%, and Moscow 46% of the fuel they needed. Socio-political crisis. In the initial period of the war, a patriotic upsurge embraced all layers of Russian society. On the first day of the declaration of war, thousands of people gathered on Palace Square in front of the Winter Palace in support of the war and sang “God Save the Tsar” on their knees. Demonstrations took place in cities across the country under the slogan: “To Berlin!”, “Lead us, sir!” The country was swept by a wave of Germanophobia. The German embassy was destroyed, the buildings of German companies were destroyed. On August 18, 1914, the capital of the Russian Empire, St. Petersburg, was renamed Petrograd. The one-day session of the IV State Duma voted overwhelmingly for military loans. Only the Social Democrats and Trudoviks abstained. All parties that were in opposition just yesterday supported the government. Only the Central Committee of the RSDLP under the influence of V.I. Lenin put forward the slogan back in the fall of 1914 "revolutionary defeatism" : the Bolsheviks declared the war unjust and predatory on the part of all its participants and called on the workers of the warring powers to strive for the defeat of their governments and turn “the imperialist war into a civil war.” (This slogan was not supported by the workers of the other belligerent powers). In France and Germany, the anti-war movement was punished up to the death penalty. Three months after the start of the war, the entire Duma faction of the Bolsheviks was arrested, then convicted and exiled to the Turukhansk region). The Cadets proposed to “give up civil strife until victory.” The Mensheviks initially took a negative position towards the war, but soon switched to defencism positions. The majority of the Social Revolutionaries supported the government. For the Russian bourgeoisie, passionate about the ideas of nationalism, the war was a struggle not only in support of the “younger Serbian brother”, but also for economic liberation from German domination. The failures of the Russian armies at the front, the deterioration of the situation of the masses - all this created mass discontent in the country. The prolongation of the war affected the morale of the people and the army. The patriotic upsurge was left behind, the idea of ​​“Slavic solidarity” had exhausted itself. The huge losses in the war and fatigue from it made themselves felt. Hospitals were set up in Russian cities, where more and more disabled and wounded people appeared. In thousands of reserve regiments of the rear garrisons, new soldiers were hastily trained. The immobility of positional warfare, sitting in trenches, the lack of basic human conditions in positions - all this led to an increase in soldier unrest. At the beginning of the war, the anti-war slogans of the Bolsheviks were not popular in Russia. But in 1916, anti-war sentiment became widespread at the front. At the front and in the rear garrisons, cases of non-compliance with orders and expressions of sympathy for striking workers were increasingly observed; cases of fraternization with German and Austrian soldiers and refusal to go into battle became more frequent at the front. Disappointment and dissatisfaction with government policies increasingly gripped society. From mid-1915, a series of workers' strikes and demonstrations began in the country. If in 1914 35 thousand workers went on strike, in 1915 - 560 thousand, in 1916 - 1.1 million, in the first two months of 1917 - already 400 thousand people. The revolutionary movement of the workers was complemented by peasant uprisings. In the fall of 1915, 177 protests by rural residents against the landowners were registered, and in 1916 there were already 294. A new indicator of the revolutionary movement of 1916. was the participation of the population of the national outskirts in it. Protests against the tsarist government began in Central Asia. The basis for the mass protest of the poor were: confiscation of land in favor of settlers, extortions and requisitions “for war.” The signal for the outbreak was the decree of 1916 on the conscription of “foreigners” for rear work (they were not conscripted for military service). The first protest against mobilization took place in the city of Khojent in Uzbekistan. Soon the police department in Tashkent was destroyed. In Kyrgyzstan, rebels besieged the cities of Przhevalsk and Tokmak. The uprising in Turkestan became protracted. Military units were sent to suppress it. The movement in the Turgai region of Kazakhstan, led by the shepherd farm laborer Amagnelda Imanov, was strong in scope. Until 1917, the destruction of volost administrations, the destruction of mobilization lists, portraits of the Tsar, and battles with guard troops continued. The uprisings in the Central Asian region and Kazakhstan were anti-tsarist in nature, although local feudal lords and the bourgeoisie tried to direct them against the Russian population. In the autumn and winter of 1916-1917. revolutionary and opposition sentiments resulted in a national crisis. In the State Duma and the liberal press, criticism of the tsarist government was increasingly heard. There were demands for the creation of a government appointed by the Duma and responsible to the Duma, and not to the Tsar. At the second session of the State Duma on August 1 - September 16, 1915, the majority of Duma deputies formed Progressive block . Half of the members of the State Council joined the progressives. The progressive bloc demanded: to create a government “enjoying the confidence of the country”, to put an end to the military-civil dual power in the rear, to proclaim a political amnesty, to stop religious discrimination, to prepare a law on the autonomy of Poland, to pursue a policy of pacification in the Finnish issue, revise the laws of 1890 and 1892. about zemstvos, etc. In response to these demands, Nicholas II issued a decree suspending meetings of the Duma. (In Germany, from the very beginning of the war, Wilhelm II suspended parliament). November 13 - December 30, 1916 the next session of the Duma took place. At it, the leader of the Cadet Party P.N. gave a well-known speech. Miliukov. Bearing in mind Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and Chairman of the Council of Ministers B.V. Sturmer (who came from a family of Russified Germans), P.N. Miliukov hinted at the presence of a “German party” next to the imperial family, which sought to defeat Russia in the war and conclude a separate peace with Germany. His speech P.N. Miliukov interspersed exclamations: “What is this, stupidity or treason?” A.F. Kerensky, on behalf of the Trudoviks, demanded the resignation of “all ministers who betrayed the country.” (After the February Revolution, the head of the Provisional Government A.F. Kerensky created a commission to study the activities of the tsar and tsarina and their possible connection with the Germans. The commission found that the royal family did not conduct any separate negotiations with the Germans, and Alexandra Fedorovna was devoted to her new homeland ). The government crisis was expressed in “ministerial leapfrog” - frequent changes of ministers. For 1915 - 1916 4 Chairman of the Council of Ministers, 4 Ministers of War, 6 Ministers of Internal Affairs, 4 Ministers of Justice were replaced. (See textbook material) Nicholas II searched and did not find the people he needed. On August 23, 1915, Nicholas II assumed the duties of Supreme Commander-in-Chief, removing Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich from this post. The Grand Duke was sent to the Caucasus as a governor. He harbored a grudge and began to weave intrigues. After this, Nicholas II began to spend more and more time at the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command in Mogilev. But the tsar did not have the abilities of a military strategist and was unable to make successful appointments to leadership positions in the army. As a result, it was not possible to raise the “fighting spirit” among the troops; the Russian army was retreating all the time. Meanwhile, the country became increasingly uncontrollable. High society circles believed that one of the reasons for the difficult situation in the country was the influence on the royal family Grigory Rasputin .(See textbook material) The royal family, concerned about the serious illness of Tsarevich Alexei, was forced to resort to the services of the Siberian elder G. Rasputin, notorious in St. Petersburg circles. A conspiracy against G. Rasputin took shape at court. On the night of December 30-31, 1916, he was killed by Prince F.F. Yusupov, nationalist deputy V.M. Purishkevich and Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovich. The gap between the royal family and their entourage grew. The empress's natural shyness was regarded as arrogance, Nicholas II's trust in God's Providence, his even treatment of his subjects - as an inability to make volitional decisions. (See textbook material) The country was on the verge of a revolutionary explosion. The leaders of the “Progressive Bloc” began to prepare a palace conspiracy, the active supporters of which were Duma members M.V. Rodzianko, P.N. Milyukov, A.I. Guchkov, E.G. Lvov, as well as prominent industrialists and military generals. Several options were developed for the removal of Nicholas II from the throne. One of them proposed to transfer the supreme power in the country to Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, the other, the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne in favor of his son Alexei under the regency of the Tsar’s brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. But subsequent events in the country thwarted the implementation of this conspiracy. Causes and nature of the February Revolution. After the revolution of 1905 - 1907 The most important tasks continued to be the democratization of the country - the overthrow of the autocracy, the introduction of democratic freedoms, the solution of agrarian, labor, and national issues. These were the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic transformation of the country, therefore the February Revolution, like the revolution of 1905 - 1907. carried bourgeois-democratic character. The February Revolution took place in a different environment than the revolution of 1905 - 1907. Russia's participation in the grueling First World War sharply aggravated all socio-economic and political contradictions. The needs and misfortunes of the popular masses, generated by economic devastation, caused acute social tension in the country, the growth of anti-war sentiment and extreme dissatisfaction with the policies of tsarism not only of the left and opposition forces, but also of a significant part of the right. The authority of autocratic power and its bearer, the emperor, fell sharply. The war, unprecedented in its scale, seriously shook the moral foundations of society and brought unprecedented bitterness into the consciousness and behavior of the masses. Millions of front-line soldiers, who saw death every day, easily succumbed to revolutionary propaganda and were ready to take the most extreme measures. They longed for peace, a return to the land, and the slogan "Down with war!" was especially popular at that time. The end of the war was inevitably associated with the liquidation of the political regime. The monarchy was losing its support in the army. The February Revolution was a combination of spontaneous and conscious forces of the revolutionary process; it was carried out