8.1 The choice of the path of historical development of Russia at the beginning of the 19th century under Alexander I.
8.2 Decembrist movement.
8.3 Conservative modernization under Nicholas I.
8.4 Social thought of the mid-19th century: Westerners and Slavophiles.
8.5 Culture of Russia in the first half of the 19th century.
8.1 The choice of the path of historical development of Russia at the beginning of the 19th century under Alexander I
Alexander I, the eldest son of Paul I, came to power as a result of a palace coup in March 1801. Alexander was initiated into the conspiracy and agreed to it, but on the condition that his father’s life be spared. The murder of Paul I shocked Alexander, and until the end of his life he blamed himself for the death of his father.
A characteristic feature of the board Alexandra I (1801-1825) becomes a struggle between two currents - liberal and conservative and the emperor's maneuvering between them. There are two periods in the reign of Alexander I. Before the Patriotic War of 1812, the liberal period lasted, after the foreign campaigns of 1813-1814. – conservative .
Liberal period of government. Alexander was well educated and brought up in a liberal spirit. In his manifesto on his accession to the throne, Alexander I declared that he would rule “according to the laws and the heart” of his grandmother, Catherine the Great. He immediately abolished the restrictions on trade with England introduced by Paul I and the regulations in everyday life, clothing, social behavior, etc. that irritated people. Letters of grant to the nobility and cities were restored, free entry and exit abroad, the import of foreign books were allowed, an amnesty was granted to people who were persecuted under Paul. Religious tolerance and the right of non-nobles to buy land were proclaimed.
In order to prepare a reform program, Alexander I created Secret committee (1801-1803) - an unofficial body that included his friends V.P. Kochubey, N.N. Novosiltsev, P.A. Stroganov, A.A. Czartoryski. This committee discussed reforms.
In 1802 the collegiums were replaced ministries . This measure meant replacing the principle of collegiality with unity of command. 8 ministries were established: military, naval, foreign affairs, internal affairs, commerce, finance, public education and justice. A Committee of Ministers was created to discuss important issues.
In 1802, the Senate was reformed, becoming the highest judicial and supervisory body in the public administration system.
In 1803, the “Decree on Free Plowmen” was adopted. Landowners received the right to set their peasants free, providing them with land for a ransom. However, this decree did not have any great practical consequences: during the entire reign of Alexander I, a little more than 47 thousand serfs were released, that is, less than 0.5% of their total number.
In 1804, Kharkov and Kazan universities and the Pedagogical Institute in St. Petersburg (since 1819 - a university) were opened. In 1811 the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum was founded. The university charter of 1804 granted universities broad autonomy. Educational districts and continuity of 4 levels of education were created (parish school, district school, gymnasium, university). Primary education was proclaimed free and classless. A liberal censorship charter was approved.
In 1808, on behalf of Alexander I, the most talented official M.M. Speransky, chief prosecutor of the Senate (1808-1811), developed a reform project. The basis was the principle of separation of powers into legislative, executive and judicial. It was planned to establish the State Duma as the highest legislative body of power; election of executive authorities. And although the project did not abolish the monarchy and serfdom, in the aristocratic environment, Speransky’s proposals were considered too radical. The officials and courtiers were dissatisfied with him and ensured that M.M. Speransky was accused of spying for Napoleon. In 1812 he was dismissed and exiled first to Nizhny Novgorod, then to Perm.
Of all the proposals from M.M. Speransky adopted one thing: in 1810, the State Council, consisting of members appointed by the emperor, became the highest legislative body of the empire.
The Patriotic War of 1812 interrupted liberal reforms. After the war and foreign campaigns of 1813-1814. Alexander's policy becomes more and more conservative.
Conservative period of government. In 1815-1825 Conservative tendencies intensified in the domestic policy of Alexander I. However, liberal reforms were resumed first.
In 1815, Poland was granted a constitution that was liberal in nature and provided for internal self-government of Poland within Russia. In 1816-1819 Serfdom was abolished in the Baltic states. In 1818, work began in Russia to prepare a draft Constitution for the entire empire based on the Polish one, headed by N.N. Novosiltsev and the development of secret projects for the abolition of serfdom (A.A. Arakcheev). It was planned to introduce a constitutional monarchy in Russia and establish a parliament. However, this work was not completed.
Faced with the discontent of the nobles, Alexander abandons liberal reforms. Fearing a repeat of his father's fate, the emperor increasingly switches to conservative positions. Period 1816-1825 called Arakcheevism , those. a policy of harsh military discipline. The period received its name because at this time General A.A. Arakcheev actually concentrated in his hands the leadership of the State Council and the Cabinet of Ministers, and was the only rapporteur to Alexander I on most departments. Military settlements, widely introduced since 1816, became a symbol of Arakcheevism.
Military settlements - a special organization of troops in Russia in 1810-1857, in which state peasants, enrolled as military settlers, combined service with farming. In fact, the settlers were enslaved twice—as peasants and as soldiers. Military settlements were introduced in order to reduce the cost of the army and stop recruitment, since the children of military settlers themselves became military settlers. The good idea eventually resulted in mass discontent.
In 1821, Kazan and St. Petersburg universities were purged. Censorship has increased. Cane discipline was restored in the army. The rejection of the promised liberal reforms led to the radicalization of part of the noble intelligentsia and the emergence of secret anti-government organizations.
Foreign policy under Alexander I. Patriotic War of 1812 The main task in foreign policy during the reign of Alexander I remained to contain French expansion in Europe. Two main directions prevailed in politics: European and southern (Middle Eastern).
In 1801, Eastern Georgia was accepted into Russia, and in 1804, Western Georgia was annexed to Russia. The establishment of Russia in Transcaucasia led to the war with Iran (1804-1813). Thanks to the successful actions of the Russian army, the main part of Azerbaijan came under Russian control. In 1806, a war between Russia and Turkey began, which ended with the signing of a peace treaty in Bucharest in 1812, according to which the eastern part of Moldavia (the land of Bessarabia) went to Russia, and the border with Turkey was established along the Prut River.
In Europe, Russia's objectives were to prevent French hegemony. At first, things didn't go well. In 1805, Napoleon defeated the Russian-Austrian troops at Austerlitz. In 1807, Alexander I signed the Tilsit Peace Treaty with France, according to which Russia joined the continental blockade of England and recognized all of Napoleon's conquests. However, the blockade, which was unfavorable for the Russian economy, was not respected, so in 1812 Napoleon decided to start a war with Russia, which intensified even more after the victorious Russian-Swedish war (1808-1809) and the annexation of Finland to it.
Napoleon hoped for a quick victory in border battles, and then force him to sign a treaty that was beneficial to him. And the Russian troops intended to lure Napoleon’s army deep into the country, disrupt its supply and defeat it. French army numbered more than 600 thousand people, more than 400 thousand directly participated in the invasion, it included representatives of the conquered peoples of Europe. The Russian army was divided into three parts, located along the borders, with the intention of counter-attacking. 1st Army M.B. Barclay de Tolly numbered about 120 thousand people, the 2nd Army of P.I. Bagration - about 50 thousand and the 3rd Army of A.P. Tormasov - about 40 thousand.
On June 12, 1812, Napoleon's troops crossed the Neman River and entered Russian territory. The Patriotic War of 1812 began. Retreating in battle, the armies of Barclay de Tolly and Bagration managed to unite near Smolensk, but after stubborn fighting the city was abandoned. Avoiding a general battle, Russian troops continued to retreat. They fought stubborn rearguard battles with individual units of the French, exhausting and exhausting the enemy, inflicting significant losses on him. A guerrilla war broke out.
Public dissatisfaction with the long retreat, with which Barclay de Tolly was associated, forced Alexander I to appoint M.I. as commander-in-chief. Kutuzov, an experienced commander, student of A.V. Suvorov. In a war that was becoming national in nature, this was of great importance.
On August 26, 1812, the Battle of Borodino took place. Both armies suffered heavy losses (the French - about 30 thousand, the Russians - more than 40 thousand people). Napoleon's main goal - the defeat of the Russian army - was not achieved. The Russians, lacking the strength to continue the battle, retreated. After the military council in Fili, the commander-in-chief of the Russian army M.I. Kutuzov decided to leave Moscow. Having completed the “Tarutino maneuver”, the Russian army evaded the pursuit of the enemy and settled down for rest and replenishment in a camp near Tarutino, south of Moscow, covering the Tula arms factories and the southern provinces of Russia.
On September 2, 1812, the French army entered Moscow. However, no one was in a hurry to sign a peace treaty with Napoleon. Soon the French began to have difficulties: there was not enough food and ammunition, and discipline was decaying. Fires started in Moscow. On October 6, 1812, Napoleon withdrew his troops from Moscow. On October 12, he was met by Kutuzov’s troops at Maloyaroslavets and, after a fierce battle, forced the French to retreat along the devastated Smolensk road.
