It must be admitted that the information and propaganda war being waged against Russia by its enemies has fully achieved its goals. This is most noticeable in the southern, Caucasian direction. After both Chechen campaigns, which did not end, as expected, in our complete victory, there is no longer a consensus on the need to “hold” the Caucasus or conscript natives from this region into the army. In society, including the army and law enforcement agencies There has been an increase in both anti-Caucasian, chauvinistic and anti-Russian, or rather, Russophobic, sentiments. This cannot but affect the moral and psychological climate in units and subunits and affect their combat readiness; significantly reduces the effectiveness of the use of troops in carrying out assigned combat missions. All these questions and problems have not received, in my opinion, a timely and proper assessment from the government leadership and law enforcement agencies.
Union of Sword and Cross
One of the measures to increase and raise morale, as the main component of the complex of moral and psychological support for troops, should be the formation in military personnel of self-confidence, firm conviction that they are right and the adequacy of the perception of the situation emerging from various information sources. It is at these “points” that our opponents work, depriving military personnel of national identity and the opportunity to freely navigate the historical and spiritual space, using the potential accumulated over generations.
Obviously, in order to solve this important problem, it is necessary, first of all, at the official level, to recognize what is an immutable but forgotten fact: historically, Russia exists based on two pillars: the Army and the Church. When the enemies managed to cut down one of these pillars, the state collapsed. But, thanks to the existence of the second, relying on him, she always managed not only to resurrect, but also to restore her combat potential, making up for what she had lost. This blessed union of the Sword and the Cross is the true guarantor of our national security.
Eternal allies of Russia
You don’t have to look far for examples: the 13th-15th centuries, the Horde invasion, which completely devastated the country, deprived it not only of troops, but also of state sovereignty. The only support and anchor of the Russian people in those years was the Church, thanks to which not only strength was gathered, but also first pagan, and then, with the adoption of Islam by the invaders, Muslim spiritual proselytism was broken. The Horde disintegrated under the blows of not only internal civil strife and conspiracies, but also due to the stubborn, primarily spiritual resistance of the Russian people, who did not want to adopt other people's traditions, customs, and faith. The opposite happened: many Horde members, noble Tatar Murzas, having accepted Orthodoxy, went over to the service of Russia and served it honestly, laying the foundation for many princely and noble families. Everyone also remembers that before the Battle of Kulikovo, Moscow Prince Dmitry Donskoy went for advice and blessing not just anywhere - to the wise men-shamans or the Pope, but to the “lamp of the Russian land”, St. Sergius of Radonezh. And the “stand on the Ugra”, which put an official end to the yoke, ended in our victory largely thanks to the support of the Rostov Archbishop Vassian of the hesitant Ivan the Third.
Beginning of the 17th century. Time of Troubles and the Polish-Lithuanian-Swedish invasion. The actual occupation of most of the country, the absence of a regular army, treasury, laws and actual independence. In Moscow, the traitorous boyars are preparing to receive an embassy and establish the kingdom of a protege of the West - a Polish prince, but the plans of the invaders and traitors are not destined to come true due to the firm position of Patriarch Hermogenes, who refused to recognize the pope's protege and raised the people to take up arms with his letters and appeals. For this he was starved to death in the basement of the Chudov Monastery in the Kremlin.
Beginning of the twentieth century. The revolution that destroyed the greatest world power and its armed forces, attempts to create a new state and army and terrible persecution of the Church. It would seem, what is the relationship here? But those who stood behind the organizers of the coup knew very well what we have forgotten today: “To put an end to Russia, you need to destroy both of its pillars - its two foundations.” That is why attacks on the Russian Army and the Church proceeded in parallel and at a frantic pace. The enemies actually managed to destroy the army of the Russian Empire with its glorious traditions. The Church was also on the verge of liquidation. By 1941, only three bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church remained at large, all the monasteries (out of several hundred operating before 1917) were destroyed and closed, and only about 100 churches operated on the territory of the RSFSR (out of 78 thousand that existed before the revolution).
The outbreak of war showed the weakness of the Red Army, nurtured by the leadership of the country, and the unwillingness of many of its soldiers and commanders to withstand the onslaught German army. During that most difficult period for the country, despite the persecution and oppression experienced, the Russian Orthodox Church fully and unconditionally supported the authorities, calling on the believers on the second day of the war (who, according to the recently declassified census data of 1937, were more than non-believers) through the mouth of the patriarchal locum tenens Sergius (Stragorodsky) to speak out to defend the Motherland. Throughout the war, the Church actively helped the state and the authorities, organizing the collection of money to help the front, building the “Dmitry Donskoy” tank column and the “Alexander Nevsky” air squadron with its own funds. Russia fully restored its power by 1943, not only having won such an important victory at the Kursk Bulge, but also restoring the Patriarchate, essentially re-concluding the union of the state with the Church, which had been broken by Peter.
1991 With the collapse of the USSR, it ceased to exist and was now considered the most powerful in the world Soviet army. What kept the country then teetering on the brink of sliding into civil war and economic collapse? What forces? Without a doubt, these include the Church (her prayers), whose voice finally began to sound freely, and whose authority grew exponentially, incl. among politicians, military personnel and law enforcement officers.
Nowadays we see a similar picture. The Russian army, despite all attempts to break its neck, showed its resilience and combat effectiveness in the difficult trials of both the Chechen and Georgian campaigns, withstood the harsh blows of the reformers-reducers and today is gaining strength, making up for lost time. The Church, on the contrary, after flirting with it, trying to integrate it into the wake of conciliatory policies directed against the interests of Russia, is today subjected to frenzied attacks from Western liberals who control the media, creating for any reason a powerful information attack on its top officials and Christ Himself . This once again confirms the duality main task our enemies: to destroy the union of the Army and the Church, cutting down both state-forming pillars.
This is where the military leadership should come from, using the church experience of loyalty to Russia and uncompromising standing in the Truth. It remains to figure out what the accumulated experience of the Church is, which can be useful to the Army, which has been separated from it for a long time.
From the captivity of oblivion
But before rushing from one extreme to the other, I would suggest taking into account the experience and mistakes of the past. For example, why was the most powerful party propaganda apparatus of the GlavPUR SA and the Navy, which permeated all army structures from top to bottom, unable to do anything to oppose the weakly organized destructive forces that destroyed both the army and the state from within? Obviously, one of the reasons for such an obvious ideological defeat, there was the ineffectiveness of the communist propaganda machine, its ideological narrow-mindedness, deadness and stereotypes, which therefore lost to the national liberals against the backdrop of always fresh-sounding slogans and ideas about freedom, equality and independence.
Today, as noted above, the issue of interethnic and interethnic relations in military groups is very acute. Official propaganda, bound by the current unprincipled (Article 13) and secularized (Article 14) Constitution, is not able to give the soldiers the required answer and examples of solving this issue. But is this problem really unsolvable even within the framework of current legislation? Does the Basic Law prevent us from turning to the sources of our roots, glorious victories and the heroes of campaigns and wars of the past? Not at all.
What is the historical fact of the capture of Kazan by the troops of Ivan the Terrible worth? Who “silenced” him, depriving the Russian people of not only national pride, self-awareness and historical memory, but allowing ethnic separatists to speculate on this today, depriving us of the opportunity to respond to it with reason? But only the fact that over the years of the existence of this Khanate, up to 5 million Russian people were taken into captivity through Kazan, makes everything clear and easily explainable! And who can name the Russian heroes who took part in that heroic siege? The same can be said about the victories of Ataman Ermak, who, with a squad of several hundred people, annexed vast expanses of Siberia to Russia. Who today remembers the names of Ermak Timofeevich’s associates: Ivan Koltso, Yakov Mikhailov, Matvey Meshcheryakov, Andrei Voeikov and others?
Post-Soviet ideologists also successfully hushed up the heroic examples of the actions of Russian troops during the war in the Caucasus. The then inhabitants of those little-known and inaccessible regions were much more savage and bloodthirsty than their current descendants, and yet the Caucasus was conquered by a Russian soldier! What did we know, entering the Caucasian campaign, about the heroes of that first Caucasian war: A.P. Ermolov, N.P. Sleptsov, N.I. Evdokimov, A.A. Velyaminov, Yu.P. Katsyrev, M. G. Vlasov, A. O. Osipov and many, many others, whose glorious deeds, did our soldiers lack such examples during both current Caucasian campaigns? Who knows that the unkillable “Shaitan-boklyu”, the Cossack general Y.P. Baklanov, who terrified the Chechens, carried with him on his peak a badge - a black banner with the head of Adam and the words from the Christian creed: “I look forward to the resurrection of the dead and the life of the next century. Amen!".