mainly by the forces of workers and soldiers. By the end of 1916, the country found itself in a state of deep socio-economic and political crisis. (See textbook material) Nicholas II realized the danger threatening the autocracy. But he was a deeply religious man, he believed in God’s Providence. Victory of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution (February 23 - March 3, 1917). The reason for the February Revolution was the following events. In Petrograd, in the second half of February, due to transport difficulties, the supply of bread deteriorated. The lines in stores for bread grew continuously. Lack of bread, speculation, and rising prices caused discontent among workers. On February 18, workers of one of the workshops Putilovsky plant demanded a salary increase. The management refused, fired the workers who went on strike, and announced the closure of some workshops for an indefinite period. But those fired were supported by workers from other enterprises. On February 23 (March 8, new style), rallies and meetings dedicated to International Women's Day were held at Petrograd enterprises. Workers' demonstrations began spontaneously under the slogans of "Bread!" In the evening the slogans “Down with war!” and “Down with autocracy!” appeared. This was already a political demonstration, and it marked the beginning of the revolution. On February 24, demonstrations, rallies, and strikes took on an even greater character. On February 25, other segments of the urban population began to join the workers. The strike in Petrograd became general. Nicholas II at that time was at Headquarters in Mogilev. Having learned about what was happening in the capital, he demanded from the commander of the Petrograd Military District, General S.S. Khabalov to immediately restore order in the capital. On Sunday, February 26, police and troops began shooting at demonstrators in a number of areas. Having learned about the participation of soldiers in the execution of workers, a riot broke out among the reserve teams of the Volyn, Lithuanian, and Pavlovsky regiments. On February 27, soldiers of the Petrograd garrison began to go over to the side of the workers. The workers, united with the soldiers, captured the arsenal, train stations, and stormed the Kresty political prison, freeing the prisoners. All attempts of General S.S. Khabalov's efforts to restore order in the capital did not lead to anything. Then Nicholas II ordered to send the St. George battalion from Mogilev and several regiments from the Northern, Western and Southwestern fronts to Petrograd. At the head of this detachment, the tsar placed the former commander of the Southwestern and Western Front, General N.I., who was in reserve. Ivanova. But the detachment N.I. Ivanov was detained near Gatchina by revolutionary-minded railway workers and was unable to get through to Petrograd. February 28 General S.S. Khabalov realized that he had completely lost control over the situation in the capital. He ordered the last defenders of the old order to disperse. The troops simply dispersed, leaving their guns behind. The government ministers fled and were then arrested individually. Nicholas II dissolved the IV State Duma. But by the will of circumstances, the Duma found itself in the very center of events. The emergence of dual power. On February 27, in Petrograd, on the initiative of various working groups, the Social Democratic faction of the State Duma, an authority was created - Council of Workers' Deputies (Petrosovet) . In addition to the Petrograd Soviet, over 600 councils arose in the country, which elected permanent bodies - executive committees. The Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries predominated in the councils. The Petrograd Soviet included 12 people: Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, leaders of trade unions and cooperatives. Since most of the seats belonged to the Mensheviks, it was headed by a Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze . At the same time, on February 27, deputies of the IV State Duma created Temporary Committee of the State Duma , which also included 12 people. The temporary committee was supposed to carry out the functions of the government. The Chairman of the IV State Duma became the Chairman of the Provisional Committee M.V. Rodzianko . Meetings of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee were held in the same building - Tauride Palace . This is how a peculiar situation began to develop in Russia - dual power - the simultaneous existence of two bodies of power - the power of the bourgeoisie in the person of the Provisional Committee and the power of the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry - the soviets. (See textbook material) Meanwhile, events developed rapidly. A telegram was sent to the Tsar at Headquarters, informing him that Petrograd was in the hands of the mob and that the Duma had formed a Provisional Committee, which was taking over the functions of the government. At this time the Tsar had already left Headquarters for Tsarskoye Selo. But the royal train got stuck at the headquarters of the Northern Front in Pskov. At this time M.V. Rodzianko in telegrams began to persuade the tsar to “create a government responsible to the Duma.” Otherwise, he predicted the death of the dynasty and monarchy in Russia. After much hesitation, Nicholas II agreed to the creation of a government responsible to the Duma. Until now, the government was appointed by the king and was responsible to him. The creation of a government responsible to the Duma meant the end of autocracy in Russia and the transition to a constitutional form of government. This was a serious concession on the part of the king. Commander of the Northern Front, General N.V. Ruzsky hastened to tell M.V. this news. Rodzianko, but learned that this concession from the tsar was already outdated, and the workers of Petrograd were no longer satisfied with simply creating a government responsible to the Duma. The workers demanded the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne. But the Provisional Committee decided to save the constitutional monarchy in Russia. A new plan arose in the leadership of the Provisional Committee: the abdication of Nicholas II in favor of the direct heir, 13-year-old Alexei, under the regency of the Tsar's brother, the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich . And, without waiting for the tsar’s decision, Duma envoys A.I. left for Pskov. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin . The position of the Duma leaders was immediately brought to the attention of the Tsar. In a reply telegram to M.V. Rodzianko Nicholas II writes: “There is no sacrifice that I would not make in the name of real good and for the salvation of my dear Mother Russia.” At the same time, by order of the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General M.V. Alekseev to all commanders of fronts and fleets - the commander of the Caucasian Front, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, the Romanian Front - General V.V. Sakharov, Southwestern Front - General A.A. Brusilov, Western Front - General A.E. Evert, commander of the Baltic Fleet - Admiral A.I. Nepenin, commander of the Black Sea Fleet - Admiral A.V. Kolchak - telegrams were sent demanding to express his opinion regarding the plan for the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne. The telegrams contained “hints” that the emperor should be demanded to abdicate. For Nicholas II, the opinion of the generals was decisive. In an atmosphere of general paralysis and anarchy, he had the last organized force left - an army - 6.5 million people, of which he was the supreme commander. The army in general was not yet touched by Bolshevik propaganda, took an oath of allegiance to the emperor and the supreme commander in chief and could stand up for him. But the Russian generals betrayed Nicholas II. A few hours later, answers came from Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich (the Tsar’s uncle), M.V. Alekseeva, A.A. Brusilova, A.E. Evert. “In the name of saving the homeland and the dynasty,” they “begged” Nicholas II to abdicate the throne. The remaining commanders, including the commander of the Black Sea Fleet, Admiral A.V. Kolchak, they refrained from expressing their opinion. March 2, 1917 at the headquarters of the commander of the Northern Front, General N.V. Ruzsky Nicholas II was waiting for answers. Finally, he was given a pile of telegraph tapes with the commanders' answers. When the king became familiar with the contents of the telegrams, there was an awkward pause. Nicholas II was silent for only a few minutes, then suddenly said: “I have made up my mind. I renounce the throne.” Those present were waiting for this exact answer. Nevertheless, everyone was taken aback: so simply and casually the emperor abandoned the throne. Later, Nicholas II was reproached: “He abandoned the throne as if he had surrendered the squadron.” (See textbook material) In the evening, Nicholas II received the Duma deputation consisting of A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin and announced that he had changed his mind and was now abdicating the throne for himself and for his sick son Alexei in favor of the brother of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. That same evening, Nicholas II will write in his diary: “There is treason, cowardice and deceit all around.” The next day, March 3, 1917, a meeting of members of the Duma Committee and the Provisional Government with Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich took place. Under pressure, Mikhail Alexandrovich also abdicated the throne. At the same time, the Grand Duke wept. So in Russia, literally in a few days - from February 23 to March 3, 1917, one of the strongest monarchies in the world collapsed. After his abdication, Nicholas II was arrested by the commissioners of the Petrograd Soviet and, together with his family, was transported to Tsarskoe Selo. Here they were kept under house arrest. At the request of Nicholas II, the Provisional Government turned to the British Cabinet of Ministers with a request to give asylum to the Romanovs in England. But the English king George V and the cabinet of ministers rejected this proposal. (See textbook material) The Provisional Government turned to the French government with the same request, but was also refused. On August 13, 1917, by order of the Provisional Government, the royal family was sent to Tobolsk, where they remained until the spring of 1918. In April 1918, the Romanovs were sent to Yekaterinburg. There they spent the last months of their lives. In Yekaterinburg in Ipatiev's house on the night of July 17, Nicholas II and his family were killed. The fate of those Romanovs who, by the will of fate, ended up in Russia after 1917 was also tragic. The new government mercilessly destroyed the closest relatives of the last emperor, including the Tsar’s younger brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, and the Tsarina’s sister, the Grand Duchess Elizaveta Fedorovna . The Romanov boyars sat on the royal throne in 1613. They ruled Russia for 304 years and, through all historical storms and trials, were able to lead Russia to world domination. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Romanov dynasty was one of the strongest in the world, and nothing predicted its collapse. There is still no generally accepted opinion among historians regarding the reasons for the collapse of the monarchy in Russia.