Moving to the West, losing people from clashes with flying Russian cavalry detachments, due to disease and hunger, Napoleon brought about 60 thousand people to Smolensk. The Russian army marched parallel and threatened to cut off the route to retreat. In the battle on the Berezina River, the French army was defeated. About 30 thousand Napoleonic troops crossed the borders of Russia. On December 25, 1812, Alexander I issued a manifesto on the victorious completion of the Patriotic War. The main reason for the victory was the patriotism and heroism of the people who fought for their Motherland.
In 1813-1814 took place foreign trips Russian army with the aim of finally ending French rule in Europe. In January 1813, she entered the territory of Europe; Prussia, England, Sweden and Austria came over to her side. In the battle of Leipzig (October 1813), nicknamed the “Battle of the Nations,” Napoleon was defeated. At the beginning of 1814, he abdicated the throne. According to the Paris Peace Treaty, France returned to the borders of 1792, the Bourbon dynasty was restored, Napoleon was exiled to Fr. Elbe in the Mediterranean Sea.
In September 1814, delegations from the victorious countries gathered in Vienna to resolve controversial territorial issues. Serious disagreements arose between them, but the news of Napoleon's escape from Fr. Elbe (“Hundred Days”) and his seizure of power in France catalyzed the negotiation process. As a result, Saxony passed to Prussia, Finland, Bessarabia and the main part of the Duchy of Warsaw with its capital - to Russia. June 6, 1815 Napoleon was defeated at Waterloo by the allies and exiled to the island. St. Helena.
In September 1815 it was created Holy Alliance , which included Russia, Prussia and Austria. The goals of the Union were to preserve the state borders established by the Congress of Vienna and suppress revolutionary and national liberation movements in European countries. Russia's conservatism in foreign policy was reflected in domestic policy, in which conservative tendencies were also growing.
Summing up the reign of Alexander I, we can say that Russia in early XIX century could become a relatively free country. The unpreparedness of society, primarily the higher one, for liberal reforms, and the personal motives of the emperor led to the fact that the country continued to develop on the basis of the established order, i.e. conservatively.
The Austrian Empire and Austria-Hungary in the 19th century
In the 19th century, the rulers of the multinational Austrian Empire had to fight revolutionary and national liberation movements on their territory. Interethnic contradictions, which could not be resolved, led Austria-Hungary to the threshold of the First World War.
Background
The Austrian ruler Franz II proclaimed the Habsburg hereditary possessions as an empire and himself as Emperor Francis I, in response to the imperial policies of Napoleon Bonaparte. During the Napoleonic Wars, the Austrian Empire suffered defeats, but in the end, thanks to the actions of Russia, it was among the winners. It was in Vienna, the capital of the Austrian Empire, that an international congress took place in 1815, at which the fate of post-war Europe was determined. After the Congress of Vienna, Austria tried to resist any revolutionary manifestations on the continent.
Events
1859 - defeat in the war with France and Sardinia, loss of Lombardy (see).
1866 - defeat in the war with Prussia and Italy, loss of Silesia and Venice (see).
Problems of the Austrian Empire
The Austrian Empire was not a strong national state with one story and culture. Rather, it represented the heterogeneous possessions of the Habsburg dynasty accumulated over centuries, whose inhabitants had different ethnic and national identities. The Austrians themselves, whose native language was German, constituted a minority in the Austrian Empire. In addition to them, in this state there was a large number of Hungarians, Serbs, Croats, Czechs, Poles and representatives of other peoples. Some of these peoples had full experience of living within the framework of an independent nation-state, so their desire to gain at least broad autonomy within the empire, and at most complete independence, was very strong.
At the same time, the Austrian rulers made concessions only to the extent necessary to maintain the formal unity of the state. In general, the peoples' desire for independence was suppressed.
In 1867, with the granting of broad autonomy to Hungary, Austria also adopted a constitution and convened a parliament. There was a gradual liberalization of electoral legislation until the introduction of universal suffrage for men.
Conclusion
The national policy of Austria-Hungary, within the framework of which the peoples who inhabited it did not receive equal status with the Austrians and continued to strive for independence, became one of the reasons for the collapse of this state after the First World War.
Parallels
Austria is clear evidence of the instability of empire as a type of state entity. If several peoples coexist within the framework of one state, while the powers of power belong to one of them, and the rest are in a subordinate position, such a state will sooner or later be forced to spend enormous resources in order to keep all these peoples in the orbit of its influence, and in the end eventually becomes unable to cope with this task. The story of the Ottoman Empire was similar, which in its heyday conquered many peoples, and then turned out to be unable to resist their desire for independence.
To the question Help! Russian empire in the first half of the 19th century. given by the author Insufficient salting the best answer is 1. Social movements in Russia in the first quarter of the 19th century.
The first years of the reign of Alexander I were marked by a noticeable revival of public life. Current issues internal and foreign policy states were discussed in scientific and literary societies, in circles of students and teachers, in secular salons and in Masonic lodges. The focus of public attention was on the attitude towards the French Revolution, serfdom and autocracy.
The lifting of the ban on the activities of private printing houses, permission to import books from abroad, the adoption of a new censorship charter (1804) - all this had a significant impact on further distribution in Russia the ideas of the European Enlightenment. Educational goals were set by I.P. Pnin, V.V. Popugaev, A.Kh. Vostokov, A.P. Kunitsyn, who created the Free Society of Lovers of Literature, Sciences and Arts in St. Petersburg (1801-1825). Strongly influenced by Radishchev's views, they translated the works of Voltaire, Diderot, and Montesquieu, and published articles and literary works.
Supporters of various ideological trends began to group around new magazines. “Bulletin of Europe”, published by N. M. Karamzin and then by V. A. Zhukovsky, was popular.
Most Russian educators considered it necessary to reform autocratic rule and abolish serfdom. However, they constituted only a small part of society and, moreover, remembering the horrors of the Jacobin terror, they hoped to achieve their goal peacefully, through education, moral education and the formation of civic consciousness.
The bulk of the nobility and officials were conservative. The views of the majority were reflected in N. M. Karamzin’s “Note on Ancient and New Russia” (1811). Recognizing the need for change, Karamzin opposed the plan for constitutional reforms, since Russia, where “the sovereign is the living law,” does not need a constitution, but fifty “smart and virtuous governors.”
The Patriotic War of 1812 and the foreign campaigns of the Russian army played a huge role in the development of national identity. The country was experiencing a huge patriotic upsurge, hopes for sweeping changes revived among the people and society, everyone was waiting for changes for the better - and they did not receive it. The peasants were the first to be disappointed. Heroic participants in battles, saviors of the Fatherland, they hoped to gain freedom, but from the manifesto on the occasion of the victory over Napoleon (1814) they heard:
“Peasants, our faithful people, may they receive their reward from God.” A wave of peasant uprisings swept across the country, the number of which increased in the post-war period. In total, according to incomplete data, about 280 peasant unrest occurred over a quarter of a century, and approximately 2/3 of them occurred in 1813-1820. The movement on the Don (1818-1820) was especially long and fierce, in which more than 45 thousand peasants were involved. Constant unrest accompanied the introduction of military settlements. One of the largest was the uprising in Chuguev in the summer of 1819.
2. Russian foreign policy in 1801 - early 1812
After ascending the throne, Alexander I began to adhere to the tactics of abandoning political and trade agreements imprisoned by his father. The foreign policy position he developed together with his “young friends” can be characterized as a “free hands” policy. Russia tried, while maintaining its position as a great power, to act as an arbiter in the Anglo-French conflict and, by achieving concessions related to the navigation of Russian ships in the Eastern Mediterranean, to reduce military tension on the continent.
Answer from twig[master]
1) The theory of official nationality - state ideology during the reign of Nicholas I, the author of which was S. S. Uvarov. It was based on conservative views on education, science, and literature. The basic principles were set out by Count Sergei Uvarov upon assuming the post of Minister of Public Education in his report to Nicholas I “On some general principles that can serve as a guide in the management of the Ministry of Public Education”
Later, this ideology became briefly called “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality.”
According to this theory, the Russian people are deeply religious and devoted to the throne, and Orthodox faith and autocracy constitute the indispensable conditions for the existence of Russia. Nationality was understood as the need to adhere to one’s own traditions and reject foreign influence. The term was a kind of attempt to ideologically substantiate the government course of Nicholas I in the early 1830s. Within the framework of this theory, the head of the III department, Benkendorf, wrote that Russia’s past is amazing, the present is beautiful, and the future is beyond all imagination.
Westernism is a direction of Russian social and philosophical thought that emerged in the 1830s - 1850s, whose representatives, unlike the Slavophiles and Pochvenniks, denied the idea of the originality and uniqueness of the historical destinies of Russia. The peculiarities of the cultural, everyday and socio-political structure of Russia were considered by Westerners mainly as a consequence of delays and lags in development. Westerners believed that there was only one path for human development, in which Russia was forced to catch up with developed countries Western Europe.