The source of the numerous and glorious victories of the Russians over the Turks and Persians - our eternal opponents in the southern direction - was not emphasized. Islam even then replaced the ideology of these warlike peoples, stood at the head of their political systems. How did the Russian miracle heroes, armed sometimes worse than the Janissaries of the Ottoman Empire supplied with English weapons, win, who conquered all the nearby peoples? Due to the predominance of the Russian spirit, the source of which was in the deep religiosity of our people, as A.V. Suvorov, F.F. Ushakov, P.S. Nakhimov, M.D. Skobelev testified more than once...
The victories and heroes of the Russian-Japanese (with the happy exception of “Varyag”) war were deliberately hushed up and renamed for the sake of the prevailing ideology from the Second Patriotic War (First World War) into the imperialist war. What does the current generation of soldiers know about the exploits of the destroyer Steregushchy, the soul of the defense of Port Arthur, General Roman Kondratenko, Cossack Kuzma Kryuchkov, non-commissioned officers Kushnerov, Zaikov and Chesnokov, ensign Stavitsky, colonels Kantserov, Shirinkin, Vavilov, the nameless heroes of the Osovets fortress, organized repelled German attacks for more than six months (!)? And what have you heard about the native wild division formed from the mountaineers of the Caucasus - one of the most combat-ready formations of the Russian army? Who studied her experience when, for example, during a cavalry attack near the Galician village of Tsu-Babino, a mullah galloped ahead of everyone, shaking the Koran, and behind him, shouting “Allahu Akbar!” were horsemen flying, ready to die for Russia, among whom were many abreks in the past?
What conclusions have been drawn if, after almost a hundred years since its beginning, not even one monument to its heroes has been opened in Russia at the state level!
Victims of agitprop
And what heroes were the young generation of communism builders brought up on, who surrendered the Soviet Union without a fight? Were there people among them who defended national interests, i.e. interests, first of all, of the state-forming Russian people, their faith, traditions, culture? The first to be heard are the heroes of the civil (essentially fratricidal) war, strained, mythologized and fairly retouched: the Chuvash V.I. Chapaev, the Moldovans M.V. Frunze and S.G. Lazo, the Ukrainians (Little Russians) N.A. Shchors, S. M. Budyonny, G. I. Kotovsky. Who will remember their ideals, which met not only today’s, but also the then needs of Soviet youth? In fact, it turns out that these are people - representatives of the small nations of Russia, its national outskirts, who shed the blood of the Russian people for a bright future, which no one saw.
Next come the heroes of the Great Great, which is closer and more understandable to us. Patriotic War: G.K. Zhukov, K.K. Rokossovsky, I.S. Konev, Z.A. Kosmodemyanskaya, N.F. Gastello, V.V. Talalikhin, I.N. Kozhedub... There are many more of them. There are more than 12,000 Heroes of the Soviet Union alone. But even in their biographies, often retouched beyond recognition, attention was focused, as a rule, on their focus on the victory of the Soviet, socialist system, devotion to the party and the cause of Lenin-Stalin. Already at the end of perestroika, as if having come to their senses, they began to reveal National composition heroes, almost 80% of whom turned out to be Russian. And how many copies are still being broken over the feat of A. Matrosov, “28 Panfilov’s Men”? Was there a fact of unparalleled heroism or was it rather literary mythologization to which the political commissars were prone?
Next are traditionally the heroes of Damansky and the Afghan war. For political reasons, it was not customary for a long time to remember the heroes of the border guards who stopped the Chinese expansion for a long time. And what about the almost hundred “Afghans” who received the highest award of the country whose interests they defended “beyond the river”? Today, that war, having crossed the water line, has already come to us, and the question of to whom and why fraternal assistance was provided in the form of an international debt, for some time now, has been weighing on their real exploits. If we include here the rather poor awareness of pre-conscription and military youth about the Heroes of Russia of both Chechen campaigns, the number of which exceeded half a thousand people, then the picture will turn out to be very sad and unsightly. And the conclusion naturally suggests itself: in Russia there is no ideal, a standard of a national hero, a symbol of Russian national pride, capable of uniting the people, giving them an example of victoriousness!
"No more than that love..."
But they may well become the Russian saints carefully preserved by the Church. Among them, almost a third belongs to the military class. Among them are one of the most authoritative national heroes of the past, Alexander Nevsky, and his youngest son, the Moscow prince Daniil, who back in 1300 inflicted the first defeat in the history of Russia on the invaders. It is noteworthy that both father and son ended their lives as monks. This is Daniel’s great-grandson - Prince Dmitry Donskoy. Among our saints are Princes Mikhail of Tverskoy - the first Russian military leader, killed in the Caucasus in 1318 and Roman Ryazansky and Mikhail Chernigovsky, tortured in captivity for loyalty to the Faith and Fatherland. Among them, Prince Mstislav, nicknamed the Brave for his courage and numerous exploits, and the warrior Mercury of Smolensk, who went out alone against a thousand. Among them are the epic hero Ilya Muromets (whose relics now openly rest in the Kiev Pechersk Lavra), the legendary warrior-monks Alexander Peresvet and Rodion Oslyabya and glorious prince Dovmont-Timofey Pskovsky.
The latter, without a single defeat in his numerous military campaigns against warlike neighbors, at the age of seventy, with a squad ten times smaller in number, defeated the Germans under the walls of Pskov, defeating the Master of the Livonian Order in a duel. Among our saints is the righteous warrior Fyodor (Ushakov), a famous admiral who repeatedly defeated the Turkish fleet and did not have a single defeat from the Muslims who are intimidating today. In fact, the people revered as saints the invincible “Angel Suvorov” and the warrior Yevgeny Rodionov, a Russian soldier who was captured by militants in 1996 and accepted a brutal death for refusing to remove his pectoral cross and convert to Islam.
All these people, in addition to many military qualities, also had two more, at first glance, quite peaceful ones, rejected by their contemporaries - patience and humility. Humility (not to the enemy) before the will of God - fate, when, for example, the choice of the commander to remain to cover the retreat of the others falls on you. After all, being actually sentenced to death, you can continue to fight until the last drop of blood only by coming to terms with the thought of death. It is precisely such warriors, consciously sacrificing themselves, who have not disgraced their name and weapons, who are the bearers of real military honor. It was thanks to people like them that they managed to stop, exhaust, and weaken the enemy, instilling in him the terrible and irresistible thought of the invincibility of the Russians.
The feat of sacrifice: “There is no greater love than the one who lays down his life for his friend” stands highest in the Church, since it corresponds to the feat of Christ, who voluntarily went to the cross to give people an example of true patience and humility. It is precisely these qualities that, due to their mentality, are deprived of by many peoples who profess Islam, where illiterate and often self-proclaimed “imams” who are put on a stream of zombified kamikaze suicides are immediately “registered” as martyrs - martyrs for the faith.
Only a Russian warrior who has humbled himself to death can patiently withstand the onslaught and then suddenly fall upon the enemy. This mystery of the sacrificial fortitude of the Russian soldier, which delighted all our opponents, has only one explanation - the gospel: “There is no greater love than the one who lays down his soul for his friends.” It should become the basis of a victorious national ideology and the best answer to the Russophobes who have settled in the information spaces of the country called Russia.
Roman Ilyushchenko , reserve lieutenant colonel, bachelor of religious studies
Task No. 1
Tasks with rows
(2 points for each correct answer)
1. By what principle are the rows formed? Name the concept common to the terms below that unites them.
Education, church, labor collective, army.
State, army, economy, justice, healthcare
Socialization, provision economic security, reproduction, recreation, emotional support.
Answer:
1. all these are channels of social mobility
2. all these are formal social institutions
3. all these are family functions
2. What issuperfluousin a row? Superfluous wordemphasizeAndexplain, why did you decide so.
1. Getting an education, an advantageous marriage, a change of political regime, election to government bodies.
2. Ridicule, boycott, censure, confiscation of property, exclusion from the group
3. Behavior, motives, sanctions, expectations
Answer:
1. Change of political regime is an example of group mobility, while everything else is an example of upward individual mobility
2. confiscation of property - formal negative sanctions, everything else - informal negative sanctions
3. sanctions - relate to social control, everything else - to the system of social interaction
Task No. 2 Correspondence of elements from two lists (1 point for each correct answer)
Match the names of theories, terms and ideas with the names of the thinkers and scientists who created them. Please note: there are more names of thinkers than theories.
|
Theories, terms, ideas |
Names of thinkers, scientists |
|||||
|
1. social class 2. social contract 3. latent functions 4. social institution 5. cultural lag 6. social mobility 7. decline of Europe 8. multiculturalism |
A) K. Marx B) E. Durkheim B) J. Locke D) R. Merton D) P. Sorokin E) W. Ogborn G) O. Spengler |
|||||
Task No. 3 Tasks based on the text (2 points for each correct answer)
Fill in the missing words and phrases into the text.
The government intends to further stimulate ____________________ automotive technology and the creation of specialized enterprises abroad. Support for exporters in the form of _____________________ interest rates on loans is still in effect, and 3 billion rubles have been allocated for this in 2012.
But global automakers don’t need _______________________’s help yet. Such measures will be necessary only in five years - until then, the Renault-Nissan alliance together with AvtoVAZ will work mainly to satisfy the growing _______________ _______________. The main task of all foreigners who come to Russia is to provide the domestic market with cars. Therefore, they need to sharply increase the level of localization and increase the ______________________ of locally produced auto components.
Answer:
The government intends to further stimulate export automotive technology and the creation of specialized enterprises abroad. Exporter support in the form of subsidies interest rates on loans are still in effect, and for 2012 3 billion rubles have been allocated for this.
Here's help for global automakers states not needed yet. Such measures will be necessary only in five years - until then, the Renault-Nissan alliance together with AvtoVAZ will work mainly to satisfy the growing internal demand. The main task of all foreigners who come to Russia is to provide the domestic market with cars. Therefore, they need to sharply increase the level of localization and increase quality locally produced auto components.
The Russian Orthodox Church has always stood and stands on patriotic positions, caring for the prosperity of the Russian land, filling the daily life of the people with spiritual meaning. The centuries-old history of the Fatherland was truly created by people of holy faith. Whether we are talking about the state structure, the guide of peoples to unity and prosperity, the military defense of their interests, or about the labor, scientific burden of knowledge of events according to the principle: “For I am in the rank of those who teach and I demand me to teach.” It is very symbolic that Alexander Pushkin and Gabriel Derzhavin, Mikhail Lomonosov and Afanasy Fet, Marina Tsvetaeva and Sergei Yesenin and many other figures of science, culture and art glorified Russian Orthodoxy with their brilliant poetry. The high purpose of the church was and remains the preaching word to quench the spiritual thirst of people, to instill love for the Motherland, for their Fatherland, instructing them to perform military and labor feats. After all, we know very well how on the battlefields faith and love for Holy Rus' increased strength, invincibility in the fight against the enemy and led to victory. The history of interaction between the Russian Armed Forces and the Russian Orthodox Church goes back centuries. Suffice it to remember that Dmitry Donskoy blessed Dmitry Donskoy for the Battle of Kulikovo Venerable Sergius Abbot of Radonezh, and the first to enter the battle with the Mongol-Tatars was Schemamonk Peresvet, the former Bryansk governor. Since the creation of the regular army in Russia, it and the Orthodox Church have been inseparable. The church consecrated battle flags and military weapon. Since 1720 military clergy was separated into a separate structure in the fleet, and with the beginning of the 19th century. and in other branches of the military. The Department of Military and Naval Clergy existed until October 1917, and its representatives wrote many glorious pages in the history of the Russian army. Military priests covered themselves with unfading glory during the First World War. I think it would be appropriate to recall the exploits of some of them. The archpriest of the 7th Finnish Regiment, Father Sergius Sokolovsky, nicknamed by the French (he spent the second half of the war on the French front) for his bravery as a “legendary priest”, wounded twice, the second time with the loss of his right hand, raised the hidden soldiers to attack and under Hurricane fire from the enemy destroyed the wire barriers that prevented the regiment from carrying out its further task. For this feat he was awarded the Order of St. George, 4th degree. The 9th Kazan Dragoon Regiment was supposed to attack the Austrians. The commander's command was heard, but the regiment did not move. A terrible moment! Suddenly the modest and shy regimental priest, Father Vasily Shpichek, flew out on his horse and shouted: “Follow me, guys!” rushed forward. Several officers rushed after him, and behind them the entire regiment. The attack was extremely swift, the enemy fled. The regiment won. Father Vasily was also awarded the Order of St. George, 4th degree. On October 16, 1914, the priest of the linear minelayer "Prut", hieromonk of the Bugulma Monastery, 70-year-old elder Anthony Smirnov, died heroically. When the “Prut” began to sink into the water during the battle, Father Anthony stood on the deck and blessed his flock with the Holy Cross, who were struggling with death in the waves. They offered him a seat and a boat, but he refused, so as not to take away his neighbor’s seat. After that, he went down inside the ship, and, putting on his robe, went out onto the deck with the Holy Cross and the Gospel in his hands, and once again blessed his spiritual children, overshadowing them with the holy cross. And then he went back inside the ship. Soon the ship disappeared under water. Priest Pavel Ivanovich Smirnov, with his courage and calmness in difficult times, so raised the spirit of the regiment that, carried away by its shepherd, the regiment not only overcame the danger, but also won a victory. After this, the name of Father Pavel became heroic for the entire Caucasian army, and he was awarded the Order of St. George, 4th degree. Many more examples of such courage could be cited, and each of them occupies a worthy place in our military history. During its existence St. George's Cross, from Empress Catherine II V Peaceful time Only 4 priests were awarded this award. And during the First World War - 14. Each of these 14 accomplished some exceptional feat. In addition, more than 100 priests were awarded pectoral crosses on the St. George Ribbon. A feat was also required to receive this award. Some received this award for particularly courageous performance of their duties under enemy fire, others - for carrying the wounded from the line of fire, and the like. The Russian Orthodox Church made a significant contribution to the fight against fascism. Unfortunately, many facts about the participation of clergy in military affairs are still kept silent. Thus, few people know that the Most Holy Theotokos saved Russia in the Great Patriotic War, and that Metropolitan Ilya of the Lebanese Mountains was awarded the Stalin Prize for the invaluable service he provided to our people. The participation of the Church in bringing victory over the enemy in the Great Patriotic War still remains in the shadows. The Orthodox Church blessed the army to repel the enemy on the very first day of the war, June 22, 1941. The beginning of the counteroffensive near Moscow coincided with the Entry of the Blessed Virgin Mary into the temple, and ended at the Nativity of Christ. Basic fighting The Great Patriotic War ended on May 6, 1945, on the day of the Great Martyr and Victorious George. The surrender of Nazi Germany was accepted by Marshal Georgy Konstantinovich Zhukov, who carried the image of the Kazan Mother of God under the roof of his car throughout the war. In general, in all wars and armed conflicts in which the Russian Armed Forces participated, the Russian Orthodox Church provided them with all possible assistance and assistance. The priests shared with the soldiers all the hardships of the war, aroused their spirit, with their participation they warmed tired souls, awakened their conscience, and protected the soldiers from bitterness and bestiality. This continues today. Today, when conducting hostilities in local wars and armed conflicts, there are many priests in the ranks of military personnel. They act according to morality: a warrior is a person, “a living center of faith and courage.” In dangerous areas, Church ministers are also present next to the fighters. You can talk about many of them, but perhaps the most illustrative is the example of Father Filaret, who near Grozny, without fear of sniper fire, kept up with help to our soldiers. In terms of the desperation of his actions, the height of human self-awareness, and personal courage, he was above all praise. Father Filaret, after healing his wounds, received a military order and has the spiritual courage to return to his “native regiment.” With the parting words of His Holiness the Patriarch, clergy from many republics and regions now carry out obedience in military groups Russian Federation, making a feasible contribution to the revival of the spiritual strength of the Armed Forces. After Russia entered the path of democratic transformation, not only the life around us changes, but also the worldview of our people. However, these changes are not always positive. Lack of spirituality, shifting moral guidelines, others social diseases, which struck society, to one degree or another also affected the Russian Army, which lives in an ideological, spiritual and moral vacuum, without a unifying national idea. The youth who come to serve are, for the most part, either spiritually undeveloped or worship Western European or American idols. It is becoming more and more difficult to carry out educational work in the current conditions, based on seemingly eternal values, patriotism, love for one’s Motherland, and loyalty to the military oath. And here, as always in difficult times, the Russian Orthodox Church comes to our aid. The revival of the state-patriotic idea, the traditions of faithful service to the Fatherland in our time is impossible without close interaction between the army and the church. Such interaction at the current stage of development of our society is simply necessary because, in the words of the great Russian commander Alexander Vasilyevich Suvorov from his famous “Corporal Notebook”: “Teaching a faithless army is like sharpening burnt-out iron.” Without the Russian Orthodox Church, which has been with the army for centuries both in peacetime and in times of war, the daily life and activities of the Russian Armed Forces are impossible. The spiritual fossilization of modern life has not outlived the need for the word of the Lord in the military man. In 1994, the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church decided to organize interaction with the Russian Armed Forces and law enforcement agencies. On April 4, 1997, an agreement was signed between His Holiness Patriarch of Moscow and All Rus' ALEXIY II and the Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation. In accordance with this agreement and on the basis of the federal law of the Russian Federation "On freedom of conscience and religious associations"in units and formations of the Russian Army, interaction was organized with representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church in such areas as: patriotic education military personnel, moral and spiritual education of military personnel, social protection of military personnel and members of their families, fulfillment of the religious needs of military personnel and restoration of religious buildings. Orthodox care of the army returned to normal. The craving for religious roots becomes more palpable. This is manifested in the desire of many military personnel to participate in the sacraments of baptism, marriage, the birth of children... Through a spiritual impulse to follow the commandments of moral purification, patriotism and honor. The Holy Faith, figuratively speaking, as flesh of the flesh, is again entering the army collectives. More and more temples and churches are being built in military garrisons and towns of military families. And this is not a tribute to fashion, but an internal need. In Bosnia, where our peacekeepers serve, paratroopers with their own hands built a temple in honor of Alexander Nevsky. Now in Kosovo, soldiers are participating in worship in a special tent. In Tajikistan, in the 201st division, there is also a temple of God, where a priest is constantly located. Over the past five years alone, the Ministry of Defense has built and operates 117 churches in almost all regions of the Russian Federation. Here it is necessary to say something about the relationship between clergy and officer-educators. Many may have the impression that a clergyman, appearing in a military team, is replacing organs educational work, and in the future, following this path, it will be possible to simplify educational structures, replacing them with military priests. I’ll say right away that anyone who thinks so is deeply mistaken. On modern stage development of the Russian army, given the variety of tasks facing educational officers in military collectives, we can only talk about providing specific assistance in resolving issues of moral education of military personnel, in the spiritual evolution of the Russian army, its worldview, which is what is happening in practice today. The Church, with thousands of years of experience in its land, can do a good job in educating soldiers based on the history of our Fatherland and the heroic traditions of our ancestors. The sublime syllable sounds more confidential, more soulful from the lips of the priest. Life today is full of stress and extreme situations. When the mind young man captivated by them, a revaluation of values occurs. What are the values? The whole world is perceived differently. Because not moments, as in famous song, and deadly bullets fly at the soldier’s temple. It’s Chechnya or Bosnia, Tajikistan or Kosovo... And such, figuratively speaking, “tension points” are much easier for officer-educators to “discharge” with the help of priests, then, as they say, “soul speaks to soul.” It is appropriate to repeat here the apostolic words: in the unity of the Spirit, in the union of peace, we are called to do common good our army. On the basis of the Agreement between the Minister of Defense of Russia and His Holiness the Patriarch of Moscow and All Rus' and in accordance with the federal law of the Russian Federation "On freedom of conscience and on religious associations" with the blessing of His Eminence, Metropolitan of Voronezh and Lipetsk, His Eminence Methodius, work began on interaction between the Military Institute of Radio Electronics and Voronezh-Lipetsk diocese with the aim of increasing the spiritual and moral level of education of all categories of military personnel and employees of the institute, improving the moral and psychological climate in military groups, developing mercy and religious tolerance. Despite the loudness of the phrases, the impetus for such interaction was essentially given from below, from the servicemen themselves, who began to gravitate towards a previously distant religion, and the command of the institute could only support them in this desire and put it into more concrete forms. Over the past time our mutual cooperation significantly strengthened and turned into many tangible and very concrete actions. The clergy became full participants in the celebration significant dates in the history of Russia, the Armed Forces and our educational institution, almost all military rituals performed by the military personnel of the institute. Spiritual instructions to graduates of the institute and cadets taking the oath have an invaluable impact on military personnel, inspiring them to military service. The consecration of weapons and military equipment, barracks, dormitories, educational buildings, and the holding of joint activities and informing military personnel on the role of Orthodoxy in the history of the Russian state and the Armed Forces, speeches by clergy summarizing the historical experience of the Russian Orthodox Church in providing assistance to the army during wars and armed conflicts. One of the facets of cooperation between the army and the church was the rather close interaction of the Voronezh Theological Seminary with cadets. It began with individual speeches by clergy before military personnel of the institute, and then grew into a permanent elective for cadets of the 1st and 2nd courses, “History of Orthodoxy in Rus'. The role and place of Orthodox clergy in the Russian army.” In these classes, cadets receive necessary knowledge on the history of Orthodoxy, the Russian Orthodox Church, the Voronezh-Lipetsk diocese. In simple and accessible form Seminary teachers reveal to military personnel the meaning of Christian holidays, sacraments and rituals. The sacrament of baptism of many officers and cadets of the institute was performed in the Assumption Church. We have also developed close and friendly relations with the clergy of the church in the name of Saints Cyril and Methodius. With great desire and love, the cadets provided all possible assistance in the restoration and improvement of this church. Using the rather extensive video library of the temple, the institute organized a weekly screening of videos for the institute’s staff about the history of Orthodoxy, biblical stories, traditions, rites and sacraments of sacred worship as part of the educational television program “Orthodox Hour”. In addition, thanks to the clergy of the temple, we show the cadets weekly best samples domestic cinematography. Conducted in 1999 sociological research showed that thanks to close interaction with representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church, the number of military personnel who called following the laws of Orthodoxy as their way of life increased more than 10 times, the number of cadets who consider themselves believers increased by 20%, and the category of people who consider religion a historical prejudice increased significantly. In general, about 51% of the cadets surveyed consider themselves believers, and 60% consider themselves Orthodox. But this figure may be inaccurate, since many cadets do not consider it necessary to identify their belonging to Orthodoxy directly with faith in God. In addition, the survey showed that cadets' interest in religious literature has increased slightly compared to a similar study conducted in 1998. At that time, 13% of respondents read such literature, and in 1999, 20.5% felt the need to read such literature. Events held jointly with representatives of the Voronezh-Lipetsk diocese significantly increased the level of military-patriotic and moral education of military personnel and employees of the institute, and made a significant contribution to expanding the spiritual worldview of military personnel and civilian personnel of the institute. Thanks to joint work, the number of violations of military discipline has significantly decreased, and the cultural level of the institute’s students has noticeably increased. Thanks to the fact that the command of the institute and the clergy conduct joint events on a voluntary basis, the number of cadets wishing to participate in church ceremonies increases significantly every year. In the first years of cooperation, only 50-60% of the institute’s graduates wanted to receive spiritual guidance upon graduation. In 2000, almost all graduates of the university wished to receive spiritual guidance, and all cadets of this year's intake, during the survey, expressed a desire to participate in the ceremony of consecrating weapons and receive guidance for military service. Only 6 people out of 183 respondents asked for clarification spiritual meaning this ritual, and after explanation they agreed to participate in it. This again and again proves the need to continue the ongoing cooperation and the willingness of the institute’s cadets to participate in it. The ongoing work on interaction and cooperation with the Voronezh-Lipetsk diocese would probably be of lower quality if it were not for the clergy, thanks to whose efforts and mutual understanding the events are deservedly successful and popular among the staff of the institute. Today I would like to express special words of gratitude, first of all, to His Eminence, Metropolitan of Voronezh and Lipetsk, Most Reverend Methodius for his tireless concern for the spiritual and moral education military personnel and civilian personnel of our institute. I would also like to note the leading role of Father Sergiy Shalotonov, head of the department of the Voronezh-Lipetsk diocese for interaction with the Armed Forces, and Father Andrei Izakar, head of the education department of the Voronezh-Lipetsk diocese, thanks to whose energy and enterprise joint events are held at a fairly high level. I would also like to say words of deep gratitude to the rector of the Voronezh Theological Seminary, Archpriest Vasily Popov, and the seminary teacher, head of the missionary department of the Voronezh-Lipetsk diocese, Nikolai Makeev, for their significant contribution to the close and multifaceted cooperation between our universities. Today, on the threshold of the third millennium, the command of the institute and representatives of the Voronezh-Lipetsk diocese have a lot of joint plans and projects to expand joint activities. Among such projects, I would like to note, first of all, the creation of a prayer room at the institute, and in the future, perhaps, a church. 45.5% of the believers of our institute also expressed a desire to create such a temple. Thanks to the implementation of this project, religious believers in our institute will have the opportunity to regularly and fully observe religious rituals, constantly communicate with clergy, and read religious literature. We are at the beginning of our cooperation, for the continuation of which all conditions have been created, and most importantly, there is a desire to continue and increase it. After all, as the great Russian commander Alexander Vasilyevich Suvorov rightly said in his teaching to Christ-loving soldiers: “Pray to God: victory comes from Him. Start everything with the blessing of God and be faithful to the Sovereign and the Fatherland until your death.”
MILITARY THOUGHT No. 5/1993, pp. 12-19
Army and political power
ColonelV.M.RODACHIN ,
Candidate of Philosophy
THE QUESTION of the relationship between the army and political power touches on one of the fundamental problems of state policy, the solution of which determines the nature of development and stability of the socio-political system, power relations and society as a whole. The process of democratic development in Russia and other sovereign states of the former USSR has made all aspects of the relationship between the armed forces and political power extremely relevant.
The army as a guarantor of the stability of political power. Most often, the concept of “army” includes an organized military force maintained by a country for the purposes of defensive or offensive war. It really serves as a kind of “instrument of war,” intended for conducting armed struggle, although today it is increasingly focused on its prevention. In addition, the army is a specific political institution, despite the fact that the leadership of the Russian Armed Forces in its actions proceeds from the requirement to depoliticize the army, which is not a contradiction. “The decrees of the President of Russia on the departition and depoliticization of the Armed Forces will be strictly implemented,” emphasized the Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation, Army General P.S. Grachev. - Those who cannot live without politics, let them engage in it. But first he must resign from the ranks of the Russian Armed Forces.”
The concept of “politicization” in relation to the army reflects a certain state of it, characterized by the following features!: independent political activity; involvement in politics as an object of struggle between political forces; adherence to any one ideological and political doctrine, party (or an internal split in the army into rival ideological and political groups, factions); combination of professional service with various types political activity among military personnel. The demand for depoliticization of the army means the exclusion of these phenomena from the life of the troops. An extreme view of depoliticization, as the complete isolation of the army from politics, indicates a lack of understanding of its nature, functional purpose, control mechanism, and military practice. Of course, the army cannot be identified with a political institution, since, unlike actual political institutions, it is not directly related to political activity and is not an independent subject of politics participating in the struggle for power and the formation of state policy. At the same time as an element government organization and the political system of society, the army is a political institution that performs important political functions in public and international life.
The main one is related to foreign policy state, since it is in this area that the main purpose of the army is realized - to be a guarantor of reliable military security and national interests of the country. Of much greater interest is the internal function of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, through which their purpose as an element of state organization and political power is revealed. Today, it has become obvious that the army should not interfere in internal political processes, even on the orders of the authorities and in the interests of the state. However, only 27% of surveyed participants in the All-Army Officers' Meeting, held on January 17, 1992, ruled out the legality of exercising the internal functions of the armed forces of the CIS countries. This was due to the fact that the political leadership of the Soviet Union repeatedly used the army in areas of political tension, interethnic conflicts, which caused negative attitude public. Nevertheless, 63% of the officers surveyed were convinced of the need for an internal function for the army. Appeared official developments And scientific works, exploring its contents both in in general terms, and in relation to the United Armed Forces of the CIS and the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation.
It is appropriate to recall that Aristotle, N. Machiavelli, and other thinkers wrote that the army has always been an instrument of “maintaining power against those who disobey” its will, “the basis of power in all states.” It should be borne in mind that the army does not necessarily carry out its internal function through direct military violence. This option is allowed only in the most extreme cases, when all other methods have not given the desired results. As a rule, the internal function manifests itself indirectly in the form of the presence of an army in a given territory, its control of key objects, the unshakability of its positions in one or another conflict situation, destabilizing the socio-political situation, threats of the use of force.
The internal functions of the army can be ensured different ways and serve the interests of various socio-political forces. Therefore, when manifesting the same function, for example, “serve as a support for power and be a guarantor of the political stability of society,” it can perform “progressive” or “reactionary,” “conservative” or “democratic,” “nationalist,” “national-patriotic” , “internationalist” and other political roles. Numerous examples of internal political struggle in Georgia, Azerbaijan, Moldova, Tajikistan and other sovereign states convince us of the ambiguity of the political role of national armed formations, focusing on various socio-political forces.
The main content of the internal function of the Armed Forces consists of supporting the constitutional system, the political power legally elected by the people, preventing mass, and especially armed, anti-constitutional actions of political forces in opposition to the authorities, as well as spontaneous conflicts and clashes that destabilize the social situation. By implementing it, the army is called upon to exercise a democratic political role, to act as a peacekeeping force separating the conflicting parties.
Traditions, the type of political regime that has developed, the degree of its freedom in relations with the authorities, etc. have a significant influence on the content of the army’s functions and the nature of the tasks it performs. The power of traditions in relations between the army and the authorities has always been great. Over the past centuries, some states have developed and encouraged the tradition of subordinating military leadership to civilian authorities. In the United States, for example, in its entire history, not a single general has sent troops to the White House. Any attempts to disobey the authorities or disagree with the policies pursued by the president or Congress ended with the immediate dismissal of the military leaders who dared to do so. This happened to General D. MacArthur during the Korean War and to the hero of the Gulf War, General N. Schwarzkopf. The tradition of subordinating the army to political power has historically developed in Italy. The armed forces practically did not participate in either the establishment or the overthrow of Mussolini's militaristic regime. Before the revolution, Russia also had strong traditions of obedience among military personnel, inspired by the ideas of faithful service to the autocracy and the Fatherland. During the Soviet period, the basis for the relationship between the authorities and the socialist army was the principle of the latter’s unconditional subordination to the institutions of power controlled and directed by the party. Even Stalin's massive repressions against command cadres did not cause protest and resistance to the authorities.
In a number of other countries, the opposite trend has developed. The Spanish military, for example, always showed a certain independence from the authorities and sought to impose on them necessary solutions. Resisting government efforts to establish tight control over the armed forces, they have repeatedly threatened democracy with conspiracies. And in February 1981, parliamentarians and the cabinet of ministers were held hostage for some time. The tradition of distancing the army from civilian power and political independence has developed especially clearly in most countries of the “third world”, which lack a developed economic, social base, and political system. In these states, the army is the most organized and powerful military and political force, capable of imposing its will on the government or replacing it.
One of the most important factors in determining the relationship between the army and political power is the type of political regime. At totalitarian regime Three models of their relationships are known. The first is “party-totalitarian” (Stalinist regime of power). Political domination is exercised monopoly by the leadership of the ruling party (civil party nomenklatura). The army becomes the most important and completely subordinate, controlled object of party power. The second is “paramilitary-totalitarian” (Hitler’s regime). Political power is in the hands of the ruling party elite, which constitutes either organic component political power, or the most powerful and influential force of pressure on it. The army is both the central object of political power and its partial subject. The third model is “military-totalitarian” or “stratocratic” (from the Greek “stratos” - army). In it, the army pushes aside the political party and exercises sole (monopoly) political leadership. Under this regime, the usual authorities are abolished or replaced by the military. For example, the regime of the Brazilian “gorillas”, established in March 1964, declared in the Institutional Act No. 1 of the Supreme Revolutionary Command that “ victorious revolution legitimizes itself as a constituent power.” On this basis, the president, 6 state governors, 46 members of the Chamber of Deputies, 4,500 employees were removed from power federal institutions. In all models, the army served as the most important support of totalitarian power and was the guarantor of the order established by it. Since its goal was to ensure complete and universal control of power over all aspects of state, public and even private life, the political role of the armed forces could not but be exclusively reactionary - gendarmerie and repressive-militaristic.
The authoritarian regime of power includes the following models: “civil-authoritarian”, “semi-military-authoritarian” and “military-authoritarian”. The army in them occupies the position of an object completely subordinate to authoritarian power. Despite the external similarity of the models of authoritarian and totalitarian regimes of power, the political role of the army has significant differences. An authoritarian regime, while representing strong state power, does not extend its influence to all spheres of public and private life. It allows a certain freedom for political institutions, including political parties and some public organizations. The principle of separation of powers does not actually apply, even if there are formal structures of legislative, executive and judicial power. It is concentrated in the hands of a monarch, dictator or small authoritarian group.
The political role of the army is not always reactionary. It can also be patriotic, peacemaking (deterring class clashes, civil war), consolidating social forces and strengthening the integrity of the state. If the authoritarian regime is transitional form from dictatorship to democracy, the political role of the army has a clear democratic orientation. Almost always successful economic and political modernization was provided with the support of the army (Spain, Taiwan, Singapore, South Korea). She helped the authoritarian government, aimed at reforms, launch a fight against corruption and the machinations of officials, mobilize all the country's resources, carry out market reforms and forcefully suppress the protests of those sections that tried to hinder them. This is how the authoritarian-military regime of Park Chung Hee, which established itself in February 1961 in South Korea, acted. As a result, the foundations of the country's current prosperity were laid, although its political system is not yet fully democratic.
In a democracy (democratic regime), there is a special model of effective civilian control over the armed forces, based on the military’s unconditional recognition of the supremacy of civilian political power. It is not unified and has many options for practical implementation. This takes into account national specifics, applied mechanisms of civilian control, etc. The extreme version of civilian control involves the complete removal of the army leadership from direct access to the highest political leadership, especially the president, and military personnel from any participation in politics, which can result in alienation army from power and the virtual lack of control over the actions of military leaders. In this situation, the civil rights of military personnel are infringed upon, or even completely ignored.
The “American” version of civilian control is as follows. Firstly, Congress is given the right to discuss and approve the military budget, demand a report from senior military officials on the situation in the army, issue charters and instructions regulating the actions of the troops; secondly, the civilian Ministry of Defense, where the minister and his deputies are civilians, exercises direct military-political control of the troops; thirdly, the political rights and freedoms of military personnel are limited by significant legal prohibitions.
The “German” version of civil control differs primarily in that, in addition to the legislative rights of parliament, special institute Commissioner for Defense of the Bundestag "to protect fundamental rights and as an auxiliary body of the Bundestag in the exercise of parliamentary control." He is elected by parliament for a period of 5 years and is subordinate only to it, having great powers. In addition, the Minister of Defense is a civilian, while his deputies and other army leaders are military. Confidence in them from the outside political leadership comes from the desire not to undermine the effectiveness of military command. Finally, military personnel are considered "citizens in uniform." They are guaranteed equal rights, including joining political parties (it is prohibited to act in the interests of the party in the service), participation in political events outside of work. Campaigning, political speeches, distribution of printed materials, and combining service with parliamentary activities are not allowed.
The desire to create effective civilian control over the Armed Forces was also expressed by the Russian political leadership. So far, only its outlines have been outlined: parliamentary control, which provides, according to the Law of the Russian Federation “On Defense”, the right of the Supreme Council of Russia to adopt military doctrine, approval of the military budget, determination of the structure and size of the Armed Forces, consent to the appointment of the highest military command, the decision to use the armed forces for abroad; separation of government bodies and functions related to the civilian Ministry of Defense and General Staff; departition of the Russian army; legislative prohibition to interfere in politics. It will take a lot of time before the mechanism of civil control is debugged in all details, and most importantly, it works effectively.
This control will contribute to the army's political role or, as the Italian constitution says, "to be consistent with the democratic spirit of the Republic." This will find its real expression in supporting the government legally elected by the people, protecting, as Article 8 of the Spanish Constitution states, the constitutional system and order, and ensuring the stability of the socio-political situation. It should be emphasized that the stabilizing role of the army is not limited to a forceful reaction to actions threatening society from the inside, fraught with “a lot of senseless blood.” It ensures the stability of society by its non-participation in political struggle, the absence of party sympathies and antipathies, the inability to use it for political and other purposes, the firmness and consistency of its political positions, focused on supporting the law, state principles, legislative and governmental power.
However, it should be recognized that the army does not always manage to play a stabilizing, as well as democratic role. In a number of cases, she independently intervenes in politics and becomes an active subject of power relations.
Military coups and political activity army. In countries where the popular consciousness has formed an opinion about the “need for a strong hand,” the army entered the political arena, identifying its power with the strength of political power. This especially applies to developing countries. There have been over 550 military coups in Latin America over the past 150 years. Bolivia alone withstood 180 military coups from 1825 to 1964. Military dictatorships ruled for a long time in Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile.
In February 1992, they tried unsuccessfully to take power in Venezuela. The military demonstrated its influence during the political crisis in Peru, where on April 5, 1992, President A. Fujimori dissolved parliament, put a group of its leaders under arrest and suspended some articles of the constitution. The army's strong support for the president's actions allowed him to control the situation and decisively implement his program to overcome the “constitutional impasse.”
In Asia, the military is an active participant in political struggle. According to G. Kennedy, during the period from 1945 to 1972, 42 military coups took place there. And in the future, their activity in this part of the world did not decrease: coups in the Philippines, Fiji (1987), Burma (1988), Thailand (1991). In a number of countries - Sri Lanka, Burma, Pakistan, South Korea - the army is powerful political force, and the highest military ranks - integral part government. In Iraq, after the military coup (1978), one of the most repressive regimes of Saddam Hussein remains.
Africa also remains a stable zone for military coups. From 1948 to 1985, 68 heads of state and government were removed from power. The military seized power in Nigeria and Liberia (1985), Lesotho and Uganda (1986), Togo and Somalia (1991). In January 1992, under pressure from the military, Algerian President Bendjedit was forced to resign by signing a decree dissolving parliament. In May of that year, the armed forces overthrew Sierra Leonean President Joseph Momoh.
The military and the political life some European countries. For example, in Greece over the past 50 years there have been 11 military coups. There have been 52 military coups in Spain since 1814, including the last two attempts (in 1978 and 1981) under democratic rule. The Portuguese armed forces played decisive role in the April "carnation revolution" in 1974, which put an end to fascist regime. The French army challenged the government in 1958 and 1961. In Poland, in an environment of growing political crisis, President W. Jaruzelski, with the help of the army, implemented the regime state of emergency. The role of the force trying to preserve the integrity of the federal statehood in Yugoslavia and suppress the separatist movements was assumed by the Yugoslav People's Army. Many political leaders and publicists regarded the events of August 19-21, 1991 in the former Soviet Union as a military putsch. However, an objective and comprehensive analysis shows that, firstly, this was precisely an attempt at a coup d’etat, in which government and party structures became the main organizers. Secondly, only part of the senior command and political leadership, drawn into the plans of the conspiracy, sought to use the army as a strike force. Conclusions of the commission of inquiry into the participation of the Armed Forces in coup d'etat and parliamentary hearings in the Supreme Soviet of Russia, held on February 18, 1992, confirmed that the army was predominantly on the side of the domocracy. “The army did not go against its people,” Air Marshal E. Shaposhnikov noted in the report of the Commander-in-Chief of the United Armed Forces of the CIS, “did not raise weapons against them, the composure of the majority of generals, officers, army and navy personnel, their balanced assessments of the events unfolding in the country did not allowed the August coup to have an unpredictable result.”
Awareness of the inadmissibility of military participation in politics by force was reflected in the tendency to gradually remove them from the political struggle, which was noted at the Madrid conference of political scientists in 1990. However, it is premature to declare it “dominant in the 20th century” and to assert that in Europe this process “ended long ago”, and in “Latin America it is approaching a complete and irreversible end.” As for Europe, it is not limited only to the western part, where since the beginning of the 80s there have really been no attempts at military coups or other forms of army intervention in the struggle for power. With the collapse of totalitarian structures and the rise of democratic and national movements In the countries of Eastern Europe and states located on the European part of the territory of the former USSR, the likelihood of military intervention in power relations has increased. It has already become a reality in Yugoslavia, partly in Poland and Romania. In countries Latin America The frequency of military coups has decreased markedly. But there are no serious grounds for concluding that in the future they will be completely excluded. To do this, the causes that give rise to them must be eradicated.
The likelihood of direct military intervention in politics increases significantly in an environment of deepening social and international instability, especially when governments and other power structures lose control over the development of events and find themselves unable to take and implement effective measures. It has long been observed that military personnel almost always support a well-functioning civilian government. And vice versa, one of the stable factors pushing them to prepare and carry out coups is a weak, incompetent government. Therefore, it is impossible to give an absolute guarantee that even the most stable countries today Western Europe in the future they will be able to avoid a period of destabilization of public or international life that could provoke a military coup.
According to the conclusions of leading Western political scientists, for example J. Lepingwell from the University of Illinois, such situations most often arise in so-called systemic conflicts that pose a threat to the fundamental interests of society, national security, sovereignty and integrity of the state, constitutional order and public order. Traditionally, the army acts as a guarantor of socio-political stability and integrity of the state. Defending security interests, it considers itself a force responsible for preventing civil strife, preventing chaos, anarchy, and the collapse of the country. Its motto is “Politics belongs to the parties, but the Fatherland belongs to the army.” A detailed study by T. Horowitz, dedicated to identifying the reasons for the involvement of the Sri Lankan officer corps in the preparation and execution of military coups, shows the influence of precisely these factors causing systemic conflicts. Their effect is taking place and, moreover, is intensifying in Russia and the CIS. The main causes of concern are the further decline of the economy, the deepening of inflationary processes, multiple increases in prices, and the threat of mass unemployment. Economic instability is complemented by worsening political contradictions And interethnic conflicts. In Russia, an intense struggle continues around the problems of government, the adoption of a new Constitution, the distribution of power between legislative and executive bodies, the center and the constituent entities of the Federation. After the proclamation of the sovereignty of Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, Tuva, and Chechnya, the danger of Russian disintegration remains. There has been a tendency for a number of states to lose interest in strengthening the Commonwealth. The collective security treaty was signed by representatives of only six states - Armenia, Kazakhstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Bishkek, unfortunately, did not become the birthplace of the new confederation.
This development of events is not only painfully perceived by many military personnel, especially personnel, but also significantly affects their interests. All this could become a powerful incentive for the army to intervene in politics, which a certain part of the public is looking forward to. A telephone survey of public opinion leaders at the end of March 1992 showed that 10% of them were confident that the military would replace the Democratic team. A strong provoking factor here is the difficult social situation of military personnel and members of their families, the oppressive atmosphere of the growing split, discrimination based on nationality, and the increasing incidence of unpunished attacks on soldiers and officers, the sad result of which is the death of many of them. The authorities' insufficient attention to the army's increasingly complex problems also contributes to its politicization. More than once, resolutions of officer meetings have expressed something unprecedented for the army. public structures a requirement for the governments of the CIS states to take into account the interests of military personnel. The tension potential accumulating in the Armed Forces may eventually reach a critical mass.
Seeing the army as the “savior of the state and the nation,” many ordinary people and some theorists take as a model the results of the coup of the Chilean junta in 1973. And if until recently the name of General Augusto Pinochet was a symbol of reaction and dictatorship for everyone, now it takes on the exact opposite meaning and is associated with success social reforms and the dynamism of Chile's economy. Of course, this experience is indicative, but in many ways unique. During the 16 years of the established regime, the military junta managed not only to overcome the state of crisis and instability in which society was located, but also to create the necessary prerequisites for its further development through the privatization of almost all production (with the exception of the copper mining industry and air transport), external debts, healthcare, education, as well as - for the first time in world practice - social security.
And yet, stratocracy in any form, according to the conclusion of most political scientists, is ineffective as a form of government and regime of power. First of all, because governing the state is ultimately not the job of the army. For this you need specialized knowledge and skills. Moreover, the more developed a society is, the less acceptable a command style of management is. Tightening discipline, responsibility, and other measures of “restoring order” that the army is capable of implementing can only give a short-term effect, since they will not eliminate the root causes of the social crisis. The military regime established as a result of the coup, according to S. Feiner, will not be able to secure sufficiently broad and strong support in society necessary for carrying out reforms. It is impossible to achieve civil consent through military methods. They also do not stimulate the labor activity of citizens. The absolutization of power by the military turns against the army itself. “As soon as the military in a certain state has lost its political virginity,” writes W. Gutteridge, “military discipline falls and the professional tradition of recognizing the authority of power dissipates.”
Based on the above, the following conclusions can be drawn. Firstly, the army is not only military, but also political institution society, an important instrument of state policy, a guarantor of security, integrity and stability of the political system and society as a whole. By its nature, its political role can be negative. It is impossible to achieve complete depoliticization of the armed forces. The division of the army is acceptable and necessary. Secondly, the relationship between the army and political power is complex and contradictory, determined by many factors. Depending on specific circumstances, there may be different “models” of the relationship between the army and the government. The model of civilian control over the armed forces meets the requirements of civilization and democracy. Thirdly, in conditions of socio-political instability and the development of crisis processes, the army is able to enter the political arena as an independent political force, including preparing and conducting military coups and establishing a stratocracy - direct military rule. Fourthly, military coups are an unacceptable form of resolving socio-political crises in modern conditions. The state and society must do everything to keep the army from directly interfering in politics.
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Just recently, it was difficult to imagine such close and constructive interaction between the army and the church in our society. Well, today military commanders and chiefs have realized that clergy have become assistants in educating personnel and creating an atmosphere of spirituality and patriotism in military groups.
The participation of military personnel in religious services has become good tradition
“A military man needs spiritual support. Because the risks associated with military service, are so great that they cannot be compensated by any material benefits. None material goods“They cannot compensate for injuries, much less loss of life,” noted Patriarch Kirill of Moscow and All Rus' at one of his meetings with military personnel. “And if a person takes an oath and gives obligations, if necessary, to give his life for the Motherland, this means that this type of service to the country and people requires enormous moral strength.”
Debt is a moral concept. Only an internal awareness of the need to fulfill one’s duty, trust in the will of God and his assistance help a person not to lose courage in the most difficult circumstances. “All this is the reason why the church has always been, is and will be with the Armed Forces, doing everything to spiritually support, strengthen and educate military personnel in their devoted service to the Motherland, impeccable fidelity to the oath, readiness to protect their people even at the cost of their own lives,” - Patriarch Kirill emphasized.
The head of the military news agency "Vayar" told the correspondent of the military news agency "Vayar" about the origins of cooperation between the Orthodox Church and the army, how these contacts are currently carried out, and much more. Synodal Department Belarusian Orthodox Church on interaction with the Armed Forces of the Republic of Belarus and others military formations Archpriest Sergiy Kuzmenkov.
Father Sergius, what are they? historical roots interaction between the Orthodox Church and the Armed Forces?
The history of interaction between the church and the Armed Forces is very long. The union of ministers of faith and the army began to form from the first centuries of the adoption of Christianity in Rus'.
The Russian army was understood only as a holy, valiant army, calling it Christ-loving. Among the saints revered by the Orthodox Church are Theodore Stratelates, Dmitry of Thessaloniki, George the Victorious, Russian commanders, holy noble princes Alexander Nevsky and Dmitry Donskoy, princes of passion-bearers Boris and Gleb, princes Mikhail and Gleb of Chernigov, monks Alexander Peresvet and Andrey Oslyabya.
Our people have always lived with God. And therefore, any good deed of his was preceded by prayer before starting a good deed. Russian squads went into battle with the blessing of the church, under holy banners and the intercession of miraculous icons. Faith was of great importance for them - it instilled confidence in victory, in the rightness of their cause. And there are many examples of this.
Before the Battle of Kulikovo, the Grand Duke of Moscow Dmitry Donskoy arrived at the Holy Trinity Monastery, where he prayed for a long time and received a blessing from the venerable abbot of the monastery Sergius of Radonezh, who sent two of his monks with the prince - Alexander Peresvet and Andrei Oslyabya. After that battle on September 16, 1380, Dmitry Donskoy, having defeated Mamai, again visited the Trinity-Sergius Monastery, where he commemorated the Orthodox soldiers who died on the Kulikovo field.
There are also known facts of fasting and prayer of the Russian army before the campaigns of commander Alexander Suvorov.
Russian soldiers always followed the words of the Gospel: “Greater love has no one than this, that someone lay down his life for his friends” (Gospel of John, 15:13).
The priests were next to the soldiers and officers in battles and campaigns, shared victories and failures with them, blessed and inspired the army to heroic deeds, consoled the wounded, saw off last way killed... However, the revolutions of the early twentieth century brought militant atheism, the fruits of which we are still reaping.
How does the Belarusian Orthodox Church cooperate with the Armed Forces at the present stage? How strong is her influence among the defenders of the Fatherland?
In May 1998, the first conference “Church and the Army” took place. Its result was the conclusion of an Agreement between the Belarusian Orthodox Church and the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Belarus.
After the signing of the Cooperation Agreement between the Republic of Belarus and the Belarusian Orthodox Church on July 12, 2003, cooperation agreements were concluded with State Committee border troops and the Ministry of Defense, and specific interaction programs have been developed. Based on the resolution of the Synod of the Belarusian Orthodox Church of October 22, 2003, for the purpose of clearer coordination and organizational activities, by decrees of the ruling bishops in each diocese, a priest was appointed responsible for interaction with law enforcement agencies, and a permanent priest was assigned to each military unit. It was from that time that active cooperation between servants of the faith and defenders of the Motherland began, strengthening previously established contacts between the church and the army.
Clergymen work conscientiously in the spiritual field, conducting individual and group conversations with soldiers, warrant officers and officers, cadets, students of Suvorov and cadet schools. Both my colleagues and I testify that military personnel very often ask for a personal meeting with a priest. What are they asking? These are questions of faith and its search, about how to build your spiritual image in the army, relationships with parents, with girls and many others.
The dean of the Slonim church district, Priest Vadim Petlitsky, conducts classes with cadets of secondary school No. 9 in Slonim
A clergyman is a neutral person to whom you can always open up without fear of any consequences. And such a conversation very often makes it possible for a friend to take a different look at the problem that has arisen, find a solution, and find peace of mind.
By the way, people in uniform have repeatedly expressed gratitude to the clergy who serve as pastors in military groups for wise advice and specific help. It is also not uncommon for a person in uniform to take a blessing from a clergyman. A person who has received spiritual guidance is difficult to overcome by an enemy who seeks to enslave his spirit and will.
From a spiritual perspective, we often become slaves to sin. Faith helps people free themselves from the slavery of sin and passion. We must improve. And perfection can only be in creativity when a person is free.
Archpriest Sergiy Kuzmenkov serves a prayer service for the repose of the souls of fallen soldiers
Now many people are sick with alcoholism and drug addiction. Soulless drugs and vodka are controlled by perfect intelligent beings who cease to be responsible for their actions. And this is a disaster... Can warriors subject to such intoxication improve themselves creatively and take responsibility for the safety of their compatriots? Definitely not. Therefore, the church has always been nearby, protecting people from captivity - first of all, the spirit.
In numerous conversations with military personnel, we try to instill in them an awareness of our service: defending the Motherland is a sacred, sacred duty of a citizen, and not a job. The clergy focus on the fact that our ancestors, who were heroes, also wore military uniforms. And its current owners must under no circumstances lose their honor.
Church of the Holy Martyr John the Warrior at the 11th Guards Separate Mechanized Brigade
Before taking the oath, all military personnel are interviewed by a priest, who reminds young people of the importance of the upcoming event in their lives.
After all, the Military Oath is words that must remain faithful to the end and for violation of which one must be held accountable. And taking an oath in the presence of a priest is a double responsibility. If you break this vow, you will be condemned before God and the people. As the Holy Scripture says: “By a word you will be justified, but by a word you will be condemned.” Not everyone is capable of being a defender of the Fatherland. The task of the church is to help a warrior improve in spirit, in spiritual strength, so that he understands the responsibility that he places on his shoulders.
Now young people who are well versed in the field of religion are being drafted into the army. This is facilitated by the holding of various forums on relevant topics, the activities of Sunday schools, open access to spiritual literature, etc. And if previously it was necessary to begin the story about the faith and way of life of a believer from the very beginning, now such a need has disappeared. Which is very gratifying.
However, this knowledge should be improved. And not only for active military personnel, but also for those who are preparing to become professionals in the military field. For example, students of the Minsk Suvorov Military School undergo serious spiritual training. But this is not the case at the Military Academy... I would like such a practice to exist at all levels of military education.
If we talk about other forms of cooperation between the Belarusian Orthodox Church and the Armed Forces, these include rituals for the consecration of military banners, equipment and weapons, which should be used exclusively for defense and not attack. The Church blesses only for the defense of the Fatherland. As long as there is evil in the world, it is necessary to defend against it. We must be prepared to defend the purity of our people.
Besides, in military units premises are blessed with holy water, Orthodox corners and libraries are created. It has long become a good tradition to congratulate Orthodox holidays, participation of military personnel in religious services.
What steps does the Belarusian Orthodox Church intend to take in terms of strengthening its influence in society in general and in the Armed Forces in particular?
Every person who undertakes a special service to society puts on a uniform that is always associated with trust. These are military personnel, priests, rescuers, doctors. The service of these people cannot be limited by time frames. She imposes a certain vow on the service person - to sacrifice himself for the sake of other people.
If we talk about the church and the army, they have a lot in common. The army protects citizens from a visible enemy, and the church from an invisible one. Both enemies bring enormous harm to humanity. Moreover, weapons as a means of struggle fade into the background. The war is on for a person's soul. Therefore, the church sees its main goals as strengthening the spirit of people in uniform, teaching them to correctly understand the fundamentals of faith, without dividing military personnel according to religious beliefs. It unites the military collective for spiritual protection. And a clergyman is a kind of spiritual doctor, guardian, mentor.
Let's take pre-revolutionary history: in the army at that time there were military (regimental) churches, where a priest was always present. He was charged with providing spiritual assistance to serving people of any faith.
Currently, there are over 15 military churches operating on the territory of Belarus - free-standing, under construction, in which priests carry out their obedience.
The first of them was opened on the territory of part of the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. It is gratifying that they are not empty; military personnel come here of their own free will, and not at the insistence of the command. Of course, a believing soldier does not build his relationships with his colleagues at the peak of evil.
The military temple contains certain spiritual military traditions that are strong for the army. By building churches, we preserve and revive traditions that allow our people to be “called people.”
Another important point is the strengthening of mutual understanding between clergy and military personnel. A document regulating these relationships will soon appear. Clergymen must be able to work with people in uniform. At one time, Metropolitan Philaret, blessing the clergy for the pastoral care of soldiers, admonished them with these words: “We must help, and not harm, the defenders of the Fatherland.” In this regard, the Synodal Department of the Belarusian Orthodox Church for interaction with the Armed Forces of the Republic of Belarus and other military formations proposes to organize permanent seminars for clergy caring for the military.
The priest must be a model for the flock, a “glass” through which God can be seen. He stands before the people, being the bearer of grace that was given to him in the sacrament of ordination. The priest must teach people to let God into their souls, to build their relationships with each other on the basis of love.
It will soon be a year since the appointment of the new Metropolitan of Minsk and Zaslavl, Patriarchal Exarch of All Belarus. What has changed during this time in the interaction between the Belarusian Orthodox Church and the Armed Forces of the Republic of Belarus?
The Bishop is systematically interested in these issues. When visiting the dioceses of the Belarusian Orthodox Church, he often visits regimental churches. Metropolitan Pavel advocates that they should always have priests who will satisfy the spiritual needs of the military collective. Today, 99 clergy carry out pastoral obedience on a permanent basis for interaction on the territory of military units.
Consecration of the banner of the Slonim Cadet Corps in the Holy Assumption Cathedral of the Zhirovichi Monastery
Metropolitan Pavel of Minsk and Zaslavsky, Patriarchal Exarch of All Belarus, also outlined many tasks in terms of implementing and improving cooperation programs between the church and the army. The Synodal Department of the Belarusian Orthodox Church for interaction with the Armed Forces of the Republic of Belarus and other military formations periodically analyzes them. Our task is to create a basis on which fruitful bilateral interaction can be built.
I would like to emphasize that the leadership of the Belarusian Orthodox Church is constantly in close contact with the leaders of the Ministry of Defense of Belarus, the border department and the internal troops, which indicates mutual respect and community of interests.
What do you wish for the defenders of the Fatherland - the readers of the "Belarusian military newspaper. For the glory of the Motherland"?
I want to wish them strength of spiritual and physical strength, to be true to their word, which is the Military Oath. And also remember: who, if not them, will protect the house?!
What unites us all common goal- maintain peace and tranquility native land. May God's blessing accompany us all in these good and good intentions.
Interviewed by OKSANA KURBEKO, photo by Elena Zatirka and from the archives of the Synodal Department of the Belarusian Orthodox Church for interaction with the Armed Forces of the Republic of Belarus and other military formations