· The most common versions include the following:

o monarchism has exhausted its historical resource; the monarchy fell not because its opponents were strong, but because its defenders were weak;

o the king showed cowardice and abandoned the country to its own devices at the most critical moment;

o the fall of the monarchy in Russia is the result of a conspiracy of anti-Russian forces (Masons, Jews, cosmopolitan intelligentsia and degenerate Russian aristocracy).

The alignment of political forces after the February Revolution. The February Revolution led to significant regroupings of political forces. Extreme right parties (monarchists, Black Hundreds) had a certain influence on the political situation of the country, but after the revolution they suffered a complete collapse. The Octobrists did not have a historical perspective. The Cadets from the opposition party turned into the ruling one. They abandoned the slogan of a constitutional monarchy and advocated turning Russia into a parliamentary republic. On the agrarian question, the party stood for the purchase by the state and peasants of the landowners' lands. The Cadets defended the need to continue the war with Germany “to the victorious end,” but this position did not have the support of the workers and peasants. The Social Revolutionaries were the most massive party, numbering almost half a million people. The peasants supported the agrarian program of the Social Revolutionaries, which provided for the transfer of land to the peasants. In terms of nation-building, they advocated turning Russia into a federal republic of free nations. The Cadets were in favor of continuing the war, but agreed to end the war by concluding a democratic peace without annexations and indemnities. In the summer of 1917, the left wing emerged in the Socialist Revolutionary Party - the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, who protested against cooperation with the Provisional Government and insisted on an immediate solution to the agrarian question. In the fall they formed their own independent political organization. The second largest and most influential party was the Menshevik party, which advocated the creation of a democratic republic, the right of nations to self-determination, the confiscation of landowners' lands and their transfer to the disposal of local governments. In foreign policy, they, like the Socialist Revolutionaries, took the position of “revolutionary defencism.” The Cadets, Socialist Revolutionaries, and Mensheviks delayed the implementation of their program provisions until the end of the war and the convening of the Constituent Assembly. The Bolsheviks took extreme left positions. The party emerged from underground weakened and small in number (24 thousand people). A foreign group of the Central Committee of the Party, represented by V.I., operated in Switzerland. Lenin, G.E. Zinoviev, N.K. Krupskaya. In Petrograd, the functions of all-Russian leadership were carried out by the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee, the main figures of which were A.G. Shlyapnikov, L.B. Kamenev, I.V. Stalin. I.V. Stalin During the February Revolution he was in exile in Turukhansk. Having learned about the revolutionary events in the capital, he urgently came to Petrograd. He was not an independent political figure at that time. Provisional Government and Petrograd Soviet. So, on March 3, 1917, the monarchical system in Russia collapsed. Russia easily overthrew the autocracy and began building a new society. On March 2, 1917, the Provisional Committee of the IV State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet formed Provisional Government , which was supposed to operate temporarily, until the convening Constituent Assembly . The provisional government had to break down the old state apparatus, consolidate the gains of the revolution with appropriate decrees, and convene a Constituent Assembly. It was assumed that the Constituent Assembly, elected on the basis of universal suffrage, would develop a constitution and establish (will establish) the form of future government in Russia. (See textbook material) At the same time, the Petrograd Soviet also carried out its functions. The Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet also met in the same building - the Tauride Palace. In fact, after the overthrow of the monarchy, two powers were established in Russia - dual power: the power of the Provisional Government and the power of the Soviets. The councils performed important government functions. The Provisional Government could act and implement decrees only with the support of the Soviets. (See textbook material) In Petrograd, the Petrograd Soviet controlled economic life, published the newspaper Izvestia, was closely connected with the masses of soldiers, and directed the actions of the police. The workers' militia (Red Guard) was ready to defend the revolution at the first call. The Petrograd Soviet, under pressure from the soldiers' deputies, adopted the famous order No. 1 for the Petrograd garrison , according to which committees of elected soldiers and sailors were introduced into the army, which were supposed to control the actions of officers, dispose of available weapons, etc. Thus, the army turned into an instrument of political struggle, losing its main role - to be the defender of state interests. The Provisional Government included 12 people. 9 ministers were deputies of the State Duma. 7 ministerial posts, and the most important ones, ended up in the hands of the Cadets, 3 ministerial posts were received by the Octobrists, 2 by representatives of other parties. This was the “finest hour” of the cadets, when they found themselves in power for 2 months. G.E. became the Chairman and Minister of Internal Affairs. Lvov, Minister of War and Navy - Octobrist A.I. Guchkov, cadet Minister of Foreign Affairs - P.N. Miliukov, Minister of Justice - A.F. Kerensky. In the events of 1917 A.F. Kerensky will play a special role. England and France were the first to recognize the Provisional Government. In early March, the Provisional Government was also recognized by the USA, Italy, Norway, Japan, Belgium, Portugal, Serbia, and Iran. Social and economic policy of the Provisional Government. On March 3, the program of activities of the Provisional Government, agreed upon with the Petrograd Soviet, was published.

· It included the following transformations:

o complete and immediate amnesty for all political and religious matters;

o freedom of speech, assembly and strikes;

o abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions;

o immediate preparations for elections on the basis of universal, equal, secret and direct voting to the Constituent Assembly;

o replacing the police with a people's militia with elected authorities and subordinate to local governments;

o non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of military units that took part in the uprising on February 27;

o providing soldiers with civil rights.

At the beginning of 1917, a new revolutionary crisis was brewing in Russia, which led to the destruction of the centuries-old Russian monarchy: interruptions in food supplies to large Russian cities intensified. By mid-February, 90 thousand Petrograd workers went on strike due to bread shortages, speculation and rising prices. On February 18, workers from the Putilov plant joined them. The administration announced its closure. This was the reason for the start of mass protests in the capital.

Modern historiography maintains the opinion that February 1917 is the second Russian revolution, which, on the one hand, drew a line under the centuries-old history of the Russian monarchy, and on the other, opened the way for the democratic development of Russia.

Reasons for the revolution:

1) “crisis at the top” (the inability of the government to govern the country using old methods and the processes taking place in the country getting out of control):

The viability of the Russian Empire was undermined by bureaucracy and the inefficiency of the state apparatus; growth of corruption; arbitrariness of officials;

The appointment and tenure of the head of government and ministers depended solely on the favor of Nicholas II and the empress, that is, there was a purely private, “private” selection of court people for the apparatus of power;

Opposition to tsarism by liberal parties and groups and even individual traditionalists increased. The “Progressive Bloc” persistently demanded that the tsar establish a “cabinet of public trust.” Within the walls of the State Duma there was criticism of the government. The “Progressive Bloc” created in the Duma sought a way out of the current situation through a compromise with the monarchy, which led to the creation of a “government of trust”;

Nicholas II's support for the odious figure of Rasputin and his stubborn reluctance to make concessions to the opposition gave rise to conflict even within the imperial family. The Family Council of the Grand Dukes, with the support of the Tsar’s mother Maria Feodorovna, asked Nicholas II “to grant a constitution or a ministry of trust before it is too late, to remove the ministers who have most compromised themselves,” but all was to no avail;

The murder of Rasputin did not achieve its goal. The course remained unchanged. Nicholas did not dare to carry out counter-reforms that would have nullified the innovations of the beginning of the century. In general, the government course can be characterized as an attempt at political maneuvering between right-wing circles and the bourgeois-noble opposition with a tilt to the right;

2) “a deterioration in the situation of the masses above normal.” The government set low purchase prices for agricultural products, which led to their concealment by peasants and food shortages. As a result, food prices on the “black market” and, as a consequence, prices for all consumer goods increased sharply. Inflation has begun. The underlying reasons for this process:

Incompleteness of political and economic reforms;

Unresolved agrarian and national issues;

Deep social stratification;

The growth of marginal population groups (more than 4 million refugees from western provinces) in the context of the onset of industrialization and the world war;

3) growing discontent among the masses and “increasing revolutionary activity”:

The growth of opposition sentiments among the bourgeoisie, intelligentsia and peasantry;

Discontent in the army: incompetence of the top military leadership and defeats at the fronts, a forced transition to trench warfare, which requires a good supply of weapons and food to the army, which was impossible due to the general disorganization of the rear;

Rapid revolutionization of the army: the death of career officers and the replenishment of the army's officer corps with intellectuals who were critical of the government and spread their ideas among the soldiers, who, seeing all the army unrest, supported these ideas;

A deepening crisis that led to a spontaneous desire to end the autocracy. Under these conditions, by the beginning of 1917, the activity of socialist parties revived.

On February 23, International Women's Day (according to the new style, this is March 3), workers took to the streets of Petrograd with the slogans “Bread!”, “Down with war!”, “Down with autocracy!” Their political demonstration marked the beginning of the revolution.

From January 1917, the strike movement grew steadily: in January-February the number of participants in various forms of protest reached 700 thousand people.

On March 2, after negotiations between representatives of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, the Provisional Government was formed. Prince G. E. Lvov became the chairman and minister of internal affairs, cadet P. N. Milyukov became the minister of foreign affairs, the Octobrist military and naval minister A. I. Guchkov, and the progressist A. I. Konovalov became the minister of trade and industry. From the “left” parties, the Socialist Revolutionary A.F. Kerensky entered the government, receiving the portfolio of Minister of Justice. The Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik leadership of the Petrograd Soviet considered the revolution to be bourgeois. Therefore, it did not seek to take full state power and took a position of supporting the Provisional Government. A dual power arose in Russia.

In the February Revolution, anti-feudal, anti-capitalist, general democratic and narrow class interests were closely intertwined and interacted. Having begun spontaneously, it did not have a clearly defined social character and did not fall under any of the usual definitions: bourgeois-democratic, national liberation, religious. Several streams intertwined in the revolutionary movement: the proletarian-poor - in the city; agrarian-peasant - in the village; national liberation - on the national outskirts; anti-war - in the army. The events of the February days led to the complete collapse of the autocratic system in Russia.

2. DUAL POWER: THE ESSENCE OF DUAL POWER AS A HISTORICAL PHENOMENON

The February bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia ended with the overthrow of the autocracy. The victory of the revolution brought significant changes to the political system, and above all to the form of government of the country.

The February Revolution was victorious. The old state system collapsed. A new political situation has emerged. However, the victory of the revolution did not prevent the further deepening of the country's crisis. Economic devastation intensified. To the previous socio-political problems: war and peace, labor, agrarian and national issues, new ones were added: about power, the future state structure and ways out of the crisis. All this determined the unique alignment of social forces in 1917.

The time from February to October is a special period in the history of Russia. There are two stages in it. At the first (March-early July 1917) there was a dual power in which the Provisional Government was forced to coordinate all its actions with the Petrograd Soviet, which took more radical positions and had the support of the broad masses.

On March 3, the composition of the Provisional Government was announced, the chairman of which was Prince G. E. Lvov (1861-1925). In the Declaration of March 3, the Provisional Government defined its program:

Amnesty for political and religious affairs;

Democratic freedoms: freedom of the press, unions, meetings and strikes, abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions;

Replacing the police with the people's militia;

Elections to local government bodies;

Ensuring strict compliance with legislation;

Allocating land to peasants on a “reasonable basis”;

Introduction of universal education;

Loyalty to allied duty;

Preparations for the convening of the Constituent Assembly.

Left parties, considering the revolution unfinished, refused to join the government. They hoped to put pressure on the government through the Soviets, which were not part of government structures. Subordinate to the Soviets was the workers' militia - the Red Guard, which was of great importance.

Thus, a dual power was established in Petrograd: the Provisional Government, which initially had no power, and the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, which had real power but did not have a clear program of action. Gradually, real power began to pass to the Provisional Government, which was largely explained by the behavior of the Soviet leadership.

At the second stage (July-October 25, 1917), dual power was ended. The autocracy of the Provisional Government was established in the form of a coalition of the liberal bourgeoisie (Cadets) with “moderate” socialists (Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks). However, this political alliance also failed to achieve the consolidation of society. Social tension has increased in the country. On the one hand, there was growing indignation among the masses over the government's delays in carrying out the most pressing economic, social and political changes. On the other hand, the right was dissatisfied with the weakness of the government and insufficiently decisive measures to curb the “revolutionary elements.” Monarchists and right-wing bourgeois parties were ready to support the establishment of a military dictatorship. The extreme left, the Bolsheviks, set a course for seizing political power under the slogan “All power to the Soviets!” The provisional government did not realize the depth of the economic and political crisis, failed to overcome it, and therefore was unable to retain power.