Westerners
In a less strict understanding, Westerners include everyone oriented toward Western European cultural and ideological values.
The most notable representatives of the Westernizing trend in Russian literature and philosophical thought are considered to be P. Ya. Chaadaev, T. N. Granovsky, V. G. Belinsky, A. I. Herzen, N. P. Ogarev, N. Kh. Ketcher, V. P. Botkin, P. V. Annenkov, E. F. Korsh, K. D. Kavelin.
The Westerners were joined by such writers and publicists as N. A. Nekrasov, I. A. Goncharov, D. V. Grigorovich, I. I. Panaev, A. F. Pisemsky, M. E. Saltykov-Shchedrin.
Slavophilism - literary - philosophical movement social thought, which took shape in the 40s of the 19th century, whose representatives claim a special type of culture that arose on the spiritual soil of Orthodoxy, and also deny the thesis of Westerners that Peter the Great returned Russia to the fold European countries and it must go through this path in political, economic and cultural development.
The trend arose in opposition to Westernism, whose supporters advocated Russia's orientation towards Western European cultural and ideological values.
2)
P.S. The Decembrists would have approached the first question
1. Socio-economic and political development of Russia under Alexander 1.
2. Domestic and foreign policy of Nicholas 1.
3. Reforms of Alexander 2 and their significance.
4. The main features of the country’s development in the post-reform period.
By the beginning of the 19th century, Russia was the largest world power, stretching from the Baltic Sea to Pacific Ocean, from the Arctic to the Caucasus and the Black Sea. The population increased sharply and amounted to 43.5 million people. Approximately 1% of the population was nobility; there were also a small number of Orthodox clergy, merchants, philistines, and Cossacks. 90% of the population were state, landowner and appanage (former palace) peasants. During the studied period in social order In the country, a new trend is becoming more and more clearly evident - the class system is gradually becoming obsolete, the strict differentiation of classes is becoming a thing of the past. New features also appeared in the economic sphere - serfdom hampers the development of the landowner economy, the formation of the labor market, the growth of manufactories, trade, and cities, which indicated a crisis in the feudal-serf system. Russia was in dire need of reform.
Upon his accession to the throne, Alexander 1 ((1801-1825) announced the revival of Catherine’s traditions of rule and restored the validity of the Letters of Grant to the nobility and cities that had been canceled by his father, returned from disgrace from exile about 12 thousand repressed persons, opened the borders for the departure of nobles, allowed subscription to foreign publication, abolished the Secret Expedition, declared freedom of trade, announced the end of grants from state-owned peasants to private hands.Back in the 90s, under Alexander, a circle of young like-minded people formed, who immediately after his accession became part of the Secret Committee, which actually became the government of the country. In 1803, he signed a decree on “free cultivators”, according to which landowners could set their serfs free with land for ransom by entire villages or individual families. Although the practical results of this reform were small (0.5% d.m.) , its main ideas formed the basis of the peasant reform of 1861. In 1804, peasant reform in the Baltic states: payments and duties of peasants were clearly defined here, and the principle of inheritance of land by peasants was introduced. The emperor paid special attention to the reform of central government bodies; in 1801 he created the Permanent Council, which was replaced in 1810 by the State Council. In 1802-1811 the collegial system was replaced by 8 ministries: military, maritime, justice, finance, foreign affairs, internal affairs, commerce and public education. Under Alexander 1, the Senate acquired the status of the highest court and exercised control over local authorities. Great importance had reform projects put forward in 1809-1810. Secretary of State, Deputy Minister of Justice M.M. Speransky. Government reforms Speransky assumed a clear separation of powers into the legislative (State Duma), executive (ministries) and judicial (Senate), the introduction of the principle of the presumption of innocence, the recognition of voting rights for nobles, merchants and state peasants and the possibility of the lower classes moving into the higher ones. Speransky's economic reforms included a reduction in government spending, the introduction of a special tax on landowners' and appanage estates, an end to the issuance of unsecured bonds, etc. The implementation of these reforms would lead to the limitation of autocracy and the abolition of serfdom. Therefore, the reforms displeased the nobles and were criticized. Alexander 1 dismissed Speransky and exiled him first to Nizhny and then to Perm.
Alexander's foreign policy was unusually active and fruitful. Under him, Georgia was included in Russia (as a result of the active expansion of Turkey and Iran in Georgia, the latter turned to Russia for protection), Northern Azerbaijan (as a result of the Russian-Iranian war of 1804-1813), Bessarabia (as a result of Russian-Turkish war 1806-1812), Finland (as a result of the Russian-Swedish war of 1809). The main direction of foreign policy at the beginning of the 19th century. there was a struggle with Napoleonic France. By this time, a significant part of Europe had already been occupied French troops, in 1807, after a series of defeats, Russia signed the Peace of Tilsit, which was humiliating for it. With the beginning of the Patriotic War in June 1812. the emperor was part of the active army. IN Patriotic War 1812, several stages can be distinguished:
June 1.12 - August 4-5, 1812 - the French army crosses the Neman (220-160) and moves towards Smolensk, where a bloody battle took place between Napoleon’s army and the united armies of Barclay de Tolly and Bagration. The French army lost 20 thousand soldiers and after a 2-day assault entered the destroyed and burned Smolensk.
1.13 August 5 -August 26 - Napoleon's attack on Moscow and the Battle of Borodino, after which Kutuzov leaves Moscow.
1.14 September - beginning October 1812 - Napoleon plunders and burns Moscow, Kutuzov’s troops are replenished and rest in the Tarutino camp.
1.15 beginning of October 1812 - December 25, 1812 - through the efforts of Kutuzov’s army (battle of Maloyaroslavets on October 12) and partisans, the movement of Napoleon’s army to the south was stopped, he returned along the devastated Smolensk road; Most of his army dies, Napoleon himself secretly flees to Paris. On December 25, 1812, Alexander published a special manifesto on the expulsion of the enemy from Russia and the end of the Patriotic War.
However, the expulsion of Napoleon from Russia did not guarantee the security of the country, so on January 1, 1813, the Russian army crossed the border and began pursuing the enemy; by the spring, a significant part of Poland, Berlin, was liberated, and in October 1813. After the creation of an anti-Napoleonic coalition consisting of Russia, England, Prussia, Austria and Sweden, Napoleon’s army was defeated in the famous “Battle of the Nations” near Leipzig. In March 1814, the allied troops (Russian army led by Alexander 1) entered Paris. At the Congress of Vienna in 1814. the territory of France was restored to its pre-revolutionary borders, and a significant part of Poland, along with Warsaw, became part of Russia. In addition, Russia, Prussia and Austria created the Holy Alliance to jointly fight the revolutionary movement in Europe.
Post-war politics Alexandra has changed significantly. Fearing the revolutionary impact on Russian society of the ideas of the FR, a more progressive political system established in the West, the emperor banned secret societies in Russia (1822), created military settlements 91812), secret police in the army (1821), increases ideological pressure on the university community. However, even during this period he did not depart from the ideas of reforming Russia - he signed the Constitution of the Kingdom of Poland (1815), and declared his intention to introduce a constitutional system throughout Russia. On his instructions, N.I. Novosiltsev developed the State Charter, which contained the remaining elements of constitutionalism. With his knowledge A.A. Arakcheev prepared special projects for the gradual liberation of serfs. However, all this did not change the general nature of the political course pursued by Alexander1. In September 1825, during a trip to Crimea, he fell ill and died in Taganrog. With his death, a dynastic crisis arose, caused by the secret resignation (during the life of Alexander 1) of the duties of heir to the throne of Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich. The Decembrists, a social movement that arose after the war of 1812, took advantage of this situation. and proclaimed as the main idea the priority of a person’s personality and his freedoms over everything else.
On December 14, 1825, the day of the oath to Nicholas 1, the Decembrists raised an uprising, which was brutally suppressed. This fact largely predetermined the essence of the policy of Nicholas 1, the main direction of which was the fight against free thought. It is no coincidence that the period of his reign - 1825-1855 - is called the apogee of autocracy. In 1826, the 3rd Department of its own was founded Imperial Majesty office, which became the main instrument of control over mentalities and the fight against dissidents. Under Nicholas, an official government ideological doctrine took shape - the “theory of official nationality”, the essence of which its author, Count Uvarov, expressed in the formula - Orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality. The reactionary policy of Nicholas 1 was most manifested in the field of education and the press, which was most clearly manifested in the Charter of educational institutions of 1828, the University Charter of 1835, the censorship charter of 1826, and numerous bans on the publication of magazines. Among the most important events of Nicholas’s reign:
1. reform of state peasant management P.D. Kiselyov, which consisted of the introduction of self-government, the founding of schools, hospitals, the allocation of the best lands for “public plowing” in the villages of state peasants;
2. inventory reform - in 1844, committees were created in the western provinces to develop “inventory”, i.e. descriptions of landowners' estates with precise recording peasant plots and duties in favor of the landowner, which could no longer be changed;
3. codification of laws M.M. Speransky - in 1833, “PSZ RI” and “Code current laws» in 15 volumes;
4. financial reform E.F. Kankrin, the main directions of which were the transformation of the silver ruble into the main means of payment, the issuance of credit notes freely exchangeable for silver;
5. commissioning of the first railways in Russia.
