IN Lately There are heated debates about the education and upbringing of our children. Moreover, the alarming results of twenty years of capitalist education have already begun to appear. Recently there was the 3rd congress of the “Parental All-Russian Resistance”, where the most difficult aspects of modern education were considered - the inadmissibility of joint education of healthy children and children with disabilities disabilities, this destroys both learning processes - both children remain abandoned without receiving the necessary knowledge. The impact of various gadgets and TV on the development of children was also discussed - there was a lot of interesting things.
Recently, Article No. 116 Part 1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation was repealed, according to which parents could be given up to 2 years in prison for spanking a child, for example, for a bad grade, which could lead to the destruction of the traditions of education in Russia. Thank God, with the help of the enormous work of the RVS and other like-minded organizations, after an appeal to the President of the country, the article was changed.
I have always been interested in what our traditions in education are, how we raised children before, well, let’s say, how Vladimir Ilyich Lenin studied and grew up, how he forged such a character, excellent memory, will, curiosity, the ability to convince people of his idea and, most importantly How to raise a patriot of our Motherland?
Today there is a big gap in the education of patriotism in children, which began in the 90s. And in general, the new reforms have so distorted the excellent Soviet education that now, looking at the results, everyone gasps.
I have a friend who is a teacher at Moscow aviation institute complains that during the first year many students have to improve their skills in physics and mathematics. A friend - a plant engineer - is forced to train young specialists; but young people are given more wages than the older generation, since the young and untrained do not accept lower wages.
Here, individual freedom-loving citizens were indignant at spankings during upbringing, but let’s see how traditionally, for example, at the end of the nineteenth century, children were raised in Russia? And we will draw conclusions for ourselves.
I think Vladimir Ilyich Lenin is a worthy role model; his abilities were formed and strengthened from childhood. How did it happen?
Ilya Nikolaevich Ulyanov - Lenin's father - was born in Astrakhan from “poor and ignorant” parents. He was a tradesman and was listed as public service, received ranks and orders, the Order of Vladimir gave him hereditary nobility. That is, Lenin is a nobleman, but due to the length of service of his father.
At that time, it was impossible to simply apply for admission to the gymnasium. It was necessary to pass exams, and one of them for Volodya Ulyanov at the age of 9 was on knowledge of the “Law of God,” that is, the events of the Old and New Testaments, the ability to read in Church Slavonic - such requirements were imposed on all high school students in Russia.
In the gymnasiums there was very strict discipline, no, so to speak, liberalism. These institutions were good at strengthening the character of children through drills and cramming. They resembled barracks and camps. Total control over everything: from inattention in class to the unbuttoned collar of a school uniform. For any offense there was an inevitable PUNISHMENT. PUNISHMENT often meant a punishment cell with black bread and water during the day. And this is for children 9 years old!
The main tasks for educating gymnasium students: to develop a religious sense in students, to distance them from bad communities, to develop a sense of obedience to superiors, respect for elders, decency, modesty and respect for other people's property. Now it seems not surprising that children, having gone through such a school from the age of 9, grew up and were not at all afraid of prison.
At 8:45 everyone gathered in the church hall for 15 minutes of prayer. Then followed three lessons in a row for 50 minutes with short breaks, studying until 14-30. Then cramming textbooks at home. In the fourth grade they taught: Russian language, mathematics, history, geography, Latin, Greek, German, French. IN AND. Lenin was an excellent student; there weren't many like him. At the end of the 4th grade, he received a certificate of merit and a book by E.N. Vodovozova “Life of European Nations” for excellent success, diligence, and exemplary behavior.
Gymnasium students especially suffered from Latin and Greek; it was the ancient languages that most often became the reason for placing a child in a punishment cell, leaving him for the second year, or expulsion from the gymnasium. Studying these ancient languages greatly developed memory and strengthened character. Lenin wrote dictations once a week, the teacher dictated the text so quickly that many children put dashes instead of words, but Vladimir always managed to write straight A's.
Subsequently, Lenin's classmate D.M. Andreev wrote: “He was distinguished by a phenomenal memory and was quicker than all of us in remembering Latin texts; standing in the middle of the class, he declared Cicero’s speech in Latin, his eyes amazed with hidden fire and power.” Subsequently, Lenin honed this technique to perfection; extreme concentration, strong confidence and incredible pressure were always felt in him. He learned to attack and persuade incredibly strong gaze and completely subjugate those listening.
Instruction in Latin and Greek took up 42% of all teaching time, with only 24% per week allocated to Russian, Church Slavonic and literature. IN AND. Lenin freely translated Cicero, Herodotus, Julius Caesar, Horace, Plato, and Homer. But back then there were no interlinear readers or robot translators. It is not surprising that our leader possessed great skill in oratory.
The intensity of the Russian literature program in the fourth grade of the gymnasium evokes respect. It was necessary to memorize over 100 poems of Russian classics: 45 fables by Krylov, 31 poems by Pushkin, 10 by Lermontov, 12 by Zhukovsky, 4 by Koltsov.
Lenin passed his exams with flying colors. Maybe that’s why he amazed everyone with his phenomenal memory for names, faces, events, and meeting conditions. Stalin also had a memory no less amazing than Lenin. Almost all Bolsheviks went through serious school and acquired skills in childhood, developed them to perfection, and maybe that’s why they won.
In modern elite schools In England rods are still sometimes used. And we are being imposed such methods of education that put the rights of children above their responsibilities, and yet children do not yet have a formed consciousness to use them consciously. As a result, we see children with anti-corruption posters who don’t even know what the word is.
A good education is complex and difficult. IN childhood goes training of will and hard work, the ability to overcome obstacles, development of cognitive interest, and without a certain violence against oneself, learning is impossible. Having successfully completed school, children become strong, educated, hardworking, purposeful, and then they can handle anything.
It is because of the destroyed process of upbringing and education that we get infantile people who are not capable of work.
Tatyana Barybina, RVS.
Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov (Lenin) - Russian revolutionary, Marxist theorist, statesman and political figure of the USSR, main organizer and leader of the October Revolution, creator of the world's first socialist state. This is how everyone knows and remembers Lenin. Today we will take a look at political leader on the other hand, we find out what he was like as a child.
Origin
Vladimir Ilyich was born on April 10, 1870 in the small city of Simbirsk (now Ulyanovsk), which is located on the banks of the great Volga. His parents were representatives of the mixed intelligentsia. In addition to Vladimir, the family had five more children: Alexander, Dmitry, Anna, Olga and Maria. Lenin's parents tried to be honest, hardworking, versatile and sensitive to others. Perhaps it was precisely because of this that subsequently all the children of the Ulyanov couple became revolutionaries.
Father
Nikolaevich (1831-1886) came from poor Astrakhan bourgeoisie. From an early age, he faced the difficulties that, under tsarism, beset all people from the people who wanted to get an education. Only thanks to his outstanding abilities and persistent work, Ilya Nikolaevich managed to graduate from Kazan University and become a teacher exact sciences in average educational institutions Nizhny Novgorod and Penza. As a result, he was even awarded the title of nobility for his length of service.
Ilya Nikolaevich Ulyanov was for his time advanced person, close to the ideas of philosophers of the 1860s. High ideals awakened in him dreams of serving the people and educating them.
In 1869, I. N. Ulyanov left his job as a teacher and became an inspector, and a little later, the director of Simbirsk public schools. Being a true teacher and enthusiast of public education, he was in love with his work with all his heart, giving it all of himself.
Activities in the field of public education forced Ulyanov to constantly travel around the province. He left home for weeks and months, visiting villages and villages. At any time of the year, regardless of weather conditions, Ilya Nikolaevich went to remote places, created schools there and assisted teachers in establishing educational process. This difficult, although very important, task took a lot of energy from him. Moreover, the biggest difficulty was not harsh winters, but the need to fight the resistance of landowners, kulaks and officials, who completely hinder the creation of educational institutions. It was also not easy to prove to the backward part of the peasants that it would be extremely useful for them to learn to read and write.
Disagreeing with the bureaucracy with its careerism, subservience and disdain for the people, Ulyanov was a true democrat. When addressing the peasants, he was always friendly. Ilya Nikolaevich paid a lot of attention to the issue of enlightening the non-Russian peoples who inhabited the Volga region. Treating them with respect and understanding, he spent a huge amount of effort and time organizing schools for the society oppressed by tsarism.
Ulyanov’s efforts have borne fruit: over almost two decades of his activity, the number of schools has increased significantly. He trained many high-quality public teachers, who began to be called “Ulyanovsk residents.”
Mother
Maria Alexandrovna Ulyanova (1835-1916) was the daughter of a doctor. She grew up in a village and was only able to receive home education. Due to lack of funds, it was not possible to continue her studies, which she greatly regretted. But being very gifted and inquisitive, Maria Alexandrovna easily learned several languages, which she later taught to the children. In addition, she read a lot and played the piano beautifully. After self-training, Ulyanova managed to pass the exam for the title of teacher as an external student. She, like her husband, was passionate about the issue of public education. However, Ulyanova did not have the chance to work as a teacher: household, raising children and caring for the hearth took up all her time.
Ulyanov family
Love and harmony always reigned. Despite his busy schedule, Ilya Nikolaevich was an exemplary family man and always found time for his wife and children. They looked at their father and saw how much effort he was ready to devote to public education, with what rigor he treated the performance of his functions and how much joy the opening of new educational institutions brought him. The life of his father, his passion for work, attentiveness to the people, and modesty towards himself, had great educational significance for Lenin's brothers and sisters. In the Ulyanov family, the authority of Ilya Nikolaevich was unshakable.
In raising children, Ulyanov proceeded from the views of N.A. Dobrolyubov - he strengthened their will, taught them to understand life, developed a thirst for knowledge, and finally, taught them to be strict about themselves and their actions. In addition, he taught children truthfulness and sincerity. By reading N.A. Nekrasov to his children, his father instilled in them a love of literature from an early age.
Ilya Nikolaevich always rejoiced at the successes of his children, and thereby inspired them to do more. He could not stand vanity, and demanded the same from his family. He was a fascinating storyteller and never shied away from children's questions.
