Ilya Repin said about Nikolai Ge’s main painting “The Last Supper”: “In all of Europe, during all periods of Christian art, there was no equal to this painting on this topic.” But the path to Ge’s virtuoso skill was not easy: long years The artist studied mathematics, and then went against his father’s will and entered the Academy of Arts.
Ilya Repin. Portrait of Nikolai Ge (fragment). 1880. State Tretyakov Gallery, Moscow
Nikolay Yaroshenko. Portrait of Nikolai Ge (fragment). 1890. State Russian Museum, St. Petersburg
Nikolay Ge. Self-portrait (fragment). 1892. Kyiv state museum Russian art, Kyiv, Ukraine
Nikolai Ge was born in an estate near Voronezh, in the family of a landowner of French origin: the grandfather of the future artist, Matvey Ge, emigrated from France at the end of the 18th century. The artist's mother died of cholera when he was not even four months old. Nicholas and his brothers could have faced the same fate, but the serfs took the children to the city, to their grandmother, where the infection was not so widespread, and saved them from death. When the danger had passed, the family returned to the estate. The father was rarely at home; the children were raised by the grandmother and nanny Natalya, a serf woman. Ge's older brothers showed interest in exact sciences, and Nikolai loved to draw since childhood.
I started drawing, I don’t remember when; I only remember that I drew horses and an archimandrite in a robe on the floor with chalk, which I really liked. Grandmother noticed that you can draw horses on the floor, but you can’t draw the archimandrite.
Nikolay Ge
They began to give Nicholas sheets of paper so that he could draw “holy things” on them. Soon Ge Sr. married a second time, sold his estate in Voronezh and moved with his family to Podolsk. From there, in 1841, Nicholas was sent to the First Kyiv Gymnasium, where his older brothers studied.
Ge took his first painting lessons from art teacher Fyodor Belyaev. At first I tried watercolors, and later oil paints. Ge often went to the teacher’s home and looked at his paintings, sketches and casts of plaster heads, as well as lithographs of paintings by other artists.
After graduating from high school, Ge, at the insistence of his relatives, entered the mathematics department of Kyiv University. Here he met the curator of the university museum, with whom he often talked about painting - in particular, about the works of Karl Bryullov. “I asked him countless times, forced him to tell me in detail which figures in Bryullov’s Pompey (then famous throughout Russia), - the artist recalled, - I had never been to St. Petersburg; we didn’t have any engravings or lithographs at our university. But he knew the picture so well that he could, it seems, paint it all.”.
Besides exact sciences, Ge continued to study painting on his own. He did not study at the University of Kyiv for long: his older brother Osip took him to St. Petersburg. In the capital, Nikolai first went to the exhibition hall Imperial Academy arts look at Bryullov’s paintings. “I came, saw “Pompeii” - and couldn’t stop looking at it”, recalled Nikolai Ge.
In St. Petersburg, Ge entered the university, and again - contrary to his own preferences - to the Faculty of Mathematics. But he was drawn to art: Nikolai spent his free time in art galleries, and on Sundays he visited university music concerts. In 1850 he left the university and entered the Academy of Arts.
Nikolay Ge. Saul at the Sorceress of Endor (fragment). 1856. State Tretyakov Gallery, Moscow
Nikolay Ge. Return from Christ's funeral (fragment). 1859. State Tretyakov Gallery, Moscow
Nikolay Ge. Achilles mourns Patroclus (fragment). 1855. National Museum "Kiev Art Gallery", Kyiv, Ukraine
At the Academy of Arts, Nikolai Ge found friends and like-minded people. But the main thing for him was the opportunity to be closer to the work of his idol, Karl Bryullov. In those years famous artist was already weak and sick and did not come to the Academy. Therefore, Ge asked his senior comrades and sitters about him, copied his style and technique, and in his free time carefully examined his paintings hung in exhibition halls. “He was still alive, but we felt that he would not return to us,- Ge recalled. - A huge store of anecdotes, stories about him, his sayings, his remarks - how to draw, how to write, how to compose, what it means to draw, what art is - all this fed us during our search on the new path that he bequeathed to us, along which we all, his disciples in spirit, ran after him.
During his student years, Ge painted commissioned portraits of officials and gave drawing lessons in the houses of the capital's nobility for a modest fee. One day he managed to buy a tailcoat, and this acquisition was incredibly successful for Ge: the young artist dreamed of getting into the Hermitage, and in those years they were not allowed into the museum without a tailcoat. Despite the difficult financial position, the artist often helped his comrades. Three of them lived in his room, Nikolai allowed the others to wear his formal clothes, and therefore often spent evenings at home, unable to go out into the world.