Despite the tough government course of Nicholas 1, it was during his reign that a broad social movement took shape in Russia, in which three main directions can be distinguished - conservative (led by Uvarov, Shevyrev, Pogodin, Grech, Bulgarin), revolutionary-democratic (Herzen, Ogarev, Petrashevsky), Westerners and Slavophiles (Kavelin, Granovsky, the Aksakov brothers, Samarin, etc.).
In the field of foreign policy, Nicholas 1 considered the main tasks of his reign to be the expansion of Russia's influence on the state of affairs in Europe and the world, as well as the fight against the revolutionary movement. To this end, in 1833, together with the monarchs of Prussia and Austria, he formalized a political union (Sacred), which for several years determined the balance of power in Europe in favor of Russia. In 1848, he broke relations with revolutionary France, and in 1849, he ordered the Russian army to suppress the Hungarian revolution. In addition, under Nicholas 1, a significant part of the budget (up to 40%) was spent on military needs. The main direction in Nicholas’ foreign policy was the “Eastern Question,” which led Russia to wars with Iran and Turkey (1826-1829) and international isolation in the early 50s, ending with the Crimean War (1853-1856). For Russia, resolving the eastern question meant ensuring the security of its southern borders, establishing control over the Black Sea straits, strengthening political influence to the Balkan and Middle Eastern regions. The reason for the war was a dispute between the Catholic (France) and Orthodox (Russia) clergy over “Palestinian shrines.” In reality, it was about strengthening the positions of these countries in the Middle East. England and Austria, on whose support Russia was counting in this war, went over to the side of France. On October 16, 1853, after Russia sent troops into Moldavia and Wallachia under the pretext of protecting the Orthodox population of the OI, the Turkish Sultan declared war on Russia. England and France became allies of the Olympic Games. (November 18, 1853 last major battle era of the sailing fleet - Sinopskoe, October 54 - August 55 - siege of Sevastopol) Due to military-technical backwardness and the mediocrity of the military command, Russia lost this war and in March 1856 a peace treaty was signed in Paris, according to which Russia lost the islands in the delta the Danube and Southern Bessarabia, returned Kars to Turkey, and in exchange received Sevastopol and Evpatoria, and was deprived of the right to have a navy, fortresses and arsenals on the Black Sea. The Crimean War showed the backwardness of serf Russia and significantly reduced the country's international prestige.
After the death of Nicholas in 1855. his eldest son Alexander 2 (1855-1881) ascended the throne. He immediately granted amnesty to the Decembrists, Petrashevites, and participants in the Polish uprising of 1830-31. and announced the beginning of an era of reform. In 1856, he personally headed the Special Secret Committee for the abolition of serfdom, and later gave instructions on the establishment of provincial committees to prepare local reform projects. On February 19, 1861, Alexander 2 signed the “Regulations on Reform” and the “Manifesto on the Abolition of Serfdom.” Main provisions of the reform:
1. serfs received personal freedom and independence from the landowner (they could not be given, sold, bought, resettled, or mortgaged, but their civil rights were incomplete - they continued to pay the poll tax, carried out conscription duties, and corporal punishment;
2. elected peasant self-government was introduced;
3. the landowner remained the owner of the land on the estate; peasants received a set land allotment for a ransom, which was equal to the annual quitrent amount, increased by an average of 17 times. The state paid the landowner 80% of the amount, 20% was paid by the peasants. For 49 years, peasants had to repay the debt to the state with %. Before the land was redeemed, the peasants were considered temporarily obligated to the landowner and bore the old duties. The owner of the land was the community, from which the peasant could not leave until the ransom was paid.
The abolition of serfdom made reforms in other areas inevitable Russian society. Among them:
1. Zemstvo reform(1864) - creation of classless elected bodies of local self-government - zemstvos. In the provinces and districts, administrative bodies were created - zemstvo assemblies and executive bodies- zemstvo councils. Elections to district zemstvo assemblies were held once every 3 years at 3 electoral congresses. Voters were divided into three curia: landowners, townspeople and elected representatives of rural societies. Zemstvos solved local problems - they were in charge of opening schools, hospitals, building and repairing roads, providing assistance to the population in lean years, etc.
2. City reform (1870) - the creation of city councils and city councils that resolve economic issues of cities. These institutions were headed by the city mayor. The right to vote and be elected was limited by property qualifications.
3. Judicial reform (1864) - the class-based, secret court, dependent on the administration and police, was replaced by a classless, public adversarial, independent court with the election of some judicial bodies. The guilt or innocence of the defendant was determined by 12 jurors selected from all classes. The punishment was determined by a government-appointed judge and 2 members of the court, and only the Senate or a military court could impose the death penalty. Two systems of courts were established - magistrates' courts (created in counties and cities, minor criminal and civil cases) and general - district courts, created within the provinces, and judicial chambers, uniting several judicial districts. (political affairs, malfeasance)
4. Military reform (1861-1874) - recruitment was canceled and universal conscription was introduced (from 20 years old - all men), service life was reduced to 6 years in the infantry and 7 years in the navy and depended on the degree of education of the serviceman. The military administration system was also reformed: 15 military districts were introduced in Russia, the management of which was subordinate only to the Minister of War. In addition, military educational institutions were reformed, rearmament was carried out, corporal punishment was abolished, etc. As a result, the Russian military forces turned into a modern mass army.
In general, the liberal reforms of A 2, for which he was nicknamed the Tsar Liberator, were progressive in nature and had great value for Russia - contributed to the development of market relations in the economy, an increase in the standard of living and education of the country's population, and an increase in the country's defense capability.
During the reign of A 2, a social movement reached a large scale, in which 3 main directions can be distinguished:
1. conservative (Katkov), who advocated political stability and reflected the interests of the nobility;
2. liberal (Kavelin, Chicherin) with demands for various freedoms (freedom from serfdom, freedom of conscience, freedom of public opinion, printing, teaching, openness of the court). The weakness of the liberals was that they did not put forward the main liberal principle - the introduction of a constitution.
3. revolutionary (Herzen, Chernyshevsky), the main slogans of which were the introduction of a constitution, freedom of the press, the transfer of all land to the peasants and the call of the people to active actions. Revolutionaries in 1861 created a secret illegal organization “Land and Freedom”, which in 1879 split into two organizations: the propaganda “Black Redistribution” and the terrorist “ People's will" The ideas of Herzen and Chernyshevsky became the basis of populism (Lavrov, Bakunin, Tkachev), but the campaigns they organized among the people (1874 and 1877) were unsuccessful.
Thus, a feature of the social movement of the 60-80s. there was a weakness of the liberal center and strong extreme groups.
Foreign policy. As a result of the continuation of what began under Alexander 1 Caucasian War(1817-1864) the Caucasus was annexed to Russia. In 1865-1881 Turkestan became part of Russia, and the borders of Russia and China along the Amur River were fixed. And 2 continued his father’s attempts to solve the “Eastern Question” in 1877-1878. waged war with Turkey. In matters of foreign policy, he focused on Germany; in 1873 he concluded the “Union of Three Emperors” with Germany and Austria. March 1, 1881 A2. He was mortally wounded on the embankment of the Catherine Canal by a bomb from Narodnaya Volya member I.I. Grinevitsky.
In the post-reform period, serious changes are taking place in the social structure of Russian society and the country's economy. The process of stratification of the peasantry is intensifying, the bourgeoisie and working class are being formed, the number of intelligentsia is growing, i.e. Class barriers are erased and communities are formed along economic and class lines. By the beginning of the 80s. The industrial revolution is coming to an end in Russia; the creation of a powerful economic base has begun; industry is being modernized and organized on capitalist principles.
A3, upon ascending the throne in 1881 (1881-1894), immediately announced his abandonment of reformist ideas, but his first measures continued the same course: compulsory redemption was introduced, redemption payments were destroyed, plans for convening the Zemsky Sobor were developed, the Peasant Bank was established, The poll tax was abolished (1882), benefits were provided to Old Believers (1883). At the same time, A3 defeated Narodnaya Volya. With Tolstoy coming to leadership of the government (1882), there was a change in the internal political course, which began to be based on the “revival of the inviolability of autocracy.” For this purpose, control over the press was strengthened, special rights were granted to the nobility in receiving higher education, the Noble Bank was established, measures were taken to preserve the peasant community. In 1892, with the appointment of S.Yu. as Minister of Finance. Witte, whose program included a tough tax policy, protectionism, widespread attraction of foreign capital, the introduction of the gold ruble, the introduction state monopoly for the production and sale of vodka, the “golden decade of Russian industry” begins.