Maria Alexandrovna Ulyanova had a rare educational talent. Always friendly and flexible, she did not embarrass the children, but knew how to maintain discipline in the family. The woman passed on her organization, neatness, thrift and modesty to her children. Despite her outward fragility, she was endowed with courage, perseverance and selflessness, and she demonstrated this many times during the years of difficult trials.
The family environment was favorable for the development of the children's character and intelligence. Lenin's parents never suppressed the natural liveliness of their children, and on the contrary, they encouraged it. If in the summer in the village little Volodya wanted to take a shortcut through the window, no one stopped him. Moreover, to prevent his son from hurting himself, the father made wooden steps near the window. When the older children decided to publish a home magazine, everyone contributed to their passion to the best of their ability. These and many other interesting facts from Lenin’s childhood have always caused surprise in society.
The Ulyanovs taught children not only to realize creativity, but also to work. WITH early childhood they had to look after themselves and help their elders. They always helped their mother take care of the garden and have tea in the gazebo: the boys carried chairs and dishes, and the girls helped wash the dishes after. In addition, girls were obliged to always take care of their clothes and the clothes of their brothers.
The childhood of the future revolutionary was bright and happy. He grew up a healthy, cheerful and playful boy. Volodya inherited his appearance and sociability from his father. He was constantly the instigator of children's games. In games, Lenin was fair and did not tolerate fights. Already at the age of five, Volodya read very well.
Simbirsk gymnasium
The first place where Lenin studied was the classical Simbirsk gymnasium. Already at that age, his good manners and self-discipline were evident. Every morning Volodya got up on his own at exactly seven o’clock, washed himself to the waist and made the bed. Before breakfast he had time to repeat his homework. At half past eight Ulyanov was at the gymnasium, located a few blocks from the house. This happened day after day for eight years.
At the gymnasium, thanks inquisitive mind and a lively attitude towards classes, Lenin immediately became the best student. His concentration, ability to get things done, sincerity and ease of communication, as well as willingness to help at any moment, greatly attracted his comrades. Ulyanov did not lag behind in sports development - he was a good swimmer, chess player and speed skater.
Formation of revolutionary views
Vladimir Ilyich’s childhood and youth included years of brutal reaction that reigned in Russia. Any manifestation of free thought was nipped in the bud and persecuted. Later, Lenin called this period "an unbridled, incredibly senseless and brutal reaction." Since in those days all freethinkers were expelled from educational institutions, the gymnasium did not become a place for the development of his social ideals.
Lenin's worldview in childhood was influenced primarily by family upbringing and the personal example of his parents. In addition, his older brother Alexander was an indisputable authority for Vladimir Ilyich from early childhood. Volodya tried to be like him in everything, and in any difficult situation he thought: “What would Sasha do?” Over time, his brother's authority only grew. It was from Alexander that Vladimir learned about Marxism.
Sasha Ulyanov was a very gifted young man. From childhood, he conquered everyone with his high moral qualities and strong will. Just like his father, Alexander was serious, thoughtful, strict with himself and fair. In relation to his younger brothers and sisters, he was affectionate and sensitive, so it is not surprising that all the children in the family loved him.
Analysis of the surrounding reality
From his early youth, Volodya Ulyanov vigilantly peered into the surrounding reality and analyzed it. Being a sincere person who does not tolerate hypocrisy and lies, he quickly saw the line between faith and religion. The final impetus for this was a scene that outraged him to the core. One day, Ilya Nikolaevich was talking to a guest in his house and said that his children were not attending church well. The enraged guest, looking at Vladimir, declared: “The whipping, the whipping must be done!” Quite angry, the child ran out of the house and tore off his cross. Therefore, the answer to the common question about whether Lenin was baptized is positive, in contrast to his personal attitude towards religion.
Closely analyzing life, Vladimir saw the poverty in which ordinary people lived and the anger to which peasants and workers were subjected. He listened very carefully to his father's stories about the ignorance and darkness that reigned in the villages, as well as about the arbitrariness of the authorities and the situation of the peasants. Communicating with the workers, he noticed in what a powerless and humiliating position non-Russian nationalities were: Tatars, Chuvashs, Mordovians, Udmurts and others. Despite all Lenin's poise as a child, his heart was filled with burning hatred towards the oppressors of the people.
Help Okhotnikov
The future leader's sympathy for nationalities oppressed by tsarism is clearly illustrated by the fact that in the senior classes of the gymnasium he helped the Chuvash school teacher N. Okhotnikov prepare for the matriculation exam. Chuvash had outstanding math skills, and passionately dreamed of getting a higher education. To enter the university, he needed a matriculation certificate, which is issued after passing the exam different subjects, including ancient languages. It was very difficult for Okhotnikov to study these languages on his own, and he did not have money for a tutor. Having learned about the desperate situation of the Chuvash, high school student Vladimir Ulyanov decided to help him free of charge. For a year and a half, Lenin studied with Okhotnikov three times a week, as a result of which he received a matriculation certificate and successfully entered a higher educational institution.
Literature
Books had a significant influence on the formation of Vladimir Lenin’s personality. Most of all he loved the works of Pushkin, Lermontov, Gogol, Nekrasov, Turgenev and Saltykov-Shchedrin. Lenin's revolutionary spirit was reinforced by the books of Herzen, Belinsky, Dobrolyubov, Chernyshevsky and Pisarev. Thanks to the writings of revolutionary democrats, young Lenin began to hate the socio-political structure of Tsarist Russia. In his youth, Vladimir Ilyich was fascinated by the works of the poets of the satirical publication Iskra. This magazine was one of the main revolutionary press organs. In it, various poets spoke out against noble-bourgeois liberalism and serfdom reaction.
As a child, Lenin found it difficult to hide his revolutionary views, so periodically glimpses of them appeared in his writings. Once, the director of the gymnasium F. Kerensky (the father of the later famous Socialist Revolutionary A. Kerensky), who always set the works of Vladimir Ulyanov as an example to other students, asked him warningly: “What kind of oppressed classes are you writing about?”
Loss of father and brother
In his youth, Lenin experienced many serious upheavals. So, in January 1886, his 54-year-old father died. In March next year, when the family was just beginning to recover from terrible grief, Alexander Ulyanov was arrested for participating in the preparation of the assassination attempt on Alexander the Third in St. Petersburg. Following him, Anna Ulyanova, who also studied at the university, was arrested.
No one in the family knew that Alexander Ilyich had taken the revolutionary path. He studied brilliantly at the University of St. Petersburg. The young man's achievements in the field of chemistry and zoology attracted the attention of many prominent scientists. For one of his works, written in his third year at university, he received a gold medal. The teachers predicted Alexander Ilyich to be a professor.
IN last summer, which A.I. Ulyanov spent at home, he devoted himself entirely to writing his dissertation. No one knew that while in St. Petersburg, the young man visited revolutionary circles and carried out political propaganda among the workers.
A relative of the Ulyanovs wrote to the city of Simbirsk about the arrest of Alexander and Anna. Fearing for Maria Alexandrovna's reaction, she sent the letter not to her, but to to a close friend family - V.V. Kashkadamova, who worked as a teacher. She immediately called Vladimir and told him the sad news. According to Kashkadamova’s memoirs, Vladimir was silent for a long time, then said: “But this is a serious matter, it could end badly for Sasha.” Not an easy task What stood out to the young man was his mother’s preparation for the sad news and her moral support. The news of what had happened immediately spread throughout the small town, subsequently causing the Ulyanovs to be disowned by everyone who had visited them before, by the entire liberal society. At that moment, Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov (Lenin) absolutely clearly saw the true cowardly face of the liberal intelligentsia.
Maria Alexandrovna was present during the trial of her son and his comrades. She listened to his speech, imbued with the deepest conviction and denouncing the tsarist autocracy. Alexander did not doubt the inevitability of the victory of socialism over the old social system. Later, Maria Alexandrovna will tell you that she did not expect that her son could speak so openly, eloquently and convincingly about political issues. Along with pride, she was filled with despair, because of which she was never able to sit through the end of the hearing and left the courtroom.
On May 8, 1887, 21-year-old Alexander Ulyanov was executed. This event shocked Vladimir Ilyich and finally strengthened his revolutionary spirit. A. I. Ulyanova wrote moving words about the brothers: “Alexander Ilyich died as a hero, and his blood illuminated the path of his next brother, Vladimir, with the glow of a revolutionary fire.”
Admiring his brother’s courage and dedication, Vladimir, however, rejected the terrorist path he had chosen. He firmly decided, “We will go a different way. This is not the way to go."
Graduation from high school
During the tragic days for the Ulyanov family, Lenin's brothers and sisters could not find a place for themselves. Vladimir Ilyich showed incredible perseverance: he studied hard and passed the matriculation exam brilliantly. Being the youngest in the class, he was also the only one who received a certificate with a medal. The administration of the gymnasium hesitated for a long time before presenting such an award to the brother of the executed “criminal”. However, Lenin's deep knowledge and outstanding abilities were all too obvious. Leaving the gymnasium, Vladimir Ilyich received good characterization from the director, which noted his accuracy, diligence and talent. Thus ended Lenin's childhood.
Lenin (Ulyanov) Vladimir Ilyich, the greatest proletarian revolutionary and thinker, successor to the work of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, organizer of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, founder of the Soviet socialist state, teacher and leader of the working people of the whole world.
Lenin's grandfather - Nikolai Vasilyevich Ulyanov, a serf from the Nizhny Novgorod province, later lived in Astrakhan, was a tailor-craftsman. Father - Ilya Nikolaevich Ulyanov, after graduating from Kazan University, he taught in secondary schools in Penza and Nizhny Novgorod, and then was an inspector and director of public schools Simbirsk province. Lenin's mother, Maria Aleksandrovna Ulyanova (née Blank), the daughter of a doctor, having received a home education, passed the exams for the title of teacher as an external student; She devoted herself entirely to raising her children. The elder brother, Alexander Ilyich Ulyanov, was executed in 1887 for participating in the preparation of the assassination attempt on Tsar Alexander III. Sisters - Anna Ilyinichna Ulyanova-Elizarova, Maria Ilyinichna Ulyanova and younger brother— Dmitry Ilyich Ulyanov became prominent figures Communist Party.
From 1879 to 1887, L. (Lenin) studied at the Simbirsk gymnasium. The spirit of protest against the tsarist system, social and national oppression awakened in him early. Advanced Russian literature, the works of V. G. Belinsky, A. I. Herzen, N. A. Dobrolyubov, D. I. Pisarev and especially N. G. Chernyshevsky contributed to the formation of his revolutionary views. From his older brother L. learned about Marxist literature. After graduating from high school with a gold medal, L. entered Kazan University, but in December 1887, for active participation in a revolutionary gathering of students, he was arrested, expelled from the university and exiled to the village of Kokushkino, Kazan province. From that time on, L. devoted his entire life to the struggle against autocracy and capitalism, to the cause of liberating the working people from oppression and exploitation. In October 1888 L. returned to Kazan. Here he joined one of the Marxist circles organized by N. E. Fedoseev, in which the works of K. Marx, F. Engels, and G. V. Plekhanov were studied and discussed. The works of Marx and Engels played a decisive role in the formation of L.'s worldview—he became a convinced Marxist.
In 1891, L. passed the exams as an external student for the Faculty of Law at St. Petersburg University and began working as an assistant to a sworn attorney in Samara, where the Ulyanov family moved in 1889. Here he organized a circle of Marxists, established connections with the revolutionary youth of other cities of the Volga region, and gave lectures against populism. The first of L.’s surviving works, the article “New Economic Movements in Peasant Life,” dates back to the Samara period.
At the end of August 1893, L. moved to St. Petersburg, where he joined a Marxist circle, whose members were S. I. Radchenko, P. K. Zaporozhets, G. M. Krzhizhanovsky and others. The legal cover of L.’s revolutionary activities was his work as an assistant to a sworn attorney . Unshakable faith in the victory of the working class, extensive knowledge, deep understanding of Marxism and the ability to apply it to the resolution of vital issues that worried the masses earned L. the respect of St. Petersburg Marxists and made L. their recognized leader. He establishes connections with advanced workers (I.V. Babushkin, V.A. Shelgunov, etc.), leads workers’ circles, and explains the need for a transition from circle propaganda of Marxism to revolutionary agitation among the broad proletarian masses.
L. was the first Russian Marxist to set the task of creating a working class party in Russia as an urgent practical task and led the struggle of revolutionary Social Democrats for its implementation. L. believed that this should be a proletarian party of a new type, in its principles, forms and methods of activity meeting the requirements of the new era - the era of imperialism and socialist revolution.
Having accepted the central idea of Marxism about the historical mission of the working class - the gravedigger of capitalism and the creator of communist society, L. devotes all the strength of his creative genius, comprehensive erudition, colossal energy, and rare capacity for work to selfless service to the cause of the proletariat, becomes a professional revolutionary, and is formed as a leader of the working class.
In 1894, L. wrote the work “What are “friends of the people” and how do they fight against the Social Democrats? )". Already these first major works by L. were distinguished by a creative approach to the theory and practice of the labor movement. In them, L. subjected the subjectivism of the populists and the objectivism of the “legal Marxists” to devastating criticism, and showed a consistently Marxist approach to the analysis of Russian. in reality, he described the tasks of the Russian proletariat, developed the idea of an alliance of the working class with the peasantry, and substantiated the need to create a truly revolutionary party in Russia. In April 1895, L. went abroad to establish contact with the Liberation of Labor group. In Switzerland he met Plekhanov, in Germany - with W. Liebknecht, in France - with P. Lafargue and other figures of the international labor movement. In September 1895, having returned from abroad, L. visited Vilnius, Moscow and Orekhovo-Zuevo, where he established connections with local Social Democrats. In the fall of 1895, on the initiative and under the leadership of L., the Marxist circles of St. Petersburg united into a single organization - the St. Petersburg “Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class,” which was the beginning of a revolutionary proletarian party and, for the first time in Russia, began to combine scientific socialism with the mass workers’ movement.
On the night of December 8 (20) to December 9 (21), 1895, L., together with his comrades in the “Union of Struggle,” was arrested and imprisoned, from where he continued to lead the “Union.” In prison, L. wrote “Project and Explanation of the Program of the Social Democratic Party,” a number of articles and leaflets, and prepared materials for his book “The Development of Capitalism in Russia.” In February 1897, L. was exiled to the village for 3 years. Shushenskoye, Minusinsk district, Yenisei province. For active revolutionary work N.K. Krupskaya was also sentenced to exile. As L.'s bride, she was also sent to Shushenskoye, where she became his wife. Here L. established and maintained contacts with the Social Democrats of St. Petersburg, Moscow, Nizhny Novgorod, Voronezh and other cities, with the Emancipation of Labor group, corresponded with the Social Democrats who were in exile in the North and Siberia, and rallied around him exiled Social Democrats of the Minusinsk district. In exile, L. wrote over 30 works, including the book “The Development of Capitalism in Russia” and the brochure “Tasks of Russian Social Democrats,” which were of great importance for the development of the party’s program, strategy and tactics. In 1898, the 1st Congress of the RSDLP was held in Minsk, which proclaimed the formation of a Social Democratic Party in Russia and published the “Manifesto of the Russian Social Democratic Party.” workers' party" L. agreed with the main provisions of the “Manifesto”. However, the party had not actually been created yet. The congress, which took place without the participation of L. and other prominent Marxists, was unable to develop a program and charter for the party or overcome the disunity of the Social Democratic movement. L. developed practical plan creation of a Marxist party in Russia; the most important means To achieve this goal, it was supposed to become, as L. believed, an all-Russian illegal political newspaper. Fighting for the creation of a new type of proletarian party, irreconcilable to opportunism, L. opposed the revisionists in international social democracy (E. Bernstein and others) and their supporters in Russia (“economists”). In 1899 he compiled the “Protest of Russian Social Democrats,” directed against “economism.” The “protest” was discussed and signed by 17 exiled Marxists.
After the end of his exile, L. left Shushenskoye on January 29 (February 10), 1900. Proceeding to his new place of residence, L. stopped in Ufa, Moscow, etc., illegally visited St. Petersburg, establishing connections with Social Democrats everywhere. Having settled in Pskov in February 1900, L. spent great job to organize the newspaper, he created strongholds for it in a number of cities. In July 1900, L. went abroad, where he established the publication of the newspaper Iskra. L. was the immediate manager of the newspaper. Iskra played an exceptional role in the ideological and organizational preparation of the revolutionary proletarian party, in distinguishing itself from the opportunists. It became the center for uniting desks. strength, education of desks. frames. Subsequently, L. noted that “the entire flower of the conscious proletariat took the side of Iskra” (Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 26, p. 344).
From 1900 to 05, L. lived in Munich, London, and Geneva. In December 1901, L. for the first time signed one of his articles published in Iskra with the pseudonym Lenin (he also had pseudonyms: V. Ilyin, V. Frey, Iv. Petrov, K. Tulin, Karpov, etc.).
In the struggle for the creation of a new type of party, Lenin’s work “What is to be done?” was of outstanding importance. Urgent issues of our movement" (1902). In it, L. criticized “economism” and highlighted the main problems of building the party, its ideology and politics. The most important theoretical issues L. outlined in the articles “The Agrarian Program of Russian Social Democracy” (1902), “The National Question in Our Program” (1903). With the leading participation of L., the editorial board of Iskra developed a draft Party Program, which formulated the demand for the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat for the socialist transformation of society, which was absent in the programs of Western European social democratic parties. L. wrote the draft Charter of the RSDLP, drew up a work plan and drafts of almost all the resolutions of the upcoming party congress. In 1903, the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP took place. At this congress, the process of unification of revolutionary Marxist organizations was completed and the party of the working class of Russia was formed on the ideological, political and organizational principles developed by L. A proletarian party of a new type, the Bolshevik Party, was created. “Bolshevism has existed as a current of political thought and as a political party since 1903,” wrote L. in 1920 (ibid., vol. 41, p. 6). After the congress, L. launched a struggle against Menshevism. In his work “One Step Forward, Two Steps Back” (1904), he exposed the anti-party activities of the Mensheviks and substantiated the organizational principles of a new type of proletarian party.
During the Revolution of 1905–07, L. directed the work of the Bolshevik Party in leading the masses. At the 3rd (1905), 4th (1906), 5th (1907) congresses of the RSDLP, in the book “Two Tactics of Social Democracy in the Democratic Revolution” (1905) and numerous articles, L. developed and substantiated strategic plan and the tactics of the Bolshevik Party in the revolution, criticized the opportunist line of the Mensheviks; on November 8 (21), 1905, L. arrived in St. Petersburg, where he led the activities of the Central Committee and the St. Petersburg Committee of the Bolsheviks, the preparation of an armed uprising. L. headed the work of the Bolshevik newspapers “Forward”, “Proletary”, “ New life" In the summer of 1906, due to police persecution, L. moved to Kuokkala (Finland), in December 1907 he was again forced to emigrate to Switzerland, and at the end of 1908 to France (Paris).
During the years of reaction 1908–10, Lenin led the struggle for the preservation of the illegal Bolshevik Party against the Menshevik liquidators and otzovists, against the splitting actions of the Trotskyists (see Trotskyism), and against conciliation towards opportunism. He deeply analyzed the experience of the Revolution of 1905-07. At the same time, L. resisted the onslaught of reaction against the ideological foundations of the party. In his work “Materialism and Empirio-Criticism” (published in 1909), L. exposed the sophisticated methods of defending idealism by bourgeois philosophers, the attempts of revisionists to distort the philosophy of Marxism, and developed dialectical materialism.
From the end of 1910 a new rise began in Russia revolutionary movement. In December 1910, on L.’s initiative, the newspaper “Zvezda” began to be published in St. Petersburg; on April 22 (May 5), 1912, the first issue of the daily legal Bolshevik workers’ newspaper “Pravda” was published. To train party workers, L. in 1911 organized a party school in Longjumeau (near Paris), in which he gave 29 lectures. In January 1912, the 6th (Prague) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP was held in Prague under the leadership of L., which expelled the Menshevik liquidators from the RSDLP and defined the tasks of the party in an environment of revolutionary upsurge. To be closer to Russia, L. moved to Krakow in June 1912. From there he directs the work of the bureau of the Central Committee of the RSDLP in Russia, the editorial office of the newspaper Pravda, and manages the activities of the Bolshevik faction of the 4th State Duma. In December 1912 in Krakow and in September 1913 in Poronin, under the leadership of L., meetings of the Central Committee of the RSDLP with party workers were held on the most important issues of the revolutionary movement. L. paid great attention to the development of the theory of the national question, the education of party members and the broad masses of workers in the spirit of proletarian internationalism. He wrote program works: “ Critical Notes on the national question" (1913), "On the right of nations to self-determination" (1914).
From October 1905 to 1912, L. was a representative of the RSDLP in the International Socialist Bureau of the 2nd International. Heading the Bolshevik delegation, he took an active part in the work of the Stuttgart (1907) and Copenhagen (1910) international socialist congresses. L. led a decisive struggle against opportunism in the international labor movement, rallying left-wing revolutionary elements, and paid much attention to exposing militarism and developing the tactics of the Bolshevik Party in relation to imperialist wars.
During World War I (1914–18), the Bolshevik Party, led by L., raised high the banner of proletarian internationalism, exposed the social chauvinism of the leaders of the 2nd International, and put forward the slogan of transformation imperialist war in the civil war. The war found L. in Poronin. On July 26 (August 8), 1914, L., following a false denunciation, was arrested by the Austrian authorities and imprisoned in the city of New Targ. Thanks to the assistance of Polish and Austrian Social Democrats, L. was released from prison on August 6 (19). On August 23 (September 5) he left for Switzerland (Bern); in February 1916 he moved to Zurich, where he lived until March (April) 1917. In the manifesto of the Central Committee of the RSDLP “War and Russian Social Democracy”, in the works “On the National Pride of the Great Russians”, “The Collapse of the Second International”, “Socialism and War”, “On the slogan of the United States of Europe”, “Military program of the proletarian revolution”, “Results of the discussion on self-determination”, “On the caricature of Marxism and “imperialist economism””, etc. L. further developed the most important provisions of Marxist theory, developed a strategy and the tactics of the Bolsheviks in war conditions. A profound substantiation of the theory and policy of the party on issues of war, peace and revolution was L.’s work “Imperialism, as the highest stage of capitalism” (1916). During the war years, L. worked a lot on issues of philosophy (see “Philosophical Notebooks”). Despite the difficulties of wartime, L. established the regular publication of the Central Organ of the Party of the newspaper “Social-Democrat”, established connections with party organizations in Russia, and directed their work. At the international socialist conferences in Zimmerwald [August (September) 1915] and Quinthal (April 1916), L. defended revolutionary Marxist principles and led the struggle against opportunism and centrism (Kautskyism). By rallying the revolutionary forces in the international labor movement, L. laid the foundations for the formation of the 3rd Communist International.
Having received in Zurich on March 2 (15), 1917, the first reliable news about the February bourgeois-democratic revolution that had begun in Russia, L. defined new tasks for the proletariat and the Bolshevik Party. In “Letters from Afar,” he formulated the party’s political course for the transition from the first, democratic stage to the second, socialist stage of the revolution, warned about the inadmissibility of supporting the bourgeois Provisional Government, and put forward the position on the need to transfer all power into the hands of the Soviets. April 3(16), 1917 L. returned from emigration to Petrograd. Solemnly greeted by thousands of workers and soldiers, he said short speech, ending it with the words: “Long live the socialist revolution!” On April 4 (17), at a meeting of the Bolsheviks, L. spoke with a document that went down in history under the name V. I. Lenin’s April Theses (“On the tasks of the proletariat in this revolution”). In these theses, in “Letters on Tactics”, in reports and speeches at the 7th (April) All-Russian Conference of the RSDLP (b), L. developed a plan for the party’s struggle for the transition from a bourgeois-democratic revolution to a socialist revolution, the party’s tactics in conditions of dual power - an orientation toward the peaceful development of the revolution, put forward and substantiated the slogan “All power to the Soviets!” Under L.'s leadership, the party launched political and organizational work among the masses of workers, peasants, and soldiers. L. directed the activities of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) and the central printed organ of the party, the newspaper Pravda, and spoke at meetings and rallies. From April to July 1917, L. wrote over 170 articles, brochures, draft resolutions of Bolshevik conferences and the Party Central Committee, and appeals. At the 1st All-Russian Congress of Soviets (June 1917), L. made speeches on the issue of war, on the attitude towards the bourgeois Provisional Government, exposing its imperialist, anti-people policy and the conciliation of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. In July 1917, after the elimination of dual power and the concentration of power in the hands of the counter-revolution, the peaceful period of development of the revolution ended. On July 7 (20), the Provisional Government ordered the arrest of L. He was forced to go underground. Until August 8 (21), 1917, L. was hiding in a hut beyond the lake. Razliv, near Petrograd, then until the beginning of October - in Finland (Yalkala, Helsingfors, Vyborg). And underground he continued to lead the activities of the party. In the theses “The Political Situation” and in the brochure “Towards Slogans,” L. defined and substantiated the party’s tactics in the new conditions. Based on Lenin’s principles, the 6th Congress of the RSDLP (b) (1917) decided on the need to take power by the working class in alliance with the poorest peasantry through an armed uprising. While underground, L. wrote the book “State and Revolution,” brochures “The Impending Catastrophe and How to Fight It,” “Will the Bolsheviks Maintain State Power?” and other works. On September 12-14 (25-27), 1917, L. wrote a letter to the Central, Petrograd and Moscow committees of the RSDLP (b) “The Bolsheviks must take power” and a letter to the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b) “Marxism and uprising”, and then on September 29 (12 October) article “The crisis is ripe.” In them, based on a deep analysis of the alignment and correlation of class forces in the country and in the international arena, L. concluded that the moment was ripe for a victorious socialist revolution, and developed a plan for an armed uprising. At the beginning of October, L. returned illegally from Vyborg to Petrograd. In the article “Advice from an Outsider” on October 8 (21), he outlined the tactics of carrying out an armed uprising. On October 10 (23), at a meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), L. made a report on the current situation; At his suggestion, the Central Committee adopted a resolution on armed uprising. On October 16 (29), at an extended meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), L. in his report defended the course of uprising and sharply criticized the position of opponents of the uprising L. B. Kamenev and G. E. Zinoviev. L. considered the position of postponing the uprising until the convening of the 2nd Congress of Soviets to be extremely dangerous for the fate of the revolution, which L. D. Trotsky especially insisted on. The meeting of the Central Committee confirmed Lenin's resolution on an armed uprising. During the preparation of the uprising, L. directed the activities of the Military Revolutionary Center, created by the Central Committee of the party, and the Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC), formed at the proposal of the Central Committee under the Petrograd Soviet. On October 24 (November 6), in a letter to the Central Committee, L. demanded to immediately go on the offensive, arrest the Provisional Government and take power, emphasizing that “delay in taking action is like death” (ibid., vol. 34 p. 436).
On the evening of October 24 (November 6), L. illegally arrived in Smolny to directly lead the armed uprising. At the 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets, which opened on October 25 (November 7), which proclaimed the transfer of all power in the center and locally into the hands of the Soviets, L. made reports on peace and land. The Congress adopted Lenin's decrees on peace and land and formed a workers' and peasants' government - the Council People's Commissars led by L. The victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, won under the leadership of the Communist Party, opened new era in the history of mankind - the era of transition from capitalism to socialism.
L. led the struggle of the Communist Party and the people of Russia to solve the problems of the dictatorship of the proletariat and to build socialism. Under L.'s leadership, the party and government created a new, Soviet state apparatus. The confiscation of landowners' lands and the nationalization of all land, banks, transport, large industry, a foreign trade monopoly was introduced. The Red Army was created. National oppression has been destroyed. The party attracted the broad masses of the people to the grandiose work of building the Soviet state and implementing fundamental socio-economic transformations. In December 1917, L. in the article “How to organize a competition?” put forward the idea of socialist competition of the masses as effective method building socialism. At the beginning of January 1918, L. prepared the “Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People,” which was the basis of the first Soviet Constitution of 1918. Thanks to L.’s integrity and perseverance, as a result of his struggle against the “left communists” and Trotskyists, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk 1918 with Germany, which gave Soviet power the necessary peaceful respite.
From March 11, 1918, L. lived and worked in Moscow, after the Central Committee of the Party and the Soviet government moved here from Petrograd.
In the work “The Immediate Tasks of Soviet Power”, in the work “On “Left” Childhood and Petty-Bourgeoisism” (1918), etc., L. outlined a plan for creating the foundations of a socialist economy. In May 1918, on the initiative and with the participation of L., decrees on the food issue were developed and adopted. At L.'s suggestion, food detachments were created from workers, sent to the villages to rouse the poor peasants (see Committees of the Poor Peasants) to fight the kulaks, to fight for bread. The socialist measures of the Soviet government met fierce resistance from the overthrown exploiting classes. They turned around armed struggle against Soviet power, they resorted to terror. On August 30, 1918, L. was seriously wounded by the Socialist Revolutionary terrorist F. E. Kaplan.
During the Civil War and military intervention of 1918–20, L. was chairman of the Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense, created on November 30, 1918 to mobilize all forces and resources to defeat the enemy. L. put forward the slogan “Everything for the front!” At his suggestion, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee declared the Soviet Republic a military camp. Under the leadership of L. the party and the Soviet government in short term managed to rebuild the country's economy on a war footing, developed and implemented a system of emergency measures called “war communism”. Lenin wrote the most important party documents, which were a combat program for mobilizing the forces of the party and the people to defeat the enemy: “Theses of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) in connection with the situation of the Eastern Front” (April 1919), a letter of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) to all party organizations “ Everyone to fight Denikin!” (July 1919) and others. L. directly supervised the development of plans for the most important strategic operations The Red Army to defeat the White Guard armies and troops of foreign interventionists.
At the same time, L. continued to conduct theoretical work. In the fall of 1918, he wrote the book “The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky,” in which he exposed Kautsky’s opportunism and showed the fundamental opposition between bourgeois and proletarian, Soviet democracy. L. pointed out the international significance of the strategy and tactics of Russian communists. “...Bolshevism,” wrote L., “is suitable as a model of tactics for everyone” (ibid., vol. 37, p. 305). L. mainly drafted the second Party Program, which defined the tasks of building socialism, adopted by the 8th Congress of the RCP (b) (March 1919). The focus of L.’s attention was then the question of transition period from capitalism to socialism. In June 1919, he wrote the article “The Great Initiative,” dedicated to communist subbotniks; in the fall, he wrote the article “Economics and Politics in the Era of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat,” and in the spring of 1920, the article “From the Destruction of the Age-Old Way of Life to the Creation of the New.” In these and many other works, L., summarizing the experience of the dictatorship of the proletariat, deepened the Marxist doctrine of the transition period, and illuminated the most important issues of communist construction in the conditions of the struggle between two systems: socialism and capitalism. After the victorious end of the Civil War, L. led the struggle of the party and all workers of the Soviet Republic for the restoration and further development of the economy, and led cultural construction. In the Report of the Central Committee to the 9th Party Congress, Latvia defined the tasks of economic construction and emphasized exclusively important a unified economic plan, the basis of which should be the electrification of the country. Under L.’s leadership, the GOELRO plan was developed - a plan for the electrification of Russia (for 10-15 years), the first long-term plan development of the national economy of the Soviet country, which L. called “the second program of the party” (see ibid., vol. 42, p. 157).
At the end of 1920 - beginning of 1921, a discussion unfolded in the party about the role and tasks of trade unions, in which questions were actually resolved about methods of approaching the masses, about the role of the party, about the fate of the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialism in Russia. L. spoke out against the erroneous platforms and factional activities of Trotsky, N.I. Bukharin, the “workers’ opposition,” and the group of “democratic centralism.” He pointed out that, being a school of communism in general, trade unions should be for workers, in particular, a school of economic management.
At the 10th Congress of the RCP (b) (1921), L. summed up the results of the trade union discussion in the party and put forward the task of transition from the policy of “war communism” to the new economic policy (NEP). The congress approved the transition to the NEP, which ensured the strengthening of the alliance of the working class and the peasantry, the creation of the production base of a socialist society; adopted the resolution “On Party Unity” written by L. In the brochure “On the Food Tax (The Significance of the New Policy and Its Conditions)” (1921) and the article “On the Four-Year Anniversary of the October Revolution” (1921), L. revealed the essence of the new economic policy as the economic policy of the proletariat in the transition period and described the ways of its implementation.
In the speech “Tasks of Youth Unions” at the 3rd Congress of the RKSM (1920), in the outline and draft resolution “On Proletarian Culture” (1920), in the article “On the Significance of Militant Materialism” (1922) and other works, L. highlighted the problems creating a socialist culture, the tasks of the ideological work of the party; L. showed great concern for the development of science.
L. determined ways to solve the national question. Problems of nation-state building and socialist transformations in national areas L. is covered in the report on the party program at the 8th Congress of the RCP (b), in the “Initial Draft of Theses on National and Colonial Issues” (1920) for the 2nd Congress of the Comintern, in the letter “On the Formation of the USSR” (1922) and Dr. L. developed the principles of uniting the Soviet republics into a single multinational state on the basis of voluntariness and equality - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which was created in December 1922.
The Soviet government, led by L., consistently fought to preserve peace, to prevent a new world war, sought to improve the economy, and diplomatic relations with other countries. At the same time Soviet people provided support to revolutionary and national liberation movements.
In March 1922, L. led the work of the 11th Congress of the RCP (b) - the last party congress at which he spoke. Hard work and the consequences of being wounded in 1918 undermined L.'s health. In May 1922 he became seriously ill. At the beginning of October 1922, L. returned to work. His last public appearance was on November 20, 1922 at the plenum of the Moscow Soviet. On December 16, 1922, L.’s health condition deteriorated sharply again. At the end of December 1922 - beginning of 1923, L. dictated letters on internal party and state issues: “Letter to the Congress”, “On giving legislative functions to the State Planning Committee”, “On the issue of nationalities or “autonomization”” and a number of articles - “Pages from the diary”, “About cooperation”, “About our revolution”, “How can we reorganize the Rabkrin (Proposal to the XII Party Congress)”, “Less is better”. These letters and articles are rightly called L.'s political testament. They were the final stage in L.'s development of a plan for building socialism in the USSR. In them, L. outlined in general form the program for the socialist transformation of the country and the prospects for the world revolutionary process, the foundations of the party’s policy, strategy and tactics. He substantiated the possibility of building a socialist society in the USSR, developed provisions on the industrialization of the country, on the transition of peasants to large-scale social production through cooperation (see V.I. Lenin’s Cooperative Plan), on the cultural revolution, emphasized the need to strengthen the alliance of the working class and the peasantry, strengthen friendship of the peoples of the USSR, improvement state apparatus, ensuring the leading role of the Communist Party and the unity of its ranks.
L. consistently pursued the principle of collective leadership. He put all the most important issues for discussion at regularly meeting party congresses and conferences, plenums of the Central Committee and the Politburo of the Party Central Committee, All-Russian Congresses of Soviets, sessions of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and meetings of the Council of People's Commissars. Under the leadership of L. worked such prominent figures of the party and the Soviet state as V.V. Borovsky, F.E. Dzerzhinsky, M.I. Kalinin, L.B. Krasin, G.M. Krzhizhanovsky, V.V. Kuibyshev, A. V. Lunacharsky, G. K. Ordzhonikidze, G. I. Petrovsky, Y. M. Sverdlov, I. V. Stalin, P. I. Stuchka, M. V. Frunze, G. V. Chicherin, S. G. Shaumyan et al.
L. was the leader of not only the Russian, but also the international labor and communist movement. In letters to workers of countries Western Europe, America and Asia, L. explained the essence and international significance of the October Socialist Revolution, the most important tasks of the world revolutionary movement. On L.'s initiative, the 3rd Communist International was created in 1919. Under the leadership of L. the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th congresses of the Comintern were held. He wrote drafts of many resolutions and documents of congresses. In L.’s works, primarily in the work “The Infantile Disease of “Leftism” in Communism” (1920), developed software basics, strategy and principles of tactics of the international communist movement.
In May 1923, L. moved to Gorki due to illness. In January 1924, his health suddenly deteriorated sharply. January 21, 1924 at 6 o'clock. 50 min. L. died in the evening. On January 23, the coffin with L.’s body was transported to Moscow and installed in the Hall of Columns of the House of Unions. For five days and nights, the people said goodbye to their leader. On January 27, a funeral took place on Red Square; the coffin with L.'s embalmed body was placed in a specially built Mausoleum (see Mausoleum of V.I. Lenin).
Never since Marx has history liberation movement The proletariat did not give the world a thinker and leader of the working class, all working people of such a gigantic scale as Lenin. The genius of a scientist, political wisdom and foresight were combined in him with the talent of the greatest organizer, with an iron will, courage and courage. L. had boundless faith in the creative powers of the masses, was closely connected with them, and enjoyed their boundless trust, love and support. All of L.'s activities are the embodiment of the organic unity of revolutionary theory and revolutionary practice. Selfless devotion to communist ideals, the cause of the party, the working class, the greatest conviction in the rightness and justice of this cause, subordination of one’s entire life to the struggle for the liberation of workers from social and national oppression, love for the Motherland and consistent internationalism, intransigence towards class enemies and touching attention to comrades , exactingness towards oneself and towards others, moral purity, simplicity and modesty - character traits Lenin - leader and man.
Party leadership and Soviet state L. built on the basis of creative Marxism. He tirelessly fought against attempts to turn the teachings of Marx and Engels into a dead dogma.
“We do not at all look at Marx’s theory as something complete and inviolable,” wrote L., “we are convinced, on the contrary, that it laid only the cornerstones of the science that socialists must move further in all directions if they do not want to lag behind life" (ibid., vol. 4, p. 184).
L. raised revolutionary theory to a new one, highest level, enriched Marxism scientific discoveries world-historical significance.
“Leninism is the Marxism of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolutions, the era of the collapse of colonialism and the victory of national liberation movements, the era of humanity’s transition from capitalism to socialism and the construction of a communist society” (“On the 100th anniversary of the birth of V. I. Lenin,” Theses Central Committee of the CPSU, 1970, p. 5).
L. developed all the components of Marxism - philosophy, political economy, scientific communism (see Marxism-Leninism).
Having summarized the achievements of science, especially physics, of the late 19th and early 20th centuries from the perspective of Marxist philosophy, L. further developed the doctrine of dialectical materialism. He deepened the concept of matter, defining it as objective reality, existing outside human consciousness, developed the fundamental problems of the theory of human reflection of objective reality and the theory of knowledge. L.'s great merit is the comprehensive development of materialist dialectics, especially the law of unity and struggle of opposites.
“Lenin is the first thinker of the century who, in the achievements of contemporary natural science, saw the beginning of a grandiose scientific revolution, was able to reveal and philosophically generalize the revolutionary meaning of the fundamental discoveries of the great researchers of nature... The idea he expressed about the inexhaustibility of matter became a principle natural science knowledge"(ibid., p. 14).
The largest contribution was made by L. to Marxist sociology. He concretized, substantiated and developed the most important problems, categories and provisions of historical materialism about socio-economic formations, about the laws of development of society, about the development of productive forces and production relations, about the relationship between the base and the superstructure, about classes and class struggle, about the state, about social revolution, about the nation and national liberation movements, about the relationship between objective and subjective factors in public life, about social consciousness and the role of ideas in the development of society, about the role of the masses and individuals in history.
L. significantly supplemented the Marxist analysis of capitalism with the formulation of such problems as the formation and development of the capitalist mode of production, in particular in relatively backward countries in the presence of strong feudal remnants, agrarian relations under capitalism, as well as an analysis of bourgeois and bourgeois-democratic revolutions, social structure capitalist society, the essence and form of the bourgeois state, the historical mission and forms of the class struggle of the proletariat. Of great importance is L.'s conclusion that the strength of the proletariat in historical development is immeasurably greater than its share in the total population.
L. created the doctrine of imperialism as the highest and final stage in the development of capitalism. Having revealed the essence of imperialism as monopoly and state-monopoly capitalism, characterizing its main features, showing the extreme aggravation of all its contradictions, the objective acceleration of the creation of material and socio-political prerequisites for socialism, L. concluded that imperialism is the eve of the socialist revolution.
L. comprehensively developed the Marxist theory of socialist revolution in relation to the new historical era. He deeply developed the idea of the hegemony of the proletariat in the revolution, the need for an alliance of the working class with the working peasantry, determined the attitude of the proletariat towards various layers of the peasantry at different stages of the revolution; created a theory of the development of a bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist revolution, and illuminated the question of the relationship between the struggle for democracy and for socialism. Having revealed the mechanism of action of the law of uneven development of capitalism in the era of imperialism, L. made the most important conclusion, which has enormous theoretical and political significance, about the possibility and inevitability of the victory of socialism initially in a few or even in one individual capitalist country; This conclusion of L., confirmed by the course of historical development, formed the basis for the development of important problems of the world revolutionary process, the construction of socialism in countries where the proletarian revolution was victorious. L. developed provisions on the revolutionary situation, on an armed uprising, on the possibility, under certain conditions, of the peaceful development of the revolution; substantiated the idea of the world revolution as a single process, as an era connecting the struggle of the proletariat and its allies for socialism with democratic, including national liberation, movements.
L. deeply developed the national question, pointing out the need to consider it from the standpoint of the class struggle of the proletariat, revealed the thesis about the two tendencies of capitalism in national issue, substantiated the position of complete equality of nations, the right of oppressed, colonial and dependent peoples to self-determination, and at the same time the principle of internationalism of the labor movement and proletarian organizations, the idea of the joint struggle of workers of all nationalities in the name of social and national liberation, the creation of a voluntary union of peoples.
L. revealed the essence and characterized the driving forces of national liberation movements. He came up with the idea of organizing a united front of the revolutionary movement of the international proletariat and national liberation movements against the common enemy - imperialism. He formulated a position on the possibility and conditions for the transition of backward countries to socialism, bypassing the capitalist stage of development. L. developed the principles of the national policy of the dictatorship of the proletariat, which ensures the flourishing of nations and nationalities, their close unity and rapprochement.
L. defined the main content of the modern era as the transition of mankind from capitalism to socialism, and characterized the driving forces and prospects of the world revolutionary process after the split of the world into two systems. The main contradiction of this era is the contradiction between socialism and capitalism. L. considered the socialist system and the international working class to be the leading force in the struggle against imperialism. L. foresaw the formation of a world system of socialist states, which would have a decisive influence on all world politics.
L. developed a complete theory about the transition period from capitalism to socialism, revealed its content and patterns. Summarizing the experience Paris Commune, three Russians revolutions, L. developed and concretized the teachings of Marx and Engels about the dictatorship of the proletariat, comprehensively revealed historical meaning Republics of Soviets are states of a new type, immeasurably more democratic than any bourgeois parliamentary republic. The transition from capitalism to socialism, L. taught, cannot but give a variety of political forms, but the essence of all these forms will be the same - the dictatorship of the proletariat. He comprehensively developed the question of the functions and tasks of the dictatorship of the proletariat, pointed out that the main thing in it is not violence, but the rallying of non-proletarian layers of workers around the working class, the building of socialism. The main condition for the implementation of the dictatorship of the proletariat, L. taught, is the leadership of the Communist Party. L.’s works deeply cover theoretical and practical problems building socialism. The most important task after the victory of the revolution is the socialist transformation and planned development of the national economy, achieving higher labor productivity than under capitalism. The creation of an appropriate material and technical base and the industrialization of the country are of decisive importance in the construction of socialism. L. deeply developed the issue of socialist reconstruction Agriculture through education state farms and the development of cooperation, the transition of peasants to large-scale social production. L. put forward and substantiated the principle of democratic centralism as the main principle of economic management in the conditions of building a socialist and communist society. He showed the need to preserve and use commodity-money relations, and to implement the principle of material interest.
L. believed that one of the main conditions for building socialism was the implementation of the cultural revolution: the rise of public education, the familiarization of the broadest masses with knowledge, cultural values, development of science, literature and art, ensuring a profound revolution in the consciousness, ideology and spiritual life of the working people, re-educating them in the spirit of socialism. L. emphasized the need to use the culture of the past and its progressive, democratic elements in the interests of building a socialist society. He considered it necessary to attract old, bourgeois specialists to participate in socialist construction. At the same time, L. put forward the task of training numerous cadres of the new, popular intelligentsia. In articles about L. Tolstoy, in the article “Party organization and party literature” (1905), as well as in letters to M. Gorky, I. Armand and others, L. substantiated the principle of partisanship in literature and art, examined their role in the class struggle of the proletariat , formulated the principle of party leadership of literature and art.
L.'s works developed the principles of socialist foreign policy as an important factor in building a new society and developing the world revolutionary process. This is a policy of close state, economic and military union of socialist republics, solidarity with peoples fighting for social and national liberation, peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems, international cooperation, resolute opposition to imperialist aggression.
L. developed the Marxist doctrine of the two phases of communist society, the transition from the first to the higher phase, the essence and ways of creating the material and technical base of communism, the development of statehood, the formation of communist social relations, and the communist education of the working people.
L. created the doctrine of a new type of proletarian party as the highest form of revolutionary organization of the proletariat, as the vanguard and leader of the working class in the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat, for the construction of socialism and communism. He developed the organizational foundations of the party, the international principle of its construction, the norms of party life, pointed out the need for democratic centralism in the party, unity and conscious iron discipline, the development of internal party democracy, the activity of party members and collective leadership, intransigence to opportunism, and close ties between the party and the masses.
L. was firmly convinced of the inevitability of the victory of socialism throughout the world. He considered the essential conditions for this victory to be: the unity of the revolutionary forces of our time - the world system of socialism, the international working class, the national liberation movement; correct strategy and tactics of communist parties; a decisive struggle against reformism, revisionism, right and left opportunism, nationalism; cohesion and unity of the international communist movement based on Marxism and the principles of proletarian internationalism.
Theoretical and political activity L. marked the beginning of a new, Leninist stage in the development of Marxism and in the international labor movement. The name of Lenin and Leninism are associated with the largest revolutionary achievements of the 20th century, which radically changed the social appearance of the world and marked the turn of humanity towards socialism and communism. The revolutionary transformation of society in the Soviet Union on the basis of Lenin’s brilliant plans and plans, the victory of socialism and the construction of a developed socialist society in the USSR is the triumph of Leninism. Marxism-Leninism, as the great and united international teaching of the proletariat, is the heritage of all communist parties, all revolutionary workers of the world, all working people. All indigenous social problems modernity can be correctly assessed and decided based on the ideological heritage of Lenin, guided by a reliable compass - the ever-living and creative Marxist-Leninist teaching. The Address of the International Conference of Communist and Workers' Parties (Moscow, 1969) “On the 100th anniversary of the birth of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin” states:
“The entire experience of world socialism, the workers’ and national liberation movements has confirmed the international significance of Marxist-Leninist teaching. The victory of the socialist revolution in a group of countries, the emergence of the world system of socialism, the gains of the labor movement in capitalist countries, the entry into the arena of independent socio-political activity of peoples former colonies and semi-colonies, the unprecedented rise of the anti-imperialist struggle - all this proves the historical correctness of Leninism, which expresses the fundamental needs of the modern era” (“International Conference of Communist and Workers’ Parties.” Documents and Materials, M., 1969, p. 332).
The CPSU attaches great importance to the study, storage and publication of L.'s literary heritage, as well as documents related to his life and work. In 1923, the Central Committee of the RCP (b) created the V.I. Lenin Institute, which was entrusted with these functions. In 1932, as a result of the merger of the Institute of K. Marx and F. Engels with the Institute of V. I. Lenin, a single Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute under the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (now the Institute of Marxism-Leninism under the Central Committee of the CPSU) was formed. The Central Party Archive of this institute stores more than 30 thousand Lenin documents. Five editions of Lenin’s works have been published in the USSR (see Works of V.I. Lenin), and “Lenin’s collections” are being published. Thematic collections of L.'s works and his individual works are printed in millions of copies. Much attention is paid to the publication of memoirs and biographical works about Lenin, as well as literature on various problems of Leninism.
The Soviet people sacredly honor the memory of Lenin. The All-Union Communist Youth Union and Pioneer organization in the USSR, many cities, including Leningrad - the city where L. proclaimed the power of the Soviets; Ulyanovsk, where L spent his childhood and youth. In all cities, the central or most beautiful streets are named after L. Factories and collective farms, ships and mountain peaks bear his name. In honor of L., the highest award in the USSR was established in 1930 - the Order of Lenin; Lenin Prizes were established for outstanding achievements in the field of science and technology (1925), in the field of literature and art (1956); International Lenin Prize “For Strengthening Peace Between Nations” (1949). A unique memorial and historical monument is the Central Archive of V.I. Lenin and its branches in many cities of the USSR. There are also museums of V.I. Lenin in other socialist countries, in Finland and France.
In April 1970 the Communist Party Soviet Union, the entire Soviet people, the international communist movement, the working masses, the progressive forces of all countries solemnly celebrated the 100th anniversary of the birth of V. I. Lenin. The celebration of this significant date resulted in the greatest demonstration of the vitality of Leninism. Lenin's ideas arm and inspire communists and all working people in the struggle for the complete triumph of communism.
Essays:
- Collected Works, vol. 1-20, M. - L., 1920-1926;
- Soch., 2nd ed., vol. 1-30, M. - Leningrad, 1925-1932;
- Soch., 3rd ed., vol. 1-30, M. - Leningrad, 1925-1932;
- Soch., 4th ed., vol. 1-45, M., 1941-67;
- Complete works, 5th ed., vol. 1-55, M., 1958-65;
- Lenin collections, book. 1-37, M. - L., 1924-70.
Literature:
- To the 100th anniversary of the birth of V.I. Lenin. Theses of the CPSU Central Committee, M., 1970;
- To the 100th anniversary of the birth of V.I. Lenin, Collection of documents and materials, M., 1970.
- V. I. Lenin. Biography, 5th ed., M., 1972;
- V. I. Lenin. Biographical chronicle, 1870 - 1924, vol. 1-3, M., 1970-72;
- Memoirs of V.I. Lenin, vol. 1-5, M., 1968-1969;
- Krupskaya N.K., About Lenin. Sat. Art. and performances. 2nd ed., M., 1965;
- Leninian, Library of works by V.I. Lenin and literature about him 1956-1967, in 3 volumes, vol. 1-2, M., 1971-72;
- Lenin is still more alive than anyone else alive. Recommendatory index of memoirs and biographical literature about V. I. Lenin, M., 1968;
- Memories of V.I. Lenin. Annotated index of books and journal articles 1954-1961, M., 1963;
- Lenin. Historical and biographical atlas, M., 1970;
- Lenin. Collection of photographs and film footage, vol. 1-2, M., 1970-72.
Soviet statesman and political figure, Marxist theorist, founder of the Communist Party and the Soviet socialist state in Russia Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov (Lenin) was born on April 22 (April 10, old style) 1870 in Simbirsk (now Ulyanovsk) in the family of a public school inspector, who became a hereditary nobleman
His older brother Alexander, a People's Volunteer revolutionary, was executed in May 1887 for preparing an assassination attempt on the Tsar.
In the same year, Vladimir Ulyanov graduated from the Simbirsk gymnasium with a gold medal, was admitted to Kazan University, but three months after admission he was expelled for participating in student riots. In 1891, Ulyanov graduated from the Faculty of Law of St. Petersburg University as an external student, after which he worked in Samara as an assistant to a sworn attorney.
In August 1893, he moved to St. Petersburg, where he joined the Marxist circle of students at the Technological Institute. In April 1895, Vladimir Ulyanov went abroad and met the Liberation of Labor group created in Geneva by Russian emigrants led by Georgy Plekhanov. In the autumn of the same year, on his initiative and under his leadership, the Marxist circles of St. Petersburg united into a single “Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class.” In December 1895, Ulyanov was arrested by the police. Spent more than a year in prison, then exiled for three years to the village of Shushenskoye, Minusinsk district, Krasnoyarsk Territory, under open police supervision.
In 1898, the Union participants held the first congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP) in Minsk.
While in exile, Vladimir Ulyanov continued his theoretical and organizational revolutionary activities. In 1897, he published the work “The Development of Capitalism in Russia,” where he tried to challenge the populists’ views on socio-economic relations in the country and prove that a bourgeois revolution was brewing in Russia. He became acquainted with the works of the leading theorist of German Social Democracy, Karl Kautsky, from whom he borrowed the idea of organizing the Russian Marxist movement in the form of a centralized party of a “new type”.
After the end of his exile in January 1900, he went abroad (for the next five years he lived in Munich, London and Geneva). There, together with Georgy Plekhanov, his associates Vera Zasulich and Pavel Axelrod, as well as his friend Yuli Martov, Vladimir Ulyanov began publishing the Social Democratic newspaper Iskra. From 1901 he began to use the pseudonym "Lenin" and from then on was known in the party under this name.
In 1903, at the Second Congress of Russian Social Democrats, as a result of a split between Mensheviks and Bolsheviks, Lenin led the “majority,” then creating the Bolshevik Party.
From 1905 to 1907, Lenin lived illegally in St. Petersburg, leading the leftist forces. From 1907 to 1917 he was in exile, where he defended his Political Views in the Second International.
At the beginning of the First World War, while on the territory of Austria-Hungary, Lenin was arrested on suspicion of spying for the Russian government, but thanks to the participation of the Austrian Social Democrats, he was released. After his liberation, he went to Switzerland, where he put forward the slogan of turning the imperialist war into a civil war.
In the spring of 1917, Lenin returned to Russia. On April 17 (April 4, old style), 1917, the day after arriving in Petrograd, he spoke with the so-called “April Theses”, where he outlined a program for the transition from the bourgeois-democratic revolution to the socialist one, and also began preparing an armed uprising and overthrow Provisional Government.
Since April 1917, Lenin became one of the main organizers and leaders of the October armed uprising and the establishment of Soviet power.
At the beginning of October 1917, he illegally moved from Vyborg to Petrograd. On October 23 (October 10, old style) at a meeting of the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), at his proposal, a resolution on an armed uprising was adopted. On November 6 (October 24, old style), in a letter to the Central Committee, Lenin demanded an immediate transition to the offensive, the arrest of the Provisional Government and the seizure of power. In the evening, he illegally arrived in Smolny to directly lead the armed uprising. The next day, November 7 (October 25, old style), 1917, an uprising and capture took place in Petrograd. state power Bolsheviks. At the meeting of the second that opened in the evening All-Russian Congress The Soviet government was proclaimed - the Council of People's Commissars (SNK), whose chairman was Vladimir Lenin. The congress adopted the first decrees prepared by Lenin: on ending the war and on the transfer of private land for the use of workers.
On Lenin's initiative, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was concluded with Germany in 1918.
After the capital was transferred from Petrograd to Moscow in March 1918, Lenin lived and worked in Moscow. His personal apartment and office were located in the Kremlin, on the third floor former building Senate. Lenin was elected as a deputy of the Moscow Soviet.
In the spring of 1918, Lenin's government began the fight against the opposition by closing anarchist and socialist workers' organizations; in July 1918, Lenin led the suppression of the armed uprising of the left Socialist Revolutionaries. The confrontation intensified during the Civil War, the Socialist Revolutionaries, Left Socialist Revolutionaries and anarchists, in turn, attacked the leaders of the Bolshevik regime; On August 30, 1918, an attempt was made on Lenin.
During the Civil War, Lenin became the initiator and ideologist of the policy of "war communism". He approved the creation of the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution and Sabotage (VChK), which widely and uncontrollably used methods of violence and repression.
With the end of the Civil War and the cessation of military intervention in 1922, the process of restoring the country's national economy began. For this purpose, at the insistence of Lenin, “war communism” was abolished, food allocation was replaced by a food tax. Lenin introduced the so-called New Economic Policy (NEP), which allowed private free trade. At the same time, he insisted on the development of state-owned enterprises, electrification, and the development of cooperation.
In May and December 1922, Lenin suffered two strokes, but continued to dictate notes and articles devoted to party and state affairs. A third stroke, which followed in March 1923, left him practically incapacitated.
On January 21, 1924, Vladimir Lenin died in the village of Gorki near Moscow. On January 23, the coffin with his body was transported to Moscow and installed in the Hall of Columns of the House of Unions. The official farewell took place over five days.
On January 27, 1924, the coffin with Lenin’s embalmed body was designed by the architect Alexei Shchusev.
During the years of Soviet power, memorial plaques were installed on various buildings associated with Lenin's activities, and monuments to the leader were erected in cities. The following were established: the Order of Lenin (1930), the Lenin Prize (1925), Lenin Prizes for achievements in the field of science, technology, literature, art, architecture (1957). In 1924-1991 he worked in Moscow Central Museum Lenin. A number of enterprises, institutions and educational institutions were named after Lenin.
In 1923, the Central Committee of the RCP (b) created the Institute of V.I. Lenin, and in 1932, as a result of its merger with the Institute of Marx and Engels, a single Marx-Engels-Lenin Institute was formed under the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (b) (later it became known as the Institute of Marxism -Leninism under the Central Committee of the CPSU). The Central Party Archive of this institute (now the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History) stores more than 30 thousand documents authored by Vladimir Lenin.
Lenin, whom he knew from the St. Petersburg revolutionary underground. They got married on July 22, 1898, during Vladimir Ulyanov’s exile to the village of Shushenskoye.
The material was prepared based on information from RIA Novosti and open sources
Professional revolutionaries led secret life, and often forgot their real names for a long time. Stalin, Kamo, Sverdlov, Trotsky and other ardent fighters for people's happiness, even when communicating in private, used party pseudonyms. The same fully applies to the leader of the world proletariat, the creator of the world's first state of workers and peasants. Nikolai Lenin (Ulyanov Vladimir Ilyich) appeared on the political scene almost simultaneously with the fateful 20th century for humanity. At that time he was thirty years old.
Ilyich's pseudonyms
Indeed, Ronald Reagan, exposing the machinations of world communism in his next speech (this was in the early eighties), turned out to be right, although some Soviet publications accused him of ignorance. “Not Nikolai, but Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, that’s right!” Because everyone is accustomed to precisely this combination of sounds and letters, pronounced a thousand times from the stands, replicated on posters and propaganda brochures, badges, pennants and certificates of commendation. Nevertheless, those who knew history a little better than regular propagandists and familiarized themselves with the works of the classic of Marxism could not but agree with the American president, not on the essence of his speech, of course, but regarding the accuracy of the reproduction of the party nickname.
Before going illegal future leader was just a student Vladimir, and even earlier - a high school student Vova and a curly-haired boy Volodya. And having already become a revolutionary, Ulyanov changed many pseudonyms, having been Vladimir Ilyin, and Jordan K. Yordanov, and K. Tulin, and Kubyshkin, and Starik, and Fyodor Petrovich, and Frey, and even the mysterious Jacob Richter. But history has left a short inscription on the mausoleum: “V. I. Lenin”, causing hostility and rejection among some, hope among others and leaving others indifferent.
In honor of whom is “Lenin”?
The simplest explanation for this pseudonym is its morphological relationship with the female name “Lena”. That was the name of Ulyanov’s old acquaintance, Stasova (and also his classmate Rozmirovich, his fellow chorus girl Zaretskaya... is there not enough Len in the world? You can’t even count!), who, it seems (like others), was deeply attractive to him in his youth years. But this side of the leader’s life was not taught at school, but another version became widespread. On Siberian river Lena in 1906, certain popular unrest arose among workers in the gold mines, which ended with their armed suppression. This version of the explanation is even less worthy of attention, despite its political consistency, since the shooting of demonstrators occurred five years later than the first newspaper articles signed by N. Lenin appeared. Prophecies were repeatedly attributed to the leader of the revolution, but he was still not a clairvoyant. Predict world victory communism is one thing, but anticipating a riot five years before it is quite another.
To try to explain the origin of this pseudonym, one can turn to the history of another. L.D. Bronstein became Trotsky, borrowing the surname of the head of the Odessa central. Vladlen Loginov, a historian (his name alone is worth it!) suggests that Nikolai Lenin is a very real person who lived in the Yaroslavl province. This Respected man, a state councilor, died, and his children gave the passport to their friend, Vladimir Ulyanov. This was supposedly in 1900, the year of birth had to be slightly corrected, but in all other respects the chronology agrees. Photo cards weren’t glued back then.
There is also a version that simply concerns Lena - not a beautiful woman, and not the place of the bloody execution of workers, but the river, but it does not seem interesting to historians and simply curious people. Indeed, there is little romance. And what the truth is, apparently, will never be known.
Childhood and adolescence
The centenary anniversary of the proletarian leader was celebrated magnificently in 1970; many films, paintings, literary works, poems, songs and cantatas were dedicated to him. A medal was also issued, which was awarded to leaders in production. During Soviet power, a whole art direction was created, called Leniniana, and a considerable part of it described the childhood and youth years of the life of the future Bolshevik leader. What Vladimir Ilyich Lenin was like in the first years of his life is known mainly from the stories of his family members. The fact of his beautiful school performance(gold medal), which gave propagandists reason to urge schoolchildren throughout the vast country to study only “excellently.” The city of Simbirsk, where Vladimir Ilyich Lenin was born, was renamed Ulyanovsk, and a memorial was erected there.
The father of the theorist and practitioner of the world revolution was Ilya Nikolaevich Ulyanov, an official who held the post of inspector of public education. The boy studied at the gymnasium, then entered the university of Kazan. This was in 1887, and at the same time his older brother Alexander, a Narodnaya Volya member, was accused of participating in a conspiracy, arrested and executed. Volodya also suffered, but not for his relationship with one of the terrorists who attempted to assassinate the Tsar. He himself worked in an underground circle, was exposed, expelled from the university and expelled - no, not to Siberia yet, but home. The “arbitrariness of the authorities” did not last long; a year later Ulyanov was again in Kazan, and again among his Marxist friends. Meanwhile, my mother, having become a widow, bought a small estate (the village of Alakaevka, Samara province), and the young man helps her run the business. In 1889, the whole family moved to Samara.
From Narodnaya Volya to Marxists
The young man was allowed to receive higher education. He passed the bar exams as an external student in 1891 at the law faculty of the capital's university, without completing a course of study. The first place of work was the law office of N.A. Hardin in Samara, where the young specialist had to defend the parties to civil litigation. But it was not this boring activity that captivated him. In two years legal practice Vladimir Ilyich completely changed his worldview and political beliefs, moving away from Narodnaya Volya and becoming a Social Democrat. The influence of Plekhanov's works in this process was great, but they were not the only ones that occupied the mind of the young Marxist.
Having left Hardin, lawyer Ulyanov goes to St. Petersburg, where he finds a new job with M. F. Volkenshtein, also a lawyer. But not only court cases he is engaged in: the first theoretical works concerning issues of political economy, the development of capitalist relations in Russia, reforms in the countryside, etc. date back to this period. These articles are sometimes published in periodicals. In addition, Ulyanov is writing the program of the party that he plans to create.
In 1885, a group of young revolutionaries assembled an underground union for the “liberation of the working class,” among them Martov and Vladimir Ilyich. The purpose of this organization is to gather disparate circles of Marxists and lead them. This attempt ended in arrest, a year in prison and exile to the Yenisei province (the village of Shushenskoye). The then “prisoners of conscience” could not complain about the difficult conditions of detention. The main burden that V.I. Lenin experienced in those three years was the need to be content with boring lamb. However, it was possible to hunt, diversifying the menu with game. The future leader also repaired skates for children when he wanted to take a break from thinking about the struggle of the proletariat.
Lenin in exile
In 1900 Nikolai Lenin appeared. Vladimir Ilyich, whose brief biography was studied in all educational institutions of the USSR, most spent his life abroad in Europe. Immediately after the end of his exile, he goes to Munich, then to London and Geneva. Plekhanov, Pavel Axelrod, Vera Zasulich and other like-minded Marxists were already waiting for him there. They publish the newspaper Iskra. By the way, few people paid attention to the fact that decades later, when naming avenues and streets in part of this party printed organ, the executive committees of all cities necessarily added the word “Leninist”. The fact is that Iskra later became a Menshevik newspaper, so clarification was necessary from a political point of view.
The well-known question: “What to do?” became the title of an article that Vladimir Ilyich Lenin wrote in 1902. It was this work that marked the choice of the direction of party development for the coming years. The main thesis was the need to transform the RSDLP into a military organization bound by strict discipline and hierarchy. Many members of the party, led by Martov, spoke out against such a violation of democratic principles, for which, having lost the vote at the Third Congress (1903), they became “Mensheviks”.
The first revolution and again a foreign land
In 1905, Vladimir Lenin comes from Switzerland to St. Petersburg. Large-scale unrest began in Russia, which high degree probabilities could lead to a change in power. He arrived under a false name, as a foreign spy, and became involved in the work of overthrowing tsarism. The positions of the Bolshevik wing of the RSDLP were quite strong; a congress of the Central and St. Petersburg party committees was held in the capital. An armed uprising practically took place, but ended in failure. Even in extreme conditions unsuccessful war with Japan, Russian empire found the strength to suppress unrest and restore order. The Potemkin riot was declared by Vladimir Lenin to be “undefeated territory,” and in 1907 he fled abroad again.
This fiasco greatly upset the leadership of the Bolshevik Party, but did not lead to abandonment of the fight. Conclusions were drawn about the insufficient preparedness of party structures and the need to further strengthen the military wing of the organization.
Where does the money come from?
The modern reader, aware that life abroad is expensive, often wonders about the origin of the funds needed to publish subversive periodicals. In addition, even diehard Bolsheviks are living people, and they are not alien to human needs. There are several answers to this question. Firstly, money was taken by force from individuals and organizations. These operations were called expropriations (exs), and individual Bolshevik structures were involved in these robberies (for example, the “wonderful Georgian” Joseph Dzhugashvili-Stalin carried out a unique raid on a bank in Tiflis, which was included in criminology textbooks). Secondly, the RSDLP had sponsors among business people Russia, hoping to improve their situation after the overthrow of tsarism (the most famous was millionaire Savva Morozov, but there were others). Thirdly, information is available today about foreign intelligence support for subversive organizations. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin effectively used all channels of material supply for the party.
Personal life
Everyone knows that the leader of the world proletariat was married. He was not a handsome man, he was small in stature, with a thin beard and an early bald spot, but history knows many examples great success among the female class of people and more modest appearance - just remember Napoleon, Goebbels, Chaplin or Pushkin. It is not the cover of the book that is important, but its content, and the high intelligence of the leader of the Bolshevik Party was not questioned even by his irreconcilable opponents.
What captivated Nadezhda Konstantinovna so much? interesting man like Vladimir Ilyich Lenin? Krupskaya's biography contains many interesting facts relating, for example, to her party nicknames. Party members called her Herring, openly mocking her for her thinness and peculiar look. bulging eyes. The reason for both was quite valid (Graves' disease). She was not offended by her nickname; moreover, her character obviously had a sense of humor, otherwise her wife would not have tolerated even more humiliating treatment from her husband, who called her lamprey. More important than appearance for Ulyanov, apparently, were excellent abilities for languages, amazing efficiency, desire for self-education and devotion to the communist idea.
There were other women in his life for whom he may have had romantic feelings, but politics, of course, remained the main object of passion. The affair with I. Armand ended only with her tragic death from the flu. The wife forgave everything. She probably loved her husband, considered him a great man and worshiped him. In addition, as an intelligent woman, she correctly assessed the degree of her external attractiveness, and as a real communist, she despised jealousy and a sense of ownership. She never gave birth to children.
According to the popular image created by the powerful Soviet propaganda machine, for a long time it was impossible to understand what kind of person Vladimir Ilyich Lenin was in real life. Interesting facts, which his closest associates told in their memoirs, speak of his sometimes unusual behavior. He, unlike Stalin, did not like to joke and took any issue seriously. An interesting incident occurred during a trip in the notorious sealed German carriage. There was only one toilet, queues arose, and V.I. Lenin solved this problem in a Bolshevik way, giving each passenger a ticket indicating the time of his visit. It is also characterized by another point concerning the wedding with Krupskaya in Shushenskoye. Vladimir Ulyanov himself forged two wedding rings from copper nickels (the couple wore them until the end of their lives). But no matter what eccentricities historical characters display, they are judged primarily by the results of their activities.
The expression “Stalinist repressions” entered the political dictionary after the 20th Congress of the CPSU. In 1962, Lenin's mausoleum was freed from the remains of the dictator who ruined millions of destinies and lives. It should, however, be taken into account that in not one of his articles or speeches did I.V. Stalin ever call for mass executions or percentage destruction of the population, did not give orders for the extermination of entire estates and classes in the very literally. But Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, whose reign coincided with the Civil War, gave such orders and demanded a report on their implementation on the ground. Millions of Russian citizens were destroyed and died involved in the fratricidal massacre, and yet they constituted the spiritual, intellectual, scientific, technical and military elite of the country. We still feel the consequences of this crime today.
Man, image and attributes of the cult
In the official mythology, instilled in place of the desecrated religion, citizens of the USSR from childhood were instilled with the idea of the great kindness that distinguished Lenin Vladimir Ilyich. The leader's death in Gorki (1924) was declared almost a self-sacrifice; it was explained by the consequences of his injury at the Mikhelson plant in 1918. However, according to a medical report published in the Soviet press, the brain of the main practitioner of Marxism was almost petrified due to calcification of the blood vessels. A person with such a disease cannot make adequate decisions, let alone lead the state.
Official propaganda created an image that was impossible not to worship. Everything human was completely emasculated from him, Lenin’s mausoleum became a place of pilgrimage for tens and hundreds of millions of people from all over the world, the leader’s works were published (with some cuts), but few people read them, and even fewer students thought about these texts. But multi-volume collections and separate collections of articles have become an indispensable attribute of government offices. Having taken away moral guidelines and faith from the citizens, the leaders who came after them gave them a new deity, which Vladimir Ilyich Lenin became after his death. Photos and paintings replaced icons, solemn chants replaced church chorales, and banners became an analogue of banners. A tomb was erected on Red Square, which over time became a necropolis of leaders of lower rank. In Soviet times, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin’s birthday was a holiday during which one should, at least a little, symbolically, partake of free labor. Somehow, in the understanding of almost the entire world, the communist idea began to be associated with Russia, although it was our country that suffered from it more than all others. Now those who would like to somehow show their anti-Russian orientation are destroying monuments to Lenin. In vain.