In 1855, Ge presented the painting “Achilles Mourns Patroclus” to the Council of the Academy and successfully passed the exam for the Small Gold Medal. And two years later, for the painting “Saul at the Witch of Endor,” he received a Big Gold Medal and went on a retirement trip to Europe at the expense of the Academy.
Nikolay Ge. Love of a Vestal Virgin, sketch (fragment). 1857. State Tretyakov Gallery, Moscow
Nikolay Ge. The Last Supper (fragment). 1883. State Russian Museum, St. Petersburg
Nikolay Ge. Death of Virginia, sketch (fragment). 1850s. State Tretyakov Gallery, Moscow
Ge went abroad immediately after the exam at the Academy. He visited Switzerland, Germany and Italy. In Rome, Ge visited art galleries and created sketches. He painted several female portraits, a view of the city from the window of the studio, and a painting “Morning”, on which he signed “Imitation of Bryullov”. At the same time, the sketches “The Death of Virginia” and “The Love of a Vestal Virgin” appeared.
In Italy Russian art and Russian artists interested me even more than before. In Rome I met with my predecessors, found old artists, and among them the famous Ivanov and his brother the architect. Ivanov was about to leave for Russia, where he was taking his famous painting. I still managed to see her.
Nikolay Ge
Ge was one of the first to appreciate “The Appearance of Christ to the People” by Alexander Ivanov, and under the influence of this work he himself turned to religious motives. One of Ge's first paintings biblical story became “Return from the Funeral of Christ.”
Soon Nikolai Ge faced a creative crisis. The Roman sketches remained sketches - he was unable to paint the canvases that he had planned earlier, and work on a new plot - “The Death of Lambertation” - did not progress beyond the sketch. Moreover, the artist could not create the main painting that he was supposed to bring back from his retirement trip. The technique of academic painting did not suit Ge; he abandoned the sketch as soon as he saw the “trace of the Academy”. He even left painting for a while and intended to return to Russia empty-handed, without paintings. But at some point he turned to the Gospel. “And suddenly I saw there the grief of the Savior, losing forever a human disciple,- Ge recalled - John lay next to him: he understood everything, but did not believe the possibility of such a gap; I saw Peter jump up, because he also understood everything and became indignant - he is a hot-tempered person; I finally saw Judas: he will certainly leave.”.
This is how the idea of “The Last Supper” was born. Ge began painting without a sketch and completed the painting, executed in a realistic manner, within two weeks. Leo Tolstoy said that he "own idea of last evening Christ with his disciples coincided with what Ge conveyed in his painting", and Ilya Repin spoke about the canvas like this: “Not only here in Russia, but, one can safely say, in all of Europe during all periods of Christian art there has been no equal to this painting on this topic.”.
When Nikolai Ge returned to St. Petersburg in 1863, for “ last supper» The council awarded him the title of professor of historical painting. And on next year Emperor Alexander II bought the painting for 10 thousand rubles.
Nikolai Nikolaevich Ge was born on February 17, 1833 in Voronezh. The Ge family was of French origin. The future artist spent his childhood in the village. Ge received his education at the Kyiv gymnasium. Having finished this educational institution, he entered Kyiv University, then moved to St. Petersburg. Ge studied at the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics. However, Ge subsequently felt an interest in painting. After leaving the university, he successfully passed the exams at the Academy of Arts. P. Basin became the leader of the aspiring artist, but Ge himself considered Karl Bryullov his mentor. Ge considered the painting “Pompey” to be the ideal work.
Ge receives a business trip abroad for the painting. The artist travels from 1857 to 1863. He visits Paris, Rome, Switzerland. The exhibition of paintings by Paul Delaroche, which he visited in Paris, had a huge impact on character traits creativity Ge.
During this period, numerous portraits appeared, as well as sketches (“Destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem,”). The picture that brought him real popularity was. Ge presented this canvas, imbued with unprecedented dramatic emotion, distinguished by a new interpretation of the gospel plot, to the public in 1863. For this painting, Ge immediately received the status of professor from the Academy of Arts.
Ge continues to work on various gospel subjects. The paintings “Brothers of the Savior” appear. While working in Florence, Ge painted a portrait of Herzen, with whom the artist became close during this period.
Last works Christian themes were not successful, therefore, returning to St. Petersburg in 1870, Ge moved away from this theme for a while. The artist again shows interest in Russian history.