3. REASONS, PRECONDITIONS AND CONSEQUENCES OF THE SEIZURE OF POLITICAL POWER BY THE BOLSHEVIKS. IMPACT OF THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION ON THE WORLD

It is impossible to say unequivocally what exactly was the cause of the 1917 revolution. We can talk about the totality of historical prerequisites that had developed by October 1917. Every great event that has a great influence on the subsequent development of history always takes deep roots into social and historical soil. That is why, it seems to me important to note that the October Revolution, which influenced the course of the entire 20th century, was rooted as deeply in the history of Russia as the French Revolution, which had a great influence on the world history of the 19th century, was forever entrenched in the history of France.

To understand the true causes of the revolution, in my opinion, one should turn to history...

First of all, I note that the reform of 1861 in Russia did not eliminate the social contradictions accumulated over centuries by the dominance of the autocratic-serf system. This was precisely the reason for the continued deepening of the social crisis.

At the beginning of the 20th century, Russian society lived in anticipation of a revolutionary storm. The labor movement grew every day. Economic and political strikes occurred continuously, accompanied by political demonstrations and rallies. It was in this situation, aggravated by Russia's defeat in the Russo-Japanese War, that the revolution of 1905-1907 broke out.

However, neither this revolution nor the subsequent reforms of P.A. Stolypin were successful and did not eliminate social contradictions and the crisis in the country.

The February Revolution of 1917, which broke out during the First World War, seemed to provide a good chance to resolve the social crisis. But the Provisional Government showed, in my opinion, cowardice, weakness of will, incapacity and found itself captive of the bourgeoisie, which led to the complete collapse of the hopes of the masses for deliverance from the war and for the conquest of peace, land and grain. It was the indecisiveness of the Provisional Government that apparently caused the retreat of the historical development of Russia as a bourgeois-capitalist state.

As the ancient Chinese said, “whoever satisfies the aspirations of the people and understands their soul will take power in the entire country.” And only the Bolshevik party, led by V.I. Lenin, speaking under the slogan “Peace, land and bread,” expressed the aspirations of the broad masses. We can say that this is a populist slogan, but it is precisely the one that resonated with the masses

That is why the Bolshevik Party won the October Revolution.

We can say that the victory in October 1917 is not a historical accident, but an inevitable result of the long development of Russian history.

The October Revolution is a great people's revolution that opened the prospect of socialism.

The power created in October is the workers' and peasants' power, the power of the masses. The workers' and peasants' Soviet government, standing on the side of the exploited classes and oppressed peoples, carried out a series of general democratic revolutionary reforms and defended the equality of all peoples of Russia. But it should also be noted that this was most likely the power of the poorest segments of the population.

October was a revolution of the dissatisfied lower classes, who make it when life becomes unbearable, when pressing problems are not solved, moving into the future. And there were several of these problems in 1917. This is a problem of peace, a problem of land, a problem of power and a problem of self-determination of peoples.

October took place because the power of the bourgeoisie was unable to solve any of these problems. If Kerensky had solved these essentially bourgeois-democratic problems, October might not have happened. But he didn't.

It was the Bolsheviks and Lenin who proposed a solution to these problems, and the masses supported them in this solution.

We can also say that the October Revolution was not proletarian. Revolution is a change of classes in power. And in October 17th, a very small, albeit fairly concentrated working class and a party expressing its interests came to power. In this sense, the October Revolution was socialist: not to see this would be a delusion. The nature of the revolution determines the class and its goals. The goals were socialist. Another thing is that under Stalin and subsequent Soviet rulers they were perverted, as were the means of achieving them.

I note that at first this revolution was dominated by peasant interests. The instability of proletarian power in the first years of the revolution was obvious. Lenin said: “if we do not pursue the correct policy towards the peasants, they will simply blow us away” 1 . And when during “war communism” the Bolsheviks did not behave as they should towards the peasantry, the peasants reminded themselves of themselves with the Tambov uprising and the Kronstadt rebellion. Paradoxically, the Mensheviks and Trotsky were the first to see this, and only then Lenin. As a result, he proposed a new economic policy, thereby taking a step back in relation to socialism, but forward in relation to peasant interests and strengthening his own power.

After the February Revolution in Russia, three options for the development of the situation arose. The first option is the victory of the bloc of democratic and socialist forces (democratic capitalism). The second is the restoration of the constitutional monarchy (conservative capitalism). The third is the establishment of the Bolshevik dictatorship as a result of a revolutionary coup (socialism). The latter option was eventually implemented. Let us list the domestic and foreign policy factors that contributed to the revolutionary crisis of October 1917:

Firstly, after the overthrow of the autocracy and the establishment of dual power through the confrontation between the Provisional Government, on the one hand, and the Soviets, on the other, the most acute problems of Russian reality arose - issues of power, war and peace, agrarian, national, exit from the economic crisis. There was a crisis of power - the inability of the Provisional Government to cope with the situation. The bourgeois-democratic revolution remained unfinished.

Secondly, in the fall the population’s living standards continued to fall:

unemployment has increased; supply deteriorated, the threat of famine arose;

Market prices increased and inflation increased. All attempts by the government to introduce a monopoly on bread and fixed prices, and to ration supplies (through the introduction of cards) ended in failure. Grain holders disrupted their procurements, speculation grew, and peasants preferred barter in kind.

Thirdly, dissatisfaction with government policies increased. The labor movement expanded: the number of strikes increased; workers' control (an element of workers' control) was introduced; economic demands grew into political ones; the number and strength of trade unions grew; the influence of the Red Guard increased; the peasants practically began to implement the agrarian revolution: the role of the peasant councils increased; under pressure from lower ranks in the army, a purge of officers was carried out, and the activity of army committees intensified; the national outskirts were worried.

These are the so-called objective prerequisites for the revolution, indicating a nationwide socio-political crisis. In addition, there were subjective prerequisites that led to the emergence of a revolutionary situation: the presence of a party, theory, class capable of carrying out a revolution.

How did events develop? In August 1917, the situation in the country was catastrophic. The economy is on the verge of collapse, the army is demoralized by failures at the front, the plight of the working people has reached its limit. The crisis at the top was growing 1 .

To rally forces, on August 12-15, the Provisional Government held in Moscow a state meeting of representatives of the propertied classes, deputies of the State Duma, the top military, the clergy, the Socialist Revolutionary and Menshevik parties. The Bolsheviks refused to participate in the meeting. The speakers called for the extermination of the Bolsheviks, the abolition of the Soviets and soldiers' committees, and the establishment of a military dictatorship in the country that would deal with the revolution. The Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General L. Kornilov, was nominated for this role.

During these days, Riga was captured by German troops, and a threat arose to Petrograd. General Kornilov demanded emergency powers to save the country and on August 25 moved a cavalry corps from the front to Petrograd. The provisional government did not take any measures against the rebellion. The Petrograd Soviet, the Bolsheviks, and factory committees sent agitators to the troops, moved detachments of the Red Guard, and took up arms themselves.

In September-October 1917 The labor movement rose to a new level, took on the character of revolutionary actions against the bourgeoisie directly at enterprises, and there were cases of arrest of the administration. Factory committees removed the administration and took control of factories into their own hands, introducing an 8-hour working day. Workers' control was introduced in 500 enterprises. The struggle of the peasant masses, who never received land, became more and more active and decisive.

An obvious manifestation of the national crisis was the ever-increasing revolutionary upsurge in the army and navy, especially after the Kornilov mutiny. The manifestations of the national crisis in the country indicated that the main preconditions for the coup in mid-September had already been created. The Provisional Government, the leaders of the bourgeois parties, the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries understood the danger of a new revolutionary coup in the country. They tried to distract the people from the revolution with various concessions and transfer the country to the path of bourgeois parliamentarism.

Bolshevik provincial party conferences were held in the capitals and 30 cities, and the formation of the Red Guard was underway. In October it numbered 200 thousand armed workers. This was a decisive turn in Bolshevik tactics towards an armed uprising. Lenin's plan was to remove the government on the eve of the 2nd Congress of Soviets and form new bodies of Soviet power there. Lenin insisted on holding an armed uprising, otherwise a military dictatorship would be established in the country. The provisional government met almost continuously in mid-October to thwart the revolution.

On October 10, the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) adopted a resolution on an armed uprising. L. B. Kamenev and G. B. Zinoviev spoke out against her. They believed that preparations for an uprising were premature and that it was necessary to fight to increase the influence of the Bolsheviks in the future Constituent Assembly. V.I. Lenin insisted on the immediate seizure of power through an armed uprising. His point of view won.

On October 12, the Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC) was formed under the Petrograd Soviet. (The chairman was the left Socialist-Revolutionary P.E. Lazimir, and the actual leader was L.D. Trotsky, chairman of the Petrograd Soviet from September 1917.) The Military Revolutionary Committee was created to protect the Soviets from the military putsch and Petrograd and from a possible German offensive. In practice, it became the center of preparation for the uprising. On October 16, the Central Committee of the RSDLP(b) created the Bolshevik Military Revolutionary Center (VRC). He joined the Military Revolutionary Committee and began to direct its activities.

The Provisional Government tried to resist the Bolsheviks. But its authority dropped so much that it did not receive any support.

The uprising began on October 24, the day before the opening of the 2nd Congress of Soviets. In the morning, the cadets occupied the Bolshevik printing house, but the workers recaptured it. Detachments of the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Petrograd Soviet began to occupy strategic points in the city. By the morning of October 25, train stations, bridges, a telegraph office, and a power station were captured. By the end of the day on October 24, most of the capital was under the control of the rebels. In the morning, an appeal “To the citizens of Russia!” appeared. It said: “The provisional government has been overthrown. State power passed into the hands of the organ of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies - the Military Revolutionary Committee, which stood at the head of the Petrograd proletariat and garrison. The cause for which the people fought: the immediate proposal of a democratic peace, the abolition of landlord ownership of land, workers' control over production, the creation of the Soviet government - this cause is guaranteed! 1 .

Section 4. The Russian Empire in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries.

Russia in the conditions of World War I and the national crisis.

February bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917

Russia's entry into the war and the brewing of an internal political crisis. On August 1, 1914, Russia became embroiled in the First World War. It was attended by the countries of the Quadruple Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, Bulgaria) and the Entente powers (England, France, Russia, Japan, Italy, Romania, USA, etc.), a total of 38 states with a population of 1.5 billion people . .