Under A3, serious changes take place in the social movement: conservatism is strengthening (Katkov, Pobedonostsev), after the defeat of the “people's will”, reformist liberal populism began to play a significant role, Marxism is spreading (Plekhanov, Ulyanov). Russian Marxists created the “Emancipation of Labor” group in Geneva in 1883, in 1895 Ulyanov organized the “Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class” in St. Petersburg, and in 1898 the RSDLP was founded in Minsk.
At A 3 Russia did not lead big wars(Peacemaker), but still significantly expanded its borders in Central Asia. In European politics, A3 continued to focus on an alliance with Germany and Austria, and in 1891. signed alliance treaty with France.
Chapter 1. The Russian Empire at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century
§ 1. Challenges of the industrial world
Features of the development of Russia at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century. Russia entered the path of modern industrial growth two generations later than France and Germany, a generation later than Italy, and approximately simultaneously with Japan. By the end of the 19th century. The most developed countries of Europe have already completed the transition from a traditional, fundamentally agrarian society to an industrial one, the most important components of which are a market economy, the rule of law and a multi-party system. The process of industrialization in the 19th century. can be considered a pan-European phenomenon, which had its leaders and its outsiders. The French Revolution and the Napoleonic regime created the conditions for rapid economic development in most of Europe. In England, which became the first industrial power in the world, an unprecedented acceleration of industrial progress began in the last decades of the 18th century. By the end Napoleonic Wars Great Britain was already the undisputed world industrial leader, accounting for about a quarter of the world's total industrial output. Thanks to its industrial leadership and status as a leading sea power it has also gained a position as a leader in world trade. Britain accounted for about a third of world trade, more than twice the share of its main rivals. Great Britain maintained its dominant position in both industry and trade throughout the 19th century. Although France had a different model of industrialization from England, its results were also impressive. French scientists and inventors held leadership in a number of industries, including hydropower (construction of turbines and electricity production), steel (open blast furnace) and aluminum smelting, automobile manufacturing, and at the beginning of the 20th century. - aircraft manufacturing. At the turn of the 20th century. new leaders of industrial development emerge - the United States, and then Germany. By the beginning of the 20th century. the development of world civilization has accelerated sharply: advances in science and technology have changed the appearance of the advanced countries of Europe and North America and the quality of life of millions of residents. Thanks to continuous growth in per capita production, these countries have reached unprecedented level welfare. Positive demographic changes (declining mortality rates and stabilizing birth rates) free industrial countries from problems associated with overpopulation and wage setting. minimum level, providing only existence. Fueled by completely new, democratic impulses, the contours of civil society, which receive public space in the subsequent 20th century. One of the most important features capitalist development(which in science has another name - modern economic growth), which began in the first decades of the 19th century. in the most developed countries of Europe and America - the emergence of new technologies, the use of scientific achievements. This can explain the stable long-term nature of economic growth. So, in the period between 1820 and 1913. the average growth rate of labor productivity in leading European countries was 7 times higher than in the previous century. Over the same period, their per capita gross domestic product (GDP) more than tripled, and the share of people employed in agriculture decreased by 2/3. Thanks to this leap to the beginning of the 20th century. economic development is gaining new distinctive features and new dynamics. The volume of world trade grew 30 times, a global economy and a global financial system.
Despite the differences, the countries of the first echelon of modernization had many common features, and the main thing was the sharp reduction in the role of agriculture in industrial society, which distinguished them from countries that had not yet made the transition to an industrial society. Increasing agricultural efficiency in industrial countries ah gave real opportunity feed the non-agricultural population. By the beginning of the 20th century. a significant part of the population of industrial countries was already employed in industry. Thanks to the development of large-scale production, the population is concentrated in large cities, and urbanization occurs. The use of machines and new energy sources makes it possible to create new products, which are supplied to the market in a continuous stream. This is another difference between an industrial society and a traditional one: the emergence of a large number of people employed in the service sector.
No less important is that in industrial societies the socio-political structure was based on the equality of all citizens before the law. The complexity of societies of this type made it necessary universal literacy population, development of media.
The huge Russian Empire by the middle of the 19th century. remained an agricultural country. The vast majority of the population (over 85%) lived in rural areas and was employed in agriculture. The country had one railway, St. Petersburg - Moscow. Only 500 thousand people worked in factories and factories, or less than 2% of the working population. Russia produced 850 times less coal than England, and 15–25 times less oil than the United States.
Russia's lag was due to both objective and subjective factors. Throughout the 19th century. Russia's territory expanded by about 40%, and the empire included the Caucasus, Central Asia and Finland (although in 1867 Russia had to sell Alaska to the United States). The European territory of Russia alone was almost 5 times larger than the territory of France and more than 10 times larger than Germany. In terms of population, Russia was one of the first places in Europe. In 1858, 74 million people lived within its new borders. By 1897, when the first All-Russian census took place, the population had grown to 125.7 million people (excluding Finland).
The vast territory of the state, the multinational, multi-religious composition of the population gave rise to problems of effective governance, which the states of Western Europe practically did not encounter. The development of colonized lands required great effort and money. Harsh climate and diversity natural environment also had a negative impact on the rate of renewal of the country. Not the least role in Russia's lag behind European countries was played by the later transition to free ownership of land by peasants. Serfdom in Russia existed much longer than in other European countries. Due to the dominance of serfdom until 1861, most of the industry in Russia developed based on the use forced labor serfs in large factories.
In the middle of the 19th century. signs of industrialization in Russia become noticeable: the number of industrial workers increases from 100 thousand at the beginning of the century to more than 590 thousand people on the eve of the liberation of the peasants. The general inefficiency of economic management, and primarily the understanding of Alexander II (emperor in 1855–1881) that the military power of the country directly depends on the development of the economy, forced the authorities to finally abolish serfdom. Its abolition in Russia occurred approximately half a century after most European countries did so. According to experts, these 50–60 years are the minimum distance for Russia to lag behind Europe in economic development at the turn of the 20th century.
The conservation of feudal institutions made the country uncompetitive in the new historical conditions. Some influential Western politicians saw Russia as a “threat to civilization” and were ready to help weaken its power and influence by any means possible.
"The beginning of the era of great reforms." The defeat in the Crimean War (1853–1856) quite clearly showed the world not only the serious lag of the Russian Empire from Europe, but also exposed the exhaustion of the potential with the help of which feudal-serf Russia entered the ranks of the great powers. The Crimean War paved the way for a number of reforms, the most significant of which was the abolition of serfdom. In February 1861, a period of transformation began in Russia, which later became known as the era of the Great Reforms. Signed by Alexander II on February 19, 1861, the Manifesto on the abolition of serfdom forever abolished legal affiliation peasants to the landowner. They were given the title of free rural inhabitants. The peasants received personal freedom without ransom; the right to freely dispose of one’s property; freedom of movement and could henceforth marry without the consent of the landowner; enter into various types of property and civil transactions on your own behalf; open commercial and industrial enterprises; move to other classes. Thus, the law opened up certain opportunities for peasant entrepreneurship and contributed to the departure of peasants to work. The law on the abolition of serfdom was the result of a compromise between various forces, for this reason it did not fully satisfy any of the interested parties. The autocratic government, responding to the challenges of the time, undertook to lead the country to capitalism, which was deeply alien to it. Therefore, she chose the slowest path and made maximum concessions to the landowners, who were always considered the main support of the tsar and the autocratic bureaucracy.
The landowners retained the right to all the land that belonged to them, although they were obliged to provide the land near the peasant farmstead, as well as the field allotment, for the permanent use of the peasants. The peasants were given the right to buy out the estate (the land on which the courtyard stood) and, by agreement with the landowner, the field allotment. In fact, the peasants received plots not for ownership, but for use until the land was completely purchased from the landowner. For the use of the land they received, peasants had to either work off its value on the landowner's lands (corvee labor) or pay quitrent (in money or food). For this reason, the right of peasants to choose, proclaimed in the Manifesto, was practically impossible to implement. economic activity. Most peasants did not have the means to pay the landowner the entire amount due, so the state contributed money for them. This money was considered debt. The peasants had to pay off their land debts with small annual payments, called redemption payments. It was assumed that the peasants' final payment for the land would be completed within 49 years. Peasants who were unable to immediately buy the land became temporarily obligated. In practice, the payment of ransom payments dragged on for many years. By 1907, when redemption payments were finally completely abolished, peasants paid over 1.5 billion rubles, which ultimately far exceeded the average market price of the plots.
In accordance with the law, peasants were to receive from 3 to 12 dessiatines of land (1 dessiatine is equal to 1.096 hectares), depending on its location. Landowners, under any pretext, sought to cut off surplus land from peasant plots; in the most fertile black earth provinces, peasants lost up to 30-40% of their land in the form of “cuts”.