In 1871, Ge participated in the first exhibition of Peredvizhniki artists, presenting the work. This painting became another success for the artist; it is distinguished by its particular truthfulness and authenticity. In the faces of father and son, Ge saw a confrontation between two forces of that time.
Since 1875, the artist permanently moved to Ukraine, where he bought a small farm. This period is associated with a serious moral revolution, with the artist’s turn to morality and religion. In this regard important role Ge’s acquaintance with L.N. played a role. Tolstoy. In 1884, the artist painted a portrait famous writer. Subsequently, Ge mainly works only on religious subjects (, “Exit from the Last Supper”,). Ge's latest works caused a lot of criticism, but the artist himself was pleased with them. For the first time, he managed to introduce a touch of realism into paintings on a religious theme.
The best paintings by Ge N.N.
On March 13, 1938, Austria was annexed by Germany. For Hitler, the Anschluss not only created a springboard for an attack on Czechoslovakia, but also became a personal revenge on the Motherland for non-recognition in his youth.
Bluff in Berchtesgaden
Austria, defeated after the First World War, was annexed by Germany as a result of a referendum. However, Hitler's original plan included an armed rebellion and the overthrow of the government of Chancellor Guido Schmidt Schuschnigg. However, the latter was informed about the “neighbor’s” plans. Indignant, he went to Berchtesgaden - country residence dictator, where heads of state in their native German were supposed to come to a certain decision. Hitler greeted the guest outwardly affably, introducing his three generals who “accidentally found themselves” there. But during a personal conversation, Hitler quickly dropped his mask. Subsequently, Schuschnigg recalled that he argued with a madman for several hours. Adolf shouted at him, insisted that the very existence of Austria was the result of its betrayal, “which he intended to end,” and threatened to send in troops: “You will wake up one morning in Vienna and see that we have arrived, like spring thunderstorm. I would like to spare Austria from such a fate, since such an action would mean bloodshed.” He did not propose, he demanded that Austria sign an agreement with Germany on terms favorable to him: amnesty for the National Socialists, the appointment of moderate Nazis as ministers, of which Hitler’s protege Seyss-Inquart was to become the Minister of the Interior with the right of unlimited control over the country’s police forces.
When the first attack did not go through, Hitler resorted to another method, gently hinting that Schuschnigg’s stay in Berchtesgaden could end for the latter, at best, with imprisonment, at worst with execution, after which German troops would enter Austrian territory. The bluff was a success; the treaty was signed and ratified in three days.
Allied Betrayal
In his aspirations to preserve the sovereignty of Austria, Schuschning counted on the support of the Entente countries. After all, the Treaty of Versailles prohibited the Anschluss. In 1931, Germany and Austria were even denied a customs union. However, by 1938, defeated Austria was no longer a political force; it was a non-viable country that had lost its industrial strength and agricultural land. When Schuschnigg responded to Hitler's threats that Austria was not alone in the world and that an invasion of the country would probably mean war, Hitler grinned contemptuously: “Don't believe that anyone in the world can prevent this! Italy? I'm not worried about Mussolini; It connects me with Italy close friendship. England? She won't lift a finger for Austria... France? Now her time has passed. So far I have achieved everything I wanted!” Austria's potential allies themselves saw in the Anschluss only a guarantee of peace and the pacification of fascist states through concessions. At an emergency London meeting, Chamberlain announced the verdict on Austria: Anschluss is inevitable, not a single power will say: “If you go to war because of Austria, you will have to deal with us. In any case, this is not the question now,” he said, noting that the fait accompli does not matter much.
Uncompromising newsletter
Austrian Chancellor Schuschnigg pinned his last hope for abandoning the Anschluss on a voluntary referendum of the Austrian people, hoping for the nationalistic and patriotic sentiments of the masses. It seemed that the people supported the chancellor and were ready to fight for a free, independent Austria. His supporters walked the streets shouting: “Heil Schuschnigg!”, “Heil freedom!”, “We say yes!” Even Hitler’s protege, Minister of the Interior Seyss-Inquart, took his side. On the eve of the referendum, the chancellor was confident that victory was in his pocket. However, Hitler's propaganda and beautiful phrases: “One people, one Reich, one Fuhrer!” have already taken root in the minds of the Austrians. And the election process itself was influenced by the fascists, who had already, in fact, established control over the country. As a result, on some ballots there was only a “for” column, while on others, “JA” (yes) was several times larger in size than the modest line “nein”.