Russia found itself in the most vulnerable position among the Entente countries: during 2.5 years of war, its total losses amounted to 6.5 million people. The war aggravated the situation in the country to the extreme. The militarization of industry during the war reached 80% and resulted in a drop in the living standards of the population by 2 or more times. Inflation, as a result of the uncontrolled release of paper money, increased 4 times. Railway transport could not cope with the volume of traffic. Russia's national debt increased to 30 billion rubles compared to 9.9 billion before the war.

By the end of 1916 - beginning of 1917. In Russia, a united opposition-revolutionary front emerged, including representatives of the entire society, from grand dukes to Bolsheviks and anarchists, opposing Nicholas II. The disruptions in the food supply of both capitals that began against this background turned out to be quite sufficient grounds for the outbreak of large-scale street riots .

The February Revolution and the establishment of dual power. On February 23, 1917, in Petrograd, at the call of the Bolsheviks, an anti-war demonstration dedicated to International Women's Day took place, which turned into a large city strike, in which 128 thousand people took part. The next day, under the slogans “Bread!”, “Peace!” 214 thousand went on strike, and on March 25 – 305 thousand people. On the night of February 26, by order of Nicholas II, who was at Headquarters in Mogilev, mass arrests were made in Petrograd, and the next day a large demonstration on Znamenskaya Square was shot. On the night of February 26-27, military units began to emerge from obedience one after another, and during the day the rebel workers captured the arsenal, the Peter and Paul Fortress, and prisons. The bourgeois-democratic revolution was victorious.

Then, on February 27, the first centers of revolutionary power appeared. On the initiative of the Mensheviks, the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies was created, chaired by the Menshevik Chkheidze. His deputies were Skobelev and Kerensky. Almost simultaneously, Duma leaders formed a Provisional Executive Committee to “restore state and public order,” headed by Duma Chairman Rodzianko .

On the night of March 1-2, an agreement was concluded between representatives of both authorities on the creation of a Provisional Government, entirely consisting of liberals, but implementing a program approved by the Petrograd Soviet. Prince G.E. became the head of the government. Lvov, members of the cabinet - Milyukov (Minister of Foreign Affairs), Guchkov (Minister of War), Konovalov (Minister of Trade and Industry), Tereshchenko (Minister of Finance), Shingaryov (Minister of Agriculture), Manuilov (Minister of Education), Nekrasov (Minister of Railways) , Kerensky (Minister of Justice). This is how a system of dual power developed. That same night, in the soldiers' section of the Petrograd Soviet, “Order No. 1” was drawn up and published the next day, which actually removed the entire army from under the command of the officers and subordinated the Petrograd garrison to the Petrograd Soviet.

Nicholas II, having learned that the commanders of all fronts spoke in favor of his immediate abdication, on March 2, 1917, voluntarily abdicated the throne in favor of his younger brother Mikhail. However, Mikhail Alexandrovich renounced the throne the very next day, declaring the possibility of taking power only by decision of the Constituent Assembly. So the February Revolution quickly won and the 300-year-old Romanov dynasty fell.

The February Revolution temporarily eased political tensions within the country. Russia stood at a crossroads. All the accumulated problems had to be resolved, a new form of government had to be chosen and constitutionally consolidated, and stable and unified government structures had to be formed. The choice of development paths for Russia depended on the alignment of the main social forces, the correlation of their interests, and the interaction of parties and their leaders. Among these forces we can conditionally distinguish the bourgeoisie (about 3 million people), the working class (3.4 million people) and the peasantry (120 million people, of which 6.5 million are soldiers).

After February, the Russian party system seemed to move to the left, with socialist parties dominating. Traditionalist-monarchist parties ceased to exist. The political center was also weakened: the Octobrists and progressives gradually left the political arena. The only liberal party remained the Cadets, whose number at that time was 100 thousand people. The Cadets proclaimed a course towards the formation of a “left bloc” and cooperation with socialist parties. They insisted on war to a victorious end, were against the immediate introduction of an 8-hour working day and considered it untimely to carry out major reforms, including agrarian reform, before the Constituent Assembly. However, the social expectations of the masses went much further than what the Cadets proposed.

The Socialist Revolutionary Party grew especially rapidly. Its number ranged, according to various estimates, from 400 thousand to 1200 thousand people. The Socialist Revolutionary program attracted the masses with its radicalism and was close to the peasants. The Social Revolutionaries were the first to put forward the demand for the creation of a federal republic. The left wing was strengthening in the party, which demanded decisive steps towards “eliminating the war”, the immediate alienation of landowners’ lands and opposed the coalition with the liberals. Although the party had its own views on the development of the revolutionary process after February, nevertheless, on many important issues the Socialist Revolutionaries secretly recognized the “ideological hegemony” of the Mensheviks, whose numbers were growing rapidly. In April-May it approached 100 thousand, and by the fall it exceeded 200 thousand people. The political doctrine of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries in 1917 was based on the thesis that Russia was not ready for socialism. They advocated cooperation and compromise with the liberal bourgeoisie and provided conditional support to the Provisional Government. Seeing no real ways for Russia to immediately exit the world war, the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries announced their renunciation of aggressive goals in the war and declared themselves “revolutionary defencists.”

In March, the organizational restoration of the Bolshevik Party began. Its numbers increased to 100 thousand by May 1917, and by August - to 215 thousand people. Under the influence of the moderate position of the Petrograd Committee and especially the prominent Bolsheviks Kamenev and Stalin who returned from exile, the Russian Bolsheviks actually took the position of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries and joined the conditional support of the Provisional Government. Moreover, negotiations began on an organizational merger of the three parties; Locally, there was a massive creation of united Bolshevik-Menshevik party organizations.

Lenin's arrival in Petrograd on April 3, 1917 changed the situation dramatically. Lenin came up with the “April Theses”, in which he called for a transition from the bourgeois-democratic to the socialist revolution, the transfer of power to the Soviets, the conclusion of a democratic peace, the establishment of workers’ control over production and distribution, and the immediate solution of the agrarian question. This was a course not towards socio-political consolidation, but towards a split in society, towards the separation of the proletariat and the “proletarian” party and its seizure of power, which would inevitably lead to civil war. Despite the initial rejection of the April Theses, Lenin still managed to impose his strategy on the Bolshevik Party.

The most important factor influencing the development of events in Russia was the activities of the Provisional Government. In the first weeks of its existence, it enjoyed extraordinary popularity and carried out sweeping democratic changes. Broad political rights and freedoms were proclaimed, national and religious restrictions, the death penalty were abolished, censorship, police, hard labor were abolished, and a political amnesty was declared. At the same time, the arrest of Nicholas II and his family, as well as the tsarist ministers and a number of representatives of the previous administration, was authorized.

Under pressure from the Soviets, the Provisional Government carried out a radical democratization of the army. “Order No. 1” played a huge role in this. The senior command staff was purged, military courts were abolished, and the institution of commissars was introduced to monitor the political loyalty of officers. The Provisional Government approached socio-economic reforms much more cautiously, postponing their implementation until the Constituent Assembly. However, the Provisional Government could not remain completely inactive: thus, as part of the preparation of the agrarian reform, land committees were created, and in order to overcome food difficulties, the introduction of a state grain monopoly was announced, and then the Ministry of Food was created. On April 23, the government legalized the factory committees that had arisen at enterprises. To achieve “class peace,” the Ministry of Labor, conciliation committees, and labor exchanges were created. However, the 8-hour working day was never decreed. The possibility of broad reform was limited by the ongoing world war, the difficult economic situation, and most importantly, the desire of moderate socialists and cadets to maintain a balance, a compromise between the interests of the main socio-political forces necessary to maintain stability in the country. And in this sense, the policy of the Provisional Government was undoubtedly effective. However, his real power was extremely weak, which was aggravated by the lack of strong local support.

On March 5, by order of Prince Lvov, instead of the removed governors, commissars of the Provisional Government were appointed to their places, who became the chairmen of the corresponding Zemstvo administrations. However, the Zemstvos were gradually pushed out of power by the Soviets, the number of which increased from March to October 1917 from 600 to 1429. At the fronts, soldiers’ committees acted as original analogues of the Soviets; they united up to 300 thousand military personnel.

Until the fall of 1917, the Soviets were dominated by the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, whose program most appealed to the masses. The Soviets did not want to take supreme power into their own hands, but their support for the Provisional Government was far from unconditional. The Soviets put powerful pressure on him from the “left” and took a number of independent actions (“Order No. 1”, the introduction of an 8-hour working day, the adoption of the manifesto “To the Peoples of the World”).

The crises of the Provisional Government and the rise to power of the Bolsheviks. After the February Revolution, the country faced a number of fundamental problems that required immediate solutions: exit from the war, the elimination of agrarian and national problems, the establishment of a democratic system of government, and overcoming economic difficulties. Two ways to solve these pressing problems were proposed: evolutionary, which meant gradual reform of the country in the spirit of bourgeois-democratic values, and radical, based on the destruction of private property and the transition to socialism. The choice had to be made in the extreme conditions of war, a sharp weakening of all verticals of power, the presence of real plurality of power, illiteracy of 70% of the population and the absence of established democratic traditions.

The problem of attitudes towards the war became the cause of the first political crisis, which exploded the relative unity of post-February society. On April 18, Foreign Minister Miliukov published a government note in which he confirmed Russia’s commitment to the allies to wage the war to a victorious end. On April 20, a spontaneous anti-war demonstration of armed soldiers took place in Petrograd. The next day, up to 100 thousand workers took to the streets of the city demanding: “Down with Milyukov!”, “Long live a world without annexations and indemnities!” The explosive situation was defused by the Menshevik-SR leaders of the Petrograd Soviet, obtaining concessions from the Provisional Government in the form of clarifications that by “decisive victory” they meant achieving “lasting peace.”

The April crisis led to a change in its personnel. Guchkov and Miliukov left the government, and 6 socialists and 10 liberals entered. The entry of moderate socialists into the government, which was losing popularity, instilled hope in the masses, but placed direct responsibility for its activities on the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries.

Despite all the efforts of the new coalition Provisional Government, it was not possible to stabilize the situation in the country. At this time, the simple and ultra-radical slogans of the Bolsheviks, inciting hatred of the “bourgeois” in every possible way, gradually began to gain popularity. The demagoguery of their propaganda was unprecedented. In May-June 1917, the Bolsheviks strengthened their position among Petrograd workers and soldiers, and to demonstrate their growing influence they decided to hold a demonstration on June 10 under anti-war and anti-government slogans. However, the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets, which was working at that time, at which the Bolsheviks had only the 8th part of the mandates, banned the demonstration. But on June 18, the day on which the Congress of Soviets appointed a demonstration of support for the Provisional Government, Bolshevik slogans clearly prevailed.

Already on July 2, a number of cadet ministers resigned in protest against the agreement with the Central Rada of Ukraine. The new government crisis was prompted by an explosion of discontent among the soldiers and workers, who increasingly came under the influence of massive Bolshevik agitation.

On July 3, the whole of Petrograd was covered in demonstrations and rallies demanding the transfer of power to the Soviets. On July 4, about 500 thousand people took to the streets, more than 700 people were killed and injured. The government declared Petrograd under martial law and called troops from the front, accusing the Bolsheviks of having connections with the German authorities. The disarmament of the revolutionary units and workers who took part in the demonstration began, an order was issued for the arrest of the Bolshevik leaders, and the newspaper Pravda was closed. The death penalty was restored at the front.

The new situation pushed Lenin to rethink the tactics of the Bolsheviks. He came to the conclusion that after the July events “the counter-revolution won” and the dual power ended. At the VI Congress of the RSDLP(b), held in July-August 1917, the slogan “All power to the Soviets” was temporarily removed and a course set for a socialist revolution.

The provisional government, trying to consolidate the forces supporting it and prevent the country from sliding into civil war, held a State Conference in Moscow on August 12-15. It was attended by about 2.5 thousand delegates from organizations of the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, the army, Soviets, zemstvos, cooperation, intelligentsia, clergy, deputies of all State Dumas, etc. The Bolsheviks refused to participate in the meeting and organized a powerful protest strike in Moscow. The meeting participants demanded that strict measures be taken to restore order, the introduction of the death penalty not only at the front, but also in the rear, and to bring the war to a victorious end. The meeting demonstrated the growing popularity of General Kornilov, appointed commander-in-chief of the Russian army in July.

The meeting as a whole did not lead to the consolidation of bourgeois and socialist forces, but contributed to their further shift to the right. After some hesitation, the head of the Provisional Government, Kerensky, agreed with Kornilov’s proposals to limit political freedoms and establish a dictatorship. On August 26, when General Krymov’s 3rd Cavalry Corps was ready to rush to Petrograd, Kornilov demanded that Kerensky entrust him with military and civil power, declare Petrograd under martial law and arrive at Headquarters (for security reasons). Fearing that Kornilov could do without him, Kerensky tried to remove the general, and when this failed, he notified the country of his “treason.” The Soviets and all socialist parties, including the Bolsheviks, resolutely opposed the “Kornilovism.” 60 thousand Red Guards, soldiers, and sailors stood up to defend Petrograd. By August 30, the troops heading towards the capital were stopped and scattered without firing shots. Kornilov was arrested, and Krymov shot himself.

On September 1, 1917, Russia was proclaimed a republic. After the defeat of the “Kornilovism,” the situation and the balance of power in the country changed fundamentally. The most active forces of the right were defeated. The Provisional Government and the parties that formed it (the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks), in the context of an aggravating socio-economic crisis, were increasingly deprived of popular support. At the same time, the Bolsheviks, who actively participated in the fight against the “Kornilovism,” rapidly increased their influence. In August-October, the number of their party reached 350 thousand. In September, the Petrograd and Moscow Soviets came under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, and then the Soviets in 80 large and medium-sized cities of the country.

In the new conditions, Lenin saw the possibility of the peaceful development of the revolution and the seizure of power by the Soviets, for which it was necessary to break the coalition of the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks with the Cadets. However, the All-Russian Democratic Conference, held in Petrograd on September 14-22, approved the creation of a coalition government with the Cadets. Without waiting for the end of the Democratic Conference, Lenin again changed tactics. On September 15, he wrote letters to the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party, “The Bolsheviks must take power” and “Marxism and uprising,” in which he demanded to immediately take power. The corresponding decision was made at meetings of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party on October 10 and 16. Only Kamenev and Zinoviev spoke out against the uprising. The organizer of the uprising was the Petrograd Soviet, led by Trotsky, as well as the Military Revolutionary Committee (MRK) created under the Soviet. On October 24-25, an armed uprising in Petrograd overthrew the Provisional Government with almost no casualties.

The Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets (October 25-26), which was dominated by the Bolsheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, elected a new All-Russian Central Executive Committee (chairman Kamenev) and formed a new provisional government - the Council of People's Commissars, headed by Lenin. At the initiative of the Bolsheviks, the congress adopted the Decrees on Peace and Land. The first of them proposed that “all warring peoples and their governments begin immediately negotiations for a just democratic peace” without annexations and indemnities.

The Decree on Land largely repeated the Socialist Revolutionary agrarian program and was a serious departure from Bolshevik views on the countryside. It provided for the transfer of landowners' and other lands to the disposal of peasant committees and district peasant councils until the final resolution of all land issues by the Constituent Assembly. The decree included the “Order of 242 local peasant committees and councils,” which provided for the abolition of private ownership of land, the transfer of highly cultivated farms to the state, and the equal division of land between peasants according to labor standards.

The Bolsheviks' coming to power marked the collapse of the prospects for the bourgeois-democratic development of the country that had opened in February. The main reasons for this were the weakness of state power, war, the slow nature of reforms, and the growth of radical sentiments in society. The Bolsheviks were able to use this situation to seize power - under the Soviet flag - in order to try to implement their ideological doctrine.

Russia in conditions of a national crisis

The authority of the tsarist government was rapidly declining. To a large extent, this was facilitated by rumors about scandals at court, about Rasputin. Their credibility was confirmed by the so-called “ ministerial leapfrog”: in two years of war, four chairmen of the Council of Ministers and six ministers of internal affairs were replaced. The population in the Russian Empire did not have time not only to get acquainted with the political program, but also to see the face of the next prime minister or minister.

As the monarchist wrote V.V. Shulgin about Russian prime ministers, “Goremykin cannot be the head of government due to his callousness and old age.” In January 1916, Nicholas II appointed Stürmer, and V.V. Shulgin writes this: “The fact is that Stürmer is a small, insignificant person, and Russia is waging a world war. The fact is that all powers have mobilized their best forces, and we have a “Yuletide grandfather” as prime minister. And now the whole country is furious.”

Everyone felt the tragedy of the situation. Prices rose, and food shortages began in cities.

The war required enormous expenses. Budget expenditures in 1916 exceeded revenues by 76%. Taxes were sharply increased. The government also resorted to issuing internal loans and went for the mass issue of paper money without gold backing. This led to a fall in the value of the ruble, disruption of the entire financial system in the state, and an extraordinary increase in prices.

Food difficulties that arose as a result of the general collapse of the economy forced the tsarist government in 1916 to introduce forced grain requisitioning. But this attempt did not yield results, since the landowners sabotaged government decrees and hid the grain in order to later sell it at a high price. The peasants also did not want to sell bread for depreciated paper money.

Since the autumn of 1916, food supplies to Petrograd alone accounted for only half of its needs. Due to a lack of fuel in Petrograd, already in December 1916, the work of about 80 enterprises was stopped.

Delivery of firewood from a warehouse on Serpukhov Square. 1915

Review of the first medical and nutritional detachment of Moscow, leaving for the theater of military operations, on the parade ground at the Khamovniki barracks. March 1, 1915

The food crisis that sharply worsened in the fall of 1916, the deterioration of the situation at the fronts, the fear that workers would demonstrate and “are about to burst into the streets,” the inability of the government to lead the country out of the deadlock - all this led to the question of the removal of Prime Minister Stürmer. .

Octobrist leader A.I. Guchkov saw the only way out of the situation in a palace coup. Together with a group of officers, he hatched plans for a dynastic coup (the abdication of Nicholas II in favor of an heir under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich).

Positions of the Cadet Party expressed by P.N. Miliukov, speaking in November 1916 in the IV State Duma with sharp criticism of the economic and military policies of the government, accusing the tsarina’s entourage of preparing a separate treaty with Germany and provocatively pushing the masses to revolutionary uprisings. He repeatedly repeated the question: “What is this - stupidity or treason?” And in response, the deputies shouted: “stupidity,” “treason,” accompanying the speaker’s speech with constant applause. This speech, of course, was prohibited for publication, but, reproduced illegally, it became famous at the front and in the rear.

The most imaginative description of the political situation in Russia on the eve of the impending national catastrophe was given by one of the cadet leaders V.I. Maklakov. He compared Russia to “a car speeding along a steep and narrow road. The driver cannot drive because he does not control the car at all on descents, or he is tired and no longer understands what he is doing.”

In January 1917, Nicholas II, under pressure from public opinion, removed Stürmer, replacing him with the liberal Prince Golitsyn. But this action could not change anything.

February 1917

1917 began in Petrograd with new workers' speeches. The total number of strikers in January 1917 was already more than 350 thousand. For the first time during the war, defense plants (Obukhovsky and Arsenal) went on strike. Since mid-February, revolutionary actions have not stopped: strikes were replaced by rallies, rallies by demonstrations.

On February 9, Chairman of the IV State Duma M.V. Rodzianko arrived in Tsarskoye Selo with a report on the situation in the country. “The revolution will sweep you away,” he told Nicholas II. “Well, God willing,” was the emperor’s answer. “God doesn’t give anything, you and your government have ruined everything, revolution is inevitable,” stated M.V. Rodzianko.

Rodzianko M.V.

Two weeks later, on February 23, unrest began in Petrograd, on February 25, the strike in Petrograd became general, soldiers began to go over to the side of the demonstrators, and on February 26-27, the autocracy no longer controlled the situation in the capital.

February 27, 1917 Artist B. Kustodiev. 1917

Speech by V.P. Nogin at a rally near the building of the Historical Museum on February 28, 1917.

As V.V. wrote Shulgin, “in the entire huge city it was impossible to find a hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities.”

On February 27 - 28, the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was formed. (Chrestomathy T7 No. 13) It was composed of socialists, the majority - Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. The Menshevik N.S. became the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Council. Chkheidze, and his deputies - A.F. Kerensky, one of the most radical speakers of the IV Duma, and M.I. Skobelev.

Almost simultaneously with the formation of the Council, the State Duma, at an unofficial meeting (on February 26, it was dissolved by decree of the Tsar for two months), created a “Temporary Committee for restoring order and for relations with persons and institutions” as the governing body of the country.

The two authorities, born of the revolution, were on the verge of conflict, but, in the name of maintaining unity in the fight against tsarism, they made a mutual compromise. With the sanction of the Executive Committee of the Council, the Duma Provisional Committee formed the Provisional Government on March 1.

The Bolsheviks demanded that a government be formed only from representatives of the parties included in the council. But the Executive Committee rejected this proposal. The Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries who were members of the Executive Committee had a fundamentally different point of view on the composition of the government than the Bolsheviks. They believed that after the victory of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, power should be formed by the bourgeoisie under the control of the Council. The leadership of the Council refused to participate in the government. The support of the Provisional Government from the Executive Committee was accompanied by the main condition - the government would pursue a democratic program approved and supported by the Council.

By the evening of March 2, the composition of the government was determined. Prince G.E. was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Internal Affairs. Lvov, cadet, Minister of Foreign Affairs - leader of the Cadet Party P.N. Miliukov, Minister of Finance - M.I. Tereshchenko, cadet, Minister of Military and Naval Affairs - A.I. Konovalov, Octobrist, A.F. Kerensky (representative of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet) took the post of Minister of Justice. Thus, the government was mainly Cadet in composition.

Notified of these events, Nicholas II received a proposal to abdicate in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, and on March 2, he handed over the text of the abdication to two emissaries of the Duma, Guchkov and Shulgin, who arrived in Pskov, where the emperor was. (Reader T 7 No. 14) (Reader T7 No. 15) But this step was already late: Michael, in turn, abdicated the throne. The monarchy in Russia fell.

The emblem of autocracy has been overthrown forever

A dual power actually emerged in the country - the Provisional Government as a body of bourgeois power and the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies as a body of working people.

Political situation in Russia (February - October 1917)

“Dual power” (February - June 1917)

The Provisional Government did not set as its goal to carry out revolutionary changes in the economic and social order. As government representatives themselves stated, all major issues of government structure will be resolved constituent Assembly, but for now it’s “temporary”, it is necessary to maintain order in the country and, most importantly, win the war. There was no talk about reforms.

After the collapse of the monarchy, the opportunity to come to power opened up for all political classes, parties and their political leaders for the first time in Russian history. More than 50 political parties fought for the period from February to October 1917. A particularly noticeable role in politics after February 1917 was played by the Cadets, Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, and Bolsheviks. What were their goals and tactics?

Central place in cadet program were occupied by the ideas of Europeanization of Russia through the creation of a strong state power. They assigned the leading role in this process to the bourgeoisie. The continuation of the war, according to the Cadets, could unite both conservatives and liberals, the State Duma and the commanders-in-chief. The Cadets saw the unity of these forces as the main condition for the development of the revolution.

Mensheviks viewed the February Revolution as a nationwide, nationwide, class-wide one. Therefore, their main political line in the development of events after February was the creation of a government based on a coalition of forces not interested in the restoration of the monarchy.

The views on the nature and tasks of the revolution were similar right socialist revolutionaries(A.F. Kerensky, N.D. Avksentyev), as well as from the leader of the party, who occupied centrist positions, V. Chernov.

February, in their opinion, is the apogee of the revolutionary process and liberation movement in Russia. They saw the essence of the revolution in Russia in achieving civil harmony, reconciling all layers of society, and, first of all, reconciling supporters of war and revolution to implement a program of social reforms.

The position was different left socialist revolutionaries, its leader M.A. Spiridonova who believed that the popular, democratic February in Russia marked the beginning of a political and social world revolution.

Bolsheviks

The Bolsheviks—Russia's most radical party in 1917—saw February as the first stage of the struggle for socialist revolution. This position was formulated by V.I. Lenin in the “April Theses”, where the slogans “No support for the Provisional Government” and “All power to the Soviets” were put forward.

Arrival of V.I.Lenin in Petrograd April 3(16), 1917 Art.K.Aksenov.1959

The April Theses also formulated the economic platform of the party: workers' control over social production and distribution of products, the unification of all banks into one national bank and the establishment of control over it by the Soviets, the confiscation of landowners' lands and the nationalization of all land in the country.

The relevance of the theses became more and more obvious as crisis situations in the country grew in connection with the specific policies of the Provisional Government. The mood of the Provisional Government to continue the war and delay the decision on social reforms created a serious source of conflict in the development of the revolution.

First political crisis

During the 8 months the Provisional Government was in power, it was repeatedly in a state of crisis. The first crisis erupted in April When the Provisional Government announced that Russia would continue the war on the side of the Entente, this caused a massive protest of the people. On April 18 (May 1), the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government, Miliukov, sent a note to the Allied Powers, which confirmed that the Provisional Government would comply with all treaties of the tsarist government and continue the war to a victorious end. The note caused indignation among wide sections of the population. Over 100 thousand people took to the streets of Petrograd demanding peace. The result of the crisis was the formation first coalition government, which consisted not only of bourgeois, but also of representatives of socialist (Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries) parties.

Ministers P.N. left the government. Miliukov and A.I. Guchkov, the new coalition government included the leaders of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries V.M. Chernov, A.F. Kerensky, I.G. Tsereteli, M.I. Skobelev.

The power crisis was temporarily eliminated, but the causes of its occurrence were not eliminated.

Second political crisis

The offensive at the front launched in June 1917 also did not meet with the support of the popular masses, who increasingly actively supported the Bolshevik slogans about the Soviets taking power and ending the war. It was already second political crisis Provisional Government. Workers and soldiers took part in demonstrations under the slogans “Down with 10 capitalist ministers”, “Bread, peace, freedom”, “All power to the Soviets” in Petrograd, Moscow, Tver, Ivanovo-Voznesensk and other cities.

Third political crisis

And a few days later a new (July) political crisis in Russia broke out in Petrograd. It was already third political crisis, which became a new stage on the path to a national crisis. The reason was the unsuccessful offensive of Russian troops at the front and the disbandment of revolutionary military units. As a result, on July 2 (15), the Cadets left the Provisional Government.

By this time, the socio-economic situation, especially the food situation, had deteriorated sharply. Neither the creation of land committees, nor the introduction of a state monopoly on bread, nor regulation of food supplies, nor even meat allocation with a double increase in purchase prices for basic food products could alleviate the difficult food situation. Imported purchases of meat, fish and other products did not help. About half a million prisoners of war, as well as soldiers from rear garrisons, were sent to agricultural work. To forcibly confiscate grain, the government sent armed military detachments to the village. However, all the measures taken did not produce the expected results. People stood in queues at night. For Russia, the summer and early autumn of 1917 was characterized by the collapse of the economy, closing enterprises, unemployment, and inflation. The differentiation of Russian society has sharply increased. Conflicting opinions clashed on the problems of war, peace, power, and bread. There was only one consensus: the war must be ended as soon as possible.

Under the current conditions, the Provisional Government was unable to maintain the level of political dialogue and July 4 - 5, 1917. turned to violence against the workers' and soldiers' demonstration in Petrograd. A peaceful demonstration in Petrograd was shot and dispersed by the armed forces of the Provisional Government. Following the shooting and dispersal of the peaceful demonstration, there was a government order granting the Minister of War and the Minister of Internal Affairs broad powers, giving the right to prohibit meetings and congresses, and to impose brutal censorship.

The newspapers Trud and Pravda were banned; The editorial office of the newspaper “Pravda” was destroyed, and on July 7 an order was issued for the arrest of V.I. Lenin and G.E. Zinoviev - the leaders of the Bolsheviks. However, the leadership of the Soviets did not interfere with the actions of the government, fearing the increased political influence of the Bolsheviks on the masses.

The main reasons for the February revolution:

1. Although the autocracy was at the last line, it continued to exist;

2. Workers sought to achieve better working conditions;

3. National minorities needed, if not independence, then greater autonomy;

4. The people wanted an end to the terrible war. This new problem has been added to the old ones;

5. The population wanted to avoid hunger and impoverishment.

By the beginning of the 20th century. The agrarian question was acute in Russia. The reforms of Emperor Alexander II did not make life much easier for peasants and villages. The village continued to maintain a community, which was convenient for the government to collect taxes. Peasants were forbidden to leave the community, so the village was overpopulated. Many high personalities of Russia tried to destroy the community as a feudal relic, but the community was protected by the autocracy, and they failed to do this. One of these people was S.Yu. Witte. P.A. managed to free the peasants from the community later. Stolypin during his agrarian reform. But the agrarian problem remained. The agrarian question led to the revolution of 1905 and remained the main one by 1917. The ruling circles of Russia saw the main chance to delay the death of the autocracy in the victorious end of the war with Germany. 15.6 million people were put under arms, of which up to 13 million were peasants. The war of '14 by this time was causing discontent among the masses, not without the participation of the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks authorized rallies in the capitals and other cities of Russia. They also carried out agitation in the army, which negatively affected the mood of soldiers and officers. People in the cities joined the Bolshevik demonstrations. All factories in Petrograd worked for the front, because of this there was a shortage of bread and other consumer goods. In Petrograd itself, long lines of queues stretched through the streets. By the end of 1916, the tsarist government expanded the issue of money so much that goods began to disappear from the shelves. The peasants refused to sell food for depreciating money. They took the products to large cities: St. Petersburg, Moscow, etc.

The provinces “closed themselves” and the tsarist government switched to food appropriation, because the financial company's fortunes forced it. In 1914, the state wine monopoly was abolished; this stopped the agrarian drain of money into the agricultural sector. In February 1917, industrial centers were falling apart, Moscow, St. Petersburg and other Russian cities were starving, and the system of commodity-money relations in the country was disrupted.

Progress of the revolution of 1917

On February 14, the Duma met and declared that the government must be changed, otherwise nothing good will happen. The workers wanted to support the Duma, but the police dispersed the workers as soon as they began to gather to go to the Duma. Chairman of the State Duma M. Rodzianko obtained a reception from the sovereign and warned that Russia was in danger. The emperor did not react to this. He did not deceive, but he was deceived himself, because the Minister of Internal Affairs ordered that local authorities send telegrams to Nicholas II about the “immeasurable love” of the people for the “adored monarch.”

The ministers deceived the emperor in everything related to domestic politics. The Emperor believed them unconditionally in everything. Nicholas was more concerned about things at the front, which were not going well. Failure to solve internal problems, the financial crisis, the difficult war with Germany - all this led to spontaneous uprisings that grew into the February Bourgeois Revolution of 1917.

By mid-February, 90 thousand Petrograd workers went on strike due to bread shortages, speculation and rising prices. On the night of February 23, the Bolsheviks held meetings among the circles they organized.

Strikes occurred in only a few factories. Discontent among the masses arose largely due to the food issue (in particular, the lack of bread) and most of all this worried women, who had to wait in long lines in the hope of getting at least something. In many workshops groups gathered, read the leaflet distributed by the Bolsheviks, and passed it from hand to hand.

During the lunch break, rallies began at most factories in the Vyborg region and at a number of enterprises in other regions. Women workers angrily denounced the tsarist government, protested against the lack of bread, the high cost, and the continuation of the war. They were supported by Bolshevik workers at every large and small factory on the Vyborg side. There were calls everywhere for work to stop. The ten enterprises that were on strike on Bolshoy Sampsonievsky Prospekt were joined by others from 10-11 a.m. In total, according to police data, about 90 thousand workers of 50 enterprises went on strike. Thus, the number of strikers exceeded the scope of the strike on February 14.

But events literally from the first hours of the strike took on a different character than on February 14. If there were few demonstrations then, on February 23, the majority of workers remained on the streets for some time before going home and took part in mass demonstrations. Many strikers were in no hurry to disperse, but remained on the streets for a long time and agreed to the calls of the strike leaders to continue the demonstration and go to the city center. The demonstrators were excited, which anarchist elements did not fail to take advantage of: 15 shops were destroyed on the Vyborg side. The workers stopped the trams, and if the car drivers and conductors showed resistance, they turned the cars over. In total, the police counted, 30 tram trains were stopped.

From the first hours, the events of February 23 revealed a peculiar combination of organization and spontaneity, so characteristic of the entire further development of the February Revolution. Rallies and speeches by women were planned by the Bolsheviks and Mezhrayontsy, as well as the possibility of strikes. However, no one expected such a significant scale. The call of women workers, following the instructions of the Bolshevik Center, was very quickly and unanimously taken up by all male workers of the striking enterprises. The police were taken by surprise by the events. At about 4 p.m., workers from the outskirts, as if obeying a single call, moved to Nevsky Prospekt. This was not surprising: just a week ago, on February 14, the workers, following the instructions of the Bolsheviks, also went to Nevsky - the traditional place of political demonstrations and rallies.

A meeting of the State Duma was taking place in the Tauride Palace. She began working on February 14, in the alarming atmosphere of a major demonstration expected. This was reflected in the restrained position expressed in the speeches of Rodzianko, Milyukov and other speakers of the Progressive Bloc. The progressives who joined at the end of 1916 from the Progressive Bloc, the leader of the Menshevik faction, Chkheidze, spoke sharply. On February 15, Miliukov declared in the Duma that the government had returned to the course it had pursued before October 17, 1905, “to fight against the entire country.” But he also tried to distance himself from the “street,” which has recently been encouraging the Duma with statements that the country and the army are with it, and is expecting some kind of “deed” from the Duma. On Saturday and Sunday, February 18 and 19, the Duma did not meet, and on Monday the 20th a very short meeting was held. The big plenary was scheduled for Thursday, February 23rd. Rumors about the movement that began on the Vyborg side quickly reached the Tauride Palace. Phone calls were heard in the rooms of the press, factions and commissions, and in the secretary of the Duma chairman. At this time, a discussion of the food issue was taking place in the White Meeting Hall of the Duma. Then they moved on to a debate on the request submitted by the Menshevik and Trudovik factions for strikes at the Izhora and Putilov factories.

Meanwhile, it was during these hours that the movement further demonstrated its anti-government and anti-war orientation. Information about this continued to flow into the Duma, but it did not change the overall assessment of events on the part of its members.

Late in the evening of February 23, at a safe house in a remote working-class area of ​​Petrograd, Novaya Derevnya, a meeting of members of the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) and the St. Petersburg Committee took place.

Orlov A.S., Georgiev V.A., Georgieva N.G., Sivokhina T.A. “History of Russia from ancient times to the present day”

They noted with satisfaction that the scope of events that day went far beyond their expectations: clashes with the police, rallies, the number of which on the streets could not even be accurately counted, a demonstration on Nevsky. The number of strikers, according to their observations and rough estimates, even exceeded the number of those who went on strike on February 14. All this seemed to give the Bolsheviks complete revenge for the day of February 14, when caution was felt in the behavior of the masses and there were few demonstrations.

The next morning, at 7 o'clock, lines of workers again reached the gates of their enterprises. They were in the most fighting mood. The majority decided not to start work. On February 24, 75 thousand people went on strike. The speakers, many of whom were Bolsheviks, called on the workers to immediately take to the streets. Revolutionary songs were heard everywhere. In some places red flags were flying up. Tram traffic was stopped again. The entire street was filled with columns of demonstrators moving towards the Liteiny Bridge. Police and Cossacks more than once attacked workers on the approaches to the bridge. They managed to temporarily interrupt the movement of demonstrators. The workers parted to let the horsemen pass. But as soon as they drove away, the workers moved forward again. They repeatedly broke through the Liteiny (Alexandrovsky) bridge to the left bank of the Neva. The fighting and high spirits of the workers that day intensified even more. The police chiefs of both Vyborg districts repeatedly reported to the mayor A.P. Balku that they are not able to cope with the movement on their own.

On February 25, the strike in Petrograd became general. Demonstrations and rallies did not stop. On the evening of February 25, Nicholas II from Headquarters, located in Mogilev, sent the commander of the Petrograd Military District S.S. A telegram to Khabalov with a categorical demand to stop the unrest. Attempts by the authorities to use troops did not produce a positive effect; the soldiers refused to shoot at the people. However, officers and police killed more than 150 people on February 26th. In response, the guards of the Pavlovsk regiment, supporting the workers, opened fire on the police.

Chairman of the Duma M.V. Rodzianko warned Nicholas II that the government was paralyzed and “there is anarchy in the capital.” To prevent the development of the revolution, he insisted on the immediate creation of a new government headed by a statesman who enjoyed the trust of society. However, the king rejected his proposal. Moreover. The Council of Ministers decided to interrupt the meetings of the Duma and dissolve it for vacation. The moment for the peaceful, evolutionary transformation of the country into a constitutional monarchy was missed. Nicholas II sent troops from Headquarters to suppress the revolution, but a small detachment of General N.I. Ivanov was detained near Gatchina by rebel railway workers and soldiers and was not allowed into the capital.

On February 27, the mass transition of soldiers to the side of the workers, their seizure of the arsenal and the Peter and Paul Fortress, marked the victory of the revolution. The arrests of tsarist ministers and the formation of new government bodies began.

On the same day, elections to the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies were held in factories and military units, drawing on the experience of 1905, when the first organs of workers' political power were born. An Executive Committee was elected to manage its activities. The Menshevik N.S. became the chairman. Chkheidze, his deputy - Socialist Revolutionary A.F. Kerensky. The Executive Committee took upon itself the maintenance of public order and the supply of food to the population.

On February 27, at a meeting of leaders of Duma factions, it was decided to form a Provisional Committee of the State Duma headed by M.V. Rodzianko. The task of the committee was to “restoration of state and public order” and the creation of a new government.

The temporary committee took control of all ministries. On February 28, Nicholas II left Headquarters for Tsarskoe Selo, but was detained on the way by revolutionary troops. He had to turn to Pskov, to the headquarters of the Northern Front. After consultations with the front commanders, he became convinced that there were no forces to suppress the revolution.

On March 1, the Petrograd Soviet issued “Order No. 1” on the democratization of the army. Soldiers were given equal civil rights with officers, harsh treatment of lower ranks was prohibited, and traditional forms of army subordination were abolished. Soldiers' committees were legalized. The election of commanders was introduced. Political activities were allowed in the army. The Petrograd garrison was subordinate to the Council and was obliged to carry out only its orders.

On March 2, Nicholas signed a Manifesto abdicating the throne for himself and his son Alexei in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. However, when Duma deputies A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin brought the text of the Manifesto to Petrograd, it became clear that the people did not want a monarchy. On March 3, Mikhail abdicated the throne, declaring that the future fate of the political system in Russia should be decided by the Constituent Assembly. The 300-year reign of the House of Romanov ended. Autocracy in Russia finally fell. This was the main result of the revolution.

Results of the February Revolution

The February Revolution was not as swift as they like to describe it. Of course, compared to the French Revolution, it was fleeting and almost bloodless. But it was simply never mentioned that until the end of the revolution, the Tsar had a chance to save the autocracy in the same way as in 1905 - by issuing some kind of constitution.

But that did not happen. What is this - political colorblindness or lack of interest in everything that is happening? And yet, the February Revolution, which led to the overthrow of the autocracy, ended.

However, the peoples of Russia rose up to fight not only and not so much in order to overthrow the Romanov dynasty from the throne. The overthrow of the autocracy in itself did not solve the pressing problems facing the country. February 1917 did not complete the revolutionary process, but began a new stage. After the February revolution, workers received an increase in wages, but inflation ate it up by the summer. The lack of wages, housing, food, and basic necessities caused disappointment among the people in the results of the February revolution. The government continued the unpopular war, thousands of people died in the trenches. Distrust in the Provisional Government grew, which resulted in mass street protests. From February to July 1917 The provisional government experienced three powerful political crises that threatened to overthrow it.

Thus. The February bourgeois-democratic revolution did not remove the main issues facing the country from the agenda. To solve them, a new, qualitatively different, socialist revolution was needed. The war exacerbated these contradictions and brought them to the surface. All streams of the revolutionary movement - the national struggle for peace, the struggle of peasants for the land, the national liberation struggle of oppressed peoples, the struggle of the proletariat for socialism - merged together under the banner of the socialist revolution, for only the socialist revolution could resolve the emerging contradictions, open the way for the people to a happy, free life. The overwhelming majority of the Russian population was interested in the socialist revolution.