Nevertheless, the abolition of serfdom was a huge step forward, contributing to the development of new capitalist relations in the country, but the path chosen by the authorities to eliminate serfdom turned out to be the most burdensome for the peasants - they did not receive real freedom. The landowners continued to hold the levers of financial influence over the peasants in their hands. For the Russian peasantry, land was the source of subsistence, so the peasants were unhappy that they received the land for a ransom that had to be paid long years. After the reform, the land was not their private property. It could not be sold, bequeathed or inherited. At the same time, the peasants did not have the right to refuse to purchase the land. The main thing is that after the reform, the peasants remained at the mercy of the agricultural community that existed in the village. The peasant did not have the right to freely, without the consent of the community, go to the city or enter the factory. The community has protected peasants for centuries and determined their entire lives; it was effective with traditional, unchanging methods of farming. The community maintained mutual responsibility: it was financially responsible for collecting taxes from each of its members, sent recruits to the army, and built churches and schools. In the new historical conditions, the communal form of land tenure turned out to be a brake on the path of progress, holding back the process of property differentiation of peasants and destroying incentives to increase the productivity of their labor.
Reforms of the 1860-1870s and their consequences. The abolition of serfdom radically changed the entire character of social life in Russia. In order to adapt the political system of Russia to new capitalist relations in the economy, the government had to first of all create new, all-class management structures. In January 1864 Alexander II approved the Regulations on Zemstvo Institutions. The purpose of establishing zemstvos was to involve new layers of free people in government. According to this provision, persons of all classes who owned land or other real estate within the districts, as well as rural peasant societies, were given the right to participate in economic management affairs through elected councilors (i.e., those with voting rights) who were members of the district and provincial zemstvo councils. meetings held several times a year. However, the number of vowels from each of the three categories (landowners, urban societies and rural societies) was unequal: the advantage was with the nobles. For everyday activities, district and provincial zemstvo councils were elected. Zemstvos took care of all local needs: building and maintaining roads, food supply for the population, education, and medical care. Six years later, in 1870, the system of elected all-class self-government was extended to cities. In accordance with the “City Regulations”, a city duma was introduced, elected for a period of 4 years according to property qualifications. The creation of a system of local self-government had a positive impact on the solution of many economic and other issues. The most important step along the path of renewal was the reform of the judicial system. In November 1864, the Tsar approved a new Judicial Charter, in accordance with which a unified system of judicial institutions was created in Russia, corresponding to the most modern world standards. Based on the principle of equality of all subjects of the empire before the law, an unclassified public court with the participation of a jury and the institution of sworn attorneys (lawyers) were introduced. TO 1870 new courts were created in almost all provinces of the country.
The growing economic and military power of the leading Western European countries forced the government to take a number of measures to reform the military sphere. The main goal of the program planned by Minister of War D. A. Milyutin was to create a mass army European type, which meant a reduction in the prohibitive number of troops in peacetime and the ability to quickly mobilize in case of war. 1st of January 1874 a decree was signed introducing universal conscription. Since 1874, all young people over 21 years of age began to be called up to serve military service. At the same time, the service life was reduced by half, depending on the level of education: in the army - up to 6 years, in the navy - 7 years, and some categories of the population, for example, teachers, were not drafted into the army at all. In accordance with the objectives of the reform, cadet schools and military schools were opened in the country, and peasant recruits began to be taught not only military affairs, but also literacy.
In order to liberalize the spiritual sphere, Alexander II carried out an education reform. New higher educational institutions were opened, and a network of primary public schools was developed. In 1863, the University Charter was approved, again providing higher education institutions with broad autonomy: the election of rectors and deans, and the mandatory wearing of uniforms by students was abolished. In 1864, a new School Charter was approved, according to which, along with classical gymnasiums, which gave the right to enter universities, real schools were introduced in the country, preparing students for admission to higher technical institutions. Censorship was limited, and hundreds of new newspapers and magazines appeared in the country.
The “Great Reforms” carried out in Russia since the early 1860s did not solve all the problems facing the authorities. In Russia, educated representatives of the ruling elite became the bearers of new aspirations. For this reason, the reform of the country came from above, which determined its features. The reforms undoubtedly accelerated the economic development of the country, liberated private initiative, removed some remnants and eliminated deformations. Socio-political modernization carried out “from above” only limited the autocratic order, but did not lead to the creation of constitutional institutions. Autocratic power was not regulated by law. The great reforms did not affect the issues of either the rule of law or civil society; during their course, mechanisms for civil consolidation of society were not developed, and many class differences remained.
Post-reform Russia. The assassination of Emperor Alexander II on March 1, 1881 by radical members of the anti-autocratic organization “People's Will” did not lead to the abolition of autocracy. On the same day, his son Alexander Alexandrovich Romanov became Emperor of Russia. Even as Tsarevich Alexander III (emperor 1881–1894), he believed that the liberal reforms carried out by his father were weakening the autocratic power of the tsar. Fearing escalation revolutionary movement, the son rejected his father’s reform course. The economic situation of the country was difficult. The war with Turkey required enormous expenses. In 1881, Russia's public debt exceeded 1.5 billion rubles with an annual income of 653 million rubles. Famine in the Volga region and inflation aggravated the situation.
Despite the fact that Russia retained many of its unique cultural features and social structure, the second half of the 19th century. became a time of accelerated and noticeable cultural and civilizational transformation. From an agricultural country with low-productivity agricultural production by the end of the 19th century. Russia began to transform into an agrarian-industrial country. The strongest impetus for this movement was given by the fundamental restructuring of the entire socio-economic system, which began with the abolition of serfdom in 1861.
Thanks to the reforms carried out, an industrial revolution took place in the country. The number of steam engines tripled, their total power quadrupled, and the number of merchant ships increased 10 times. New industries, large enterprises with thousands of workers - all this became a characteristic feature post-reform Russia, as well as the formation of a wide layer of wage workers and the developing bourgeoisie. The social image of the country was changing. However, this process was slow. The hired workers were still firmly connected with the village, and middle class was small in number and poorly formed.
And yet, from that time on, a slow but steady process of transformation of the economic and social organization of life in the empire began to take shape. The rigid administrative-class system gave way to more flexible forms of social relations. Private initiative was liberated, elected bodies of local self-government were introduced, judicial proceedings were democratized, archaic restrictions and prohibitions in publishing, in the field of performing, musical and visual arts were abolished. In desert areas remote from the center, within the lifetime of one generation, vast industrial zones emerged, such as Donbass and Baku. The successes of civilizational modernization most clearly acquired visible outlines in the appearance of the capital of the empire - St. Petersburg.
At the same time, the government launched a program for the construction of railways, relying on foreign capital and technology, and also reorganized the banking system to introduce Western financial technologies. The fruits of this new policy became visible in the mid-1880s. and during the Great Explosion of industrial production in the 1890s, when industrial output grew at an average rate of 8% per year, surpassing the fastest growth rate ever achieved in Western countries.
The most dynamically developing industry was cotton production, mainly in the Moscow region, the second most important was the production of beet sugar in Ukraine. At the end of the 19th century. Large modern textile factories are being built in Russia, as well as a number of metallurgical and machine-building plants. In St. Petersburg and near St. Petersburg, giants of the metallurgical industry are growing - the Putilov and Obukhov plants, the Nevsky shipbuilding plant and the Izhora plants. Such enterprises are also being created in the Russian part of Poland.
Much of the credit for this breakthrough belonged to the railway construction program, especially the construction of the state Trans-Siberian Railway, which began in 1891. The total length of Russian railway lines by 1905 was over 62 thousand km. The expansion of mining and the construction of new metallurgical enterprises was also given green light. The latter were often created by foreign entrepreneurs and with the help of foreign capital. In the 1880s French entrepreneurs obtained permission from the tsarist government to build a railway connecting the Donbass (coal deposits) and Krivoy Rog (iron ore deposits), and also built blast furnaces in both areas, thus creating the world's first metallurgical plant operating on supplies raw materials from remote deposits. In 1899, there were already 17 factories operating in the south of Russia (before 1887 there were only two), equipped according to last word European technology. Coal and pig iron production increased rapidly (while in the 1870s domestic production of pig iron supplied only 40% of demand, in the 1890s it supplied three quarters of the greatly increased consumption).
By this time, Russia had accumulated significant economic and intellectual capital, which allowed the country to achieve certain successes. By the beginning of the 20th century. Russia had good gross economic indicators: by gross industrial production it ranked fifth in the world after the United States, Germany, Great Britain and France. The country had a significant textile industry, especially cotton and linen, as well as developed heavy industry - the production of coal, iron, and steel. Russia in the last few years of the 19th century. even ranked first in the world in oil production.
These indicators, however, cannot serve as an unambiguous assessment of Russia’s economic power. Compared to the countries of Western Europe, the standard of living of the bulk of the population, especially peasants, was catastrophically low. Production of basic industrial products per capita was an order of magnitude behind the level of leading industrial countries: for coal by 20–50 times, for metal by 7–10 times. Thus, the Russian Empire entered the 20th century without solving the problems associated with lagging behind the West.
§ 2. The beginning of modern economic growth
New goals and objectives of socio-economic development. Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. was in the early stages of industrialization. The structure of exports was dominated by raw materials: timber, flax, furs, oil. Bread accounted for almost 50% of export operations. At the turn of the 20th century. Russia annually supplied up to 500 million grains abroad. Moreover, if over all the post-reform years the total volume of exports increased almost 3 times, then the export of grain increased by 5.5 times. Compared to the pre-reform era, the Russian economy was developing rapidly, but a certain brake on the development of market relations was the underdevelopment of market infrastructure (lack of commercial banks, difficulty obtaining loans, dominance of state capital in the credit system, low standards of business ethics), as well as the presence of state institutions, incompatible with a market economy. Profitable government orders tied Russian entrepreneurs to the autocracy and pushed them into an alliance with the landowners. The Russian economy remained multi-structured. Subsistence farming coexisted with semi-feudal landlordism, small-scale farming of peasants, private capitalist farming and state (state) farming. At the same time, having embarked on the path of creating a market later than the leading European countries, Russia widely used the experience they had accumulated in organizing production. Foreign capital played an important role in the creation of the first Russian monopoly associations. The Nobel brothers and the Rothschild company created a cartel in oil industry Russia.
A specific feature of market development in Russia was high degree concentration of production and labor: the eight largest sugar refineries concentrated at the beginning of the 20th century. in their hands 30% of all sugar factories in the country, the five largest oil companies - 17% of all oil production. As a result, the bulk of workers began to concentrate on large enterprises with over a thousand employees. In 1902, over 50% of all workers in Russia worked at such enterprises. Before the revolution of 1905–1907 There were over 30 monopolies in the country, including such large syndicates as Prodamet, Gvozd, and Prodvagon. The autocratic government contributed to the growth of the number of monopolies by pursuing a policy of protectionism, protecting Russian capital from foreign competition. At the end of the 19th century. duties on many imported goods were significantly increased, including on cast iron they were increased 10 times, on rails - 4.5 times. The policy of protectionism allowed the growing Russian industry to withstand competition from developed Western countries, but it led to increased economic dependence on foreign capital. Western entrepreneurs, deprived of the opportunity to import industrial goods into Russia, sought to expand the export of capital. By 1900, foreign investment accounted for 45% of the total share capital in the country. Profitable government orders pushed Russian entrepreneurs into a direct alliance with the landowner class and doomed the Russian bourgeoisie to political impotence.
Entering the new century, the country had to quickly solve a set of problems affecting all major spheres of public life: in the political sphere - to use the achievements of democracy, on the basis of the constitution and laws, to open access to the management of public affairs to all segments of the population, in the economic sphere - to implement industrialization of all sectors, transform the village into a source of capital, food and raw materials necessary for the industrialization and urbanization of the country, in the sphere of national relations - prevent the split of the empire along national lines, satisfying the interests of peoples in the field of self-determination, promoting the rise national culture and self-awareness, in the sphere of external economic ties- from a supplier of raw materials and food to turn into an equal partner in industrial production, in the sphere of religion and the church - to end the relationship of dependence between the autocratic state and the church, to enrich the philosophy and work ethic of Orthodoxy, taking into account the establishment of bourgeois relations in the country, in the field of defense - to modernize the army , ensure its combat effectiveness through the use of advanced means and theories of warfare.
Little time was allocated for solving these priority tasks, because the world was on the threshold of a war of unprecedented scope and consequences, the collapse of empires, and the redistribution of colonies; economic, scientific, technical and ideological expansion. In conditions of fierce competition in the international arena, Russia, without gaining a foothold among the great powers, could be thrown far back.
Land question. Positive changes in the economy have also affected the agricultural sector, although to a lesser extent. Feudal noble land ownership was already weakened, but the private sector was not yet strengthened. Of the 395 million dessiatines in the European part of Russia in 1905, communal plots amounted to 138 million dessiatines, treasury lands - 154 million, and private lands - only 101 million (approximately 25.8%), of which half belonged to peasants and the other to landowners. Characteristic feature private land ownership was latifundial in nature: three-quarters of all proprietary land was concentrated in the hands of approximately 28 thousand owners, an average of about 2.3 thousand dessiatines. for everyone. At the same time, 102 families owned estates of over 50 thousand dessiatines. each. For this reason, their owners rented out lands and lands.
Formally, leaving the community was possible after 1861, but by the beginning of 1906, only 145 thousand households left the community. Collections of main food crops, as well as their yields, grew slowly. Per capita income was no more than half of the corresponding figures in France and Germany. Due to the use of primitive technologies and a lack of capital, labor productivity in Russian agriculture was extremely low.
One of the main factors behind the low level of productivity and income of peasants was the egalitarian communal psychology. The average German peasant farm at this time had half as much crops, but 2.5 times higher yields than in the more fertile Russian Black Earth Region. Milk yields also differed greatly. Another reason for the low yield of main food crops is the dominance of backward cropping systems in the Russian countryside and the use of primitive agricultural tools: wooden plows and harrow. Despite the fact that the import of agricultural machinery increased at least 4 times from 1892 to 1905, more than 50% of peasants in the agricultural regions of Russia did not have improved equipment. Landowner farms were much better equipped.
Nevertheless, the growth rate of bread production in Russia was higher than the population growth rate. Compared to post-reform times, average annual bread yields increased by the beginning of the century from 26.8 million tons to 43.9 million tons, and potatoes from 2.6 million tons to 12.6 million tons. Accordingly, over a quarter of a century, the mass of marketable bread increased more than doubled, the volume of grain exports - 7.5 times. In terms of the volume of gross grain production, Russia by the beginning of the 20th century. was among the world leaders. True, Russia gained fame as a world exporter of grain due to the malnutrition of its own population, as well as the relative small size of the urban population. Russian peasants ate mainly plant foods (bread, potatoes, cereals), less often fish and dairy products, and even less often meat. In general, the calorie content of food did not correspond to the energy expended by the peasants. In the event of frequent crop failures, the peasants had to starve. In the 1880s After the abolition of the poll tax and the reduction of redemption payments, the financial situation of the peasants improved, but the agricultural crisis in Europe also affected Russia, and bread prices fell. In 1891–1892 severe drought and crop failure affected 16 provinces of the Volga and Black Earth regions. About 375 thousand people died from hunger. Shortages of various sizes also occurred in 1896–1897, 1899, 1901, 1905–1906, 1908, 1911.
At the beginning of the 20th century. due to the steady expansion of the domestic market, more than half of marketable grain was already used for domestic consumption.
Domestic agriculture covered a significant part of the needs of the manufacturing industry for raw materials. Only the textile and partly wool industries felt the need for imported supplies of raw materials.
At the same time, the presence of many remnants of serfdom seriously hampered the development of the Russian village. Huge amounts of redemption payments (by the end of 1905, the former landowner peasants paid more than 1.5 billion rubles instead of the original 900 million rubles; the peasants paid the same amount instead of the original 650 million rubles for state lands) were siphoned out of the village and were not used for development of its productive forces.
Already from the beginning of the 1880s. signs of growing crisis phenomena, causing increased social tension in the village. The capitalist restructuring of landowners' farms proceeded extremely slowly. Only a few landowners' estates were centers of cultural influence on the village. The peasants were still a subordinate class. The basis of agricultural production was small-scale family peasant farms, which at the beginning of the century produced 80% of grain, the vast majority of flax and potatoes. Only sugar beets were grown on relatively large landowner farms.
In the old developed regions of Russia there was a significant agrarian overpopulation: about a third of the village was, in essence, “extra hands.”
The growth in the size of the landowning population (up to 86 million by 1900) while maintaining the same size of land plots led to a decrease in the share of peasant land per capita. Compared to the norms of Western countries, the Russian peasant could not be called land-poor, as was commonly believed in Russia, but under the existing land tenure system, even with land wealth, the peasant starved. One of the reasons for this is the low productivity of peasant fields. By 1900 it was only 39 poods (5.9 centners per hectare).
The government was constantly involved in agricultural issues. In 1883–1886 The shower tax was abolished, and in 1882 the “Peasant Land Bank” was established, which issued loans to peasants to purchase land. But the effectiveness of the measures taken was insufficient. The peasantry constantly failed to collect the taxes required of them, in 1894, 1896 and 1899. the government provided benefits to peasants, completely or partially forgiving arrears. The sum of all direct fees (treasury, zemstvo, secular and insurance) from peasant allotment lands in 1899 amounted to 184 million rubles. However, the peasants did not pay these taxes, although they were not excessive. In 1900, the amount of arrears amounted to 119 million rubles. Social tension in the village at the beginning of the 20th century. results in real peasant uprisings, which become harbingers of the impending revolution.
New economic policy of the authorities. Reforms of S. Yu. Witte. In the early 90s. XIX century An unprecedented industrial boom began in Russia. Along with the favorable economic situation, it was caused by the new economic policy of the authorities.
The conductor of the new government course was the outstanding Russian reformer Count Sergei Yulievich Witte (1849–1915). For 11 years he held the key post of Minister of Finance. Witte was a supporter of the comprehensive modernization of the Russian national economy and at the same time remained in conservative political positions. Many reform ideas that received practical implementation in those years were conceived and developed long before Witte led the Russian reform movement. By the beginning of the 20th century. the positive potential of the reforms of 1861 was partially exhausted and partially emasculated by conservative circles after the assassination of Alexander II in 1881. Urgently, the government had to solve a number of priority tasks: stabilize the ruble, develop communications, find new markets for domestic products.
A serious problem by the end of the 19th century. land becomes scarce. Not in last resort it was associated with the demographic explosion that began in the country after the abolition of serfdom. A decrease in mortality while maintaining a high birth rate led to rapid population growth, and this became the beginning of the 20th century. headache for the authorities, as it is formed vicious circle excess labor. The low incomes of the majority of the population made Russian market low-capacity and hindered the development of industry. Following the Minister of Finance N.H. Bunge, Witte began to develop the idea of continuing agrarian reform and eliminating the community. At this time, the equalization and redistribution community prevailed in the Russian countryside, redistributing communal lands every 10–12 years. Threats of redistribution, as well as striping, deprived peasants of incentives to develop their farms. This is the most important reason why Witte from “a Slavophile supporter of the community turned into its staunch opponent.” In the free peasant “I”, liberated private interest, Witte saw an inexhaustible source of development of the productive forces of the village. He managed to pass a law limiting the role of mutual responsibility in the community. In the future, Witte planned to gradually transfer peasants from communal to household and farm farming.
The economic situation required urgent measures. The obligations assumed by the government to make redemption payments to landowners, abundant financing of industry and construction from the treasury, and high costs of maintaining the army and navy led the Russian economy to a serious financial crisis. At the turn of the century, few serious politicians doubted the need for deep socio-economic and political transformations that could remove social tension and bring Russia into the ranks of the most developed countries in the world. In the ongoing debate about the country's development paths, the main issue is the question of priorities in economic policy.
The plan of S. Yu. Witte can be called industrialization plan. It provided for the accelerated industrial development of the country over two five years. The creation of our own industry was, according to Witte, not only a fundamental economic, but also a political task. Without the development of industry, it is impossible to improve agriculture in Russia. Therefore, no matter what efforts this may require, it is necessary to develop and steadily adhere to a course for the priority development of industry. The goal of Witte's new course was to catch up with industrialized countries, take a strong position in trade with the East, and ensure a positive foreign trade balance. Until the mid-1880s. Witte looked at the future of Russia through the eyes of a convinced Slavophile and opposed the destruction of the “original Russian system.” However, over time, in order to achieve his goals, he completely rebuilt the budget of the Russian Empire on a new basis, carried out credit reform, rightly expecting to accelerate the pace of industrial development of the country.
Throughout the 19th century. Russia experienced the greatest difficulties in monetary circulation: the wars that led to the issuance of paper money deprived the Russian ruble of the necessary stability and caused serious damage to Russian credit on the international market. By the beginning of the 90s. The financial system of the Russian Empire was completely upset - the exchange rate of paper money was constantly declining, gold and silver money practically went out of circulation.
The constant fluctuations in the value of the ruble came to an end with the introduction of the gold standard in 1897. The monetary reform was generally well conceived and implemented. The fact remains that with the introduction of the gold ruble, the country forgot about the existence of the recently “cursed” issue of the instability of Russian money. In terms of gold reserves, Russia has surpassed France and England. All credit notes were freely exchanged for gold coin. The State Bank issued them in quantities strictly limited by the actual needs of circulation. Confidence in the Russian ruble, extremely low throughout the 19th century, was completely restored in the years leading up to the outbreak of the World War. Witte's actions contributed to the rapid growth of Russian industry. To solve the problem of investments necessary to create a modern industry, Witte attracted foreign capital in the amount of 3 billion gold rubles. At least 2 billion rubles were invested in railway construction alone. The railway network was doubled in a short time. Railway construction contributed to the rapid growth of the domestic metallurgical and coal industries. Iron production increased by almost 3.5 times, coal production by 4.1 times, and the sugar industry flourished. Having built the Siberian and East China Railways, Witte opened up the vast expanses of Manchuria for colonization and economic development.
In his transformations, Witte often encountered passivity and even resistance from the tsar and his entourage, who considered him a “republican.” Radicals and revolutionaries, on the contrary, hated him “for supporting the autocracy.” Didn't find the reformer common language and with liberals. The reactionaries who hated Witte turned out to be right; all his activities inevitably led to the elimination of the autocracy. Thanks to “Wittev industrialization,” new social forces are strengthening in the country.
Having begun his government career as a sincere and convinced supporter of unlimited autocracy, he ended it as the author of the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, which limited the monarchy in Russia.
§ 3. Russian society in conditions of forced modernization
Factors of social instability. Due to accelerated modernization, the transition of Russian society from traditional to modern at the beginning of the 20th century. accompanied by extreme inconsistency and conflict in its development. New forms of relations in society did not fit well with the way of life of the vast majority of the empire’s population. The industrialization of the country was carried out at the cost of increasing “peasant poverty.” The example of Western Europe and distant America undermines the previously unshakable authority of the absolutist monarchy in the eyes of the educated urban elite. Socialist ideas have a strong influence on politically active youth, whose ability to participate in legal public politics is limited.
Russia entered the 20th century with a very young population. According to the first All-Russian Census of 1897, about half of the country's 129.1 million inhabitants were under 20 years of age. The accelerated growth of the population and the predominance of young people in its composition created a powerful reserve of workers, but at the same time this circumstance, due to the tendency of young people to rebellion, becomes one of the most important factors in the instability of Russian society. At the beginning of the century, due to the low purchasing power of the population, industry entered a stage of crisis of overproduction. Entrepreneurs' incomes have fallen. They shifted their economic difficulties onto the shoulders of the workers, whose number since the end of the 19th century has been grew up. The length of the working day, limited by the law of 1897 to 11.5 hours, reached 12–14 hours, real wages decreased as a result of rising prices; For the slightest offense, the administration mercilessly fined people. Living conditions were extremely difficult. Discontent grew among the workers, and the situation was getting out of the control of the entrepreneurs. Massive political speeches workers in 1901–1902 took place in St. Petersburg, Kharkov and a number of other large cities of the empire. Under these conditions, the government showed political initiative.
Another important factor instability - the multinational composition of the Russian Empire. At the turn of the new century, about 200 large and small nations lived in the country, different in language, religion, level civilizational development. The Russian state, unlike other imperial powers, failed to reliably integrate ethnic minorities into the economic and political space of the empire. Formally, there were practically no legal restrictions on ethnicity in Russian legislation. The Russian people, who made up 44.3% of the population (55.7 million people), did not stand out much among the population of the empire in terms of their economic and cultural level. Moreover, certain non-Russian ethnic groups even enjoyed some advantages over the Russians, especially in the field of taxation and military service. Poland, Finland, Bessarabia, and the Baltic states enjoyed very broad autonomy. More than 40% of hereditary nobles were of non-Russian origin. The Russian big bourgeoisie was multinational in its composition. However, only persons of the Orthodox faith could occupy responsible government positions. The Orthodox Church enjoyed the patronage of the autocratic government. The heterogeneity of the religious environment created the ground for the ideologization and politicization of ethnic identity. In the Volga region, Jadidism takes on political overtones. Unrest among the Armenian population of the Caucasus in 1903 was provoked by a decree transferring the property of the Armenian Gregorian Church to the authorities.
Nicholas II continued his father's tough policy on the national question. This policy found expression in the denationalization of schools, bans on the publication of newspapers, magazines and books on native language, restrictions on access to higher and secondary educational institutions. Attempts to forcibly Christianize the peoples of the Volga region resumed, and discrimination against Jews continued. In 1899, a manifesto was issued limiting the rights of the Finnish Sejm. Business activities were prohibited Finnish. Despite the fact that the requirements of a single legal and linguistic space were dictated by objective modernization processes, the tendency towards rough administrative centralization and Russification of ethnic minorities strengthens their desire for national equality, the free exercise of their religious and folk customs, participation in political life countries. As a result, at the turn of the 20th century. There is an increase in ethnic and interethnic conflicts, and national movements are becoming an important catalyst for the brewing of a political crisis.
Urbanization and the labor question. At the end of the 19th century. About 15 million people lived in Russian cities. Small towns with a population of less than 50 thousand people predominated. There were only 17 large cities in the country: two millionaire cities, St. Petersburg and Moscow, and five more that crossed the 100,000-person mark, all in the European part. For huge territory The Russian Empire had very little of this. Only Largest cities, due to their inherent qualities, are capable of being genuine engines of social progress.
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