Mussolini's oath
One of Hitler's main opponents in the Anschluss issue was, oddly enough, Benito Mussolini, who supported the previous Austrian government led by Chancellor Engelbert Dolfius. He had already saved Austria once from a German invasion in 1934, after the latter was assassinated. Then a war almost broke out between the two fascist dictators. But times changed, Mussolini lost interest in Austria, and the alliance with Hitler was now much more important to him. Therefore, to Hitler’s cautious letter, which spoke about anarchy in Austria and the need for German intervention to preserve the country, the Duce reacted indifferently. Prince Philipp von Hesse conveyed his answer to Hitler: “I have just returned from Mussolini,” he told Hitler. “The Duce took the news very calmly. He sends his regards to you. The Austrian question no longer interests him.”
Hitler was truly inspired by this news: “Tell Mussolini that I will never forget this! Never! Sign any agreements he proposes. Tell him: I thank him with all my heart, I will never forget him! When he is in need or in danger, he can be sure: I will be with him, no matter what, even if the whole world is against him!” Hitler kept his oath, he stayed with Mussolini when everyone turned their backs on him. In 1943, he organized the special operation "Oak", which freed the captive dictator in the Gran Sorro mountains in southern Italy, where he was kept in the utmost secrecy. Hitler's associate Otto Skorzeno entered the hotel and addressed Mussolini. “Duce, the Fuhrer sent me to save you.” Mussolini replied: “I always knew that my friend Adolf Hitler would not leave me in trouble.”
Maneuvering
Hitler knew how to conduct diplomatic negotiations, he managed to maneuver perfectly between “two fires.” For example, he successfully intimidated the British government with his other “secret” ally - Soviet Union. At a meeting with the British Ambassador Neville Gendersen on March 3, 1937, when the topic of maintaining peace in Europe, the Austrian problem and weapons issues came up, Hitler, without giving the Ambassador the initiative, went on the offensive. He argued that the Soviet-French and Soviet-Czechoslovak pacts were a threat to Germany, which was simply forced to arm itself. Any restriction in the army, he said, depended on the Russians: “to trust the good will of such a monster as the Soviet Union is the same as trusting the understanding mathematical formulas to the savages. Any agreement with the USSR is completely useless, and Russia should never be allowed into Europe.” With this change of thesis, Hitler managed to reduce conversations with the ambassador to zero and avoid the concessions that England had hoped for.
Sentimental Journey
Hitler's triumphant return to his homeland, which was nothing more than the entry of troops and a demonstration of military power, resembled more of a “sentimental journey” than military occupation. To this moment, most of the population supported the idea of the Anschluss. The 2nd Panzer Division moved using a tourist guide and refueling at local gas stations. The Austrians warmly welcomed the soldiers: “They shook our hands, they kissed us, there were tears of joy in the eyes of many,” General Heinz Guderian later recalled. Austria rejoiced; it saw new hope in the German troops, not knowing that if the Anschluss had not been conquered, the same tanks would have driven through its ruins.
Vendetta
Eyewitnesses of Hitler's triumphant entry into Austria noted the madness in which the fascist leader was during his entry into Vienna. He would either launch into sensual speeches or begin to feel angry. His closest associate Papen recalled that the leader was in “real ecstasy”: “I believe that by the will of God, as a young man, I left this country and went to the Reich, who raised me, made me the leader of the nation and allowed me to return my homeland to the fold of the Reich. I praise the Almighty for allowing me to return to my homeland so that I could bring it into the Reich. Let every German remember this tomorrow and humbly bow his head before Almighty God, who created a miracle for us in three weeks!” Hitler said to the residents of Vienna. However, after leaving, he discussed the Austrians with undisguised anger: “Here the Fuhrer began to talk about the Viennese with boundless, I would say, incredible anger... At four o’clock in the morning he uttered a phrase that I want to quote now for historical reasons. He said: “Vienna should never be allowed into the union of great Germany,” Nazi governor Balder von Schirach said during the investigation.
Soon, Schuschnigg's worst fears came true: Austria left the historical arena. They even took her away historical name Osterreich, which meant "Eastern Reich", was now just "Eastern Mark (Ostmark)", which soon began to be called simply "Earth". The Austrian, unrecognized in his homeland, who was once not accepted into the Art Academy, became a dictator, erased his homeland from the political map, depriving its once brilliant capital of the remnants of glory and splendor. Austria became just a springboard for a further attack on Czechoslovakia.
Indeed, while the Western powers made concessions fascist countries, the latter were gaining power and were preparing to seize the initiative in international politics. In 1938, Germany took more active action in the Austrian issue. In January 1938, Goering informed the Austrian Secretary of State Schmidt that the Anschluss was inevitable. When the latter proposed regulating Austro-German relations on a reasonable basis, Goering said that if the Austrians did not like the word “annexation,” they could call it “partnership.”
Meanwhile, Nazi conspirators were arrested by the police in Vienna. Law enforcement officers seized documents that were called “Tafs papers.” They contained instructions from Hitler's deputy in the party, R. Hess, to the leaders of the Austrian Nazis, Leopold and Tafs: " General situation in Germany shows that the time has come for action in Austria. England is busy with the conflict in the Middle East, moreover, it is still embroiled in the Abyssinian crisis and the Spanish conflict, which poses a threat to Gibraltar. France is unable to take decisive action due to internal social problems, the difficult economic situation and the uncertainty of the Spanish situation. Czechoslovakia is located in difficult situation due to the sharp increase in the activity of the party, the Slovak and Hungarian minorities, as well as the weakening position of France in Europe. Yugoslavia fears the restoration of the monarchy, which will revive the old conflict between the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, it welcomes any action that will once and for all remove the question of the restoration of the Habsburgs in Austria. Finally, Italy's position has been weakened by the war in Ethiopia and the Spanish conflict to such an extent that it now depends on German friendship and will not actively oppose any action that does not affect its immediate vital interests. The new Brenner border guarantees are expected to ensure Mussolini's neutrality."
At the end of January, in the hope of regulating Austro-German relations, the Austrian Chancellor K. von Schuschnigg, who replaced Dollfuss, who was killed by the Nazis in 1934, informed Papen of his intention to meet with Hitler. Schuschnigg agreed to the meeting subject to a number of conditions:
- 1. He must be invited by Hitler;
- 2. He must be informed in advance of the issues brought up for discussion and must receive confirmation that the agreement of July 11, 1936 will remain in force;
- 3. Hitler must coordinate with me (A.N. Schuschnigg) a communiqué following the meeting, which will confirm the agreement of July 11.”
Papen approved of Schuschnigg's initiative, but, arriving in Berlin at the height of changes in the Nazi leadership, he did not find support for his initiative from Hitler.
Papen was soon relieved of his post as ambassador in Vienna, but Hitler suddenly changed his mind and instructed him to organize a meeting with Schuschnigg.
Papen conveyed Hitler's words to Schuschnigg: "Hitler invites you to a meeting in Berchtesgaden to discuss all the differences resulting from the agreement of July 11, 1936 between the two nations. This agreement between Austria and Germany will be maintained and confirmed. Hitler agrees to accept your proposals and issue a joint communiqué, which will include the agreement of July 11, 1936." Schuschnigg informed the Austrian cabinet of his decision to go to Germany. In addition, Mussolini, the British and French ambassadors, as well as the papal nuncio.
On February 12, 1938, Papen, Schuschnigg and State Secretary of the Austrian Foreign Ministry Schmidt arrived at Hitler's Villa Berghof, near Berchtesgaden. Already the first conversation between Hitler and Schuschnigg had the character of an ultimatum. For two hours, Hitler spoke to the Austrian Chancellor about his incorrect - un-German - policy and in conclusion said that he had decided to resolve the Austrian question one way or another, even if this would require the use of military force. He assured Schuschnigg that Austria could not count on the support of any power. “Don’t believe that anyone in the world can prevent this! Italy? I’m not worried about Mussolini, I have close friendship with Italy. England? She won’t lift a finger for Austria... France? Two years ago we entered the Rhineland zone with a handful of soldiers, then I risked everything. But now the time of France has passed. Until now, I achieved everything I wanted!"
A few hours later, the Austrian delegation led by Schuschnigg was received by the Reich Foreign Minister J. von Ribbentrop. In the presence of Papen, she was given a draft agreement - “the limit of the concessions made by the Fuhrer,” as Ribbentrop said. The project contained the following requirements:
- 1. Appoint the leader of the Austrian Nazis A. Seyss-Inquart as minister public safety with the rights of complete and unlimited control over the police forces of Austria;
- 2. Another National Socialist G. Fischbeck - member of the government on Austro-German issues economic relations and related areas;
- 3. Release all imprisoned Nazis, stop legal cases against them, including those involved in the murder of Dollfuss;
- 4. Restore them to positions and rights;
- 5. Accept 100 German officers for service in the Austrian army and send the same number of Austrian officers to the German army;
- 6. Give the Nazis freedom of propaganda, accept them into Fatherland Front on an equal basis with its other components;
- 7. For all this, the German government is ready to confirm the agreement of July 11, 1936 - “to again declare recognition of the independence of Austria and non-interference in its internal affairs.”
During the negotiations, Schuschnigg only achieved agreement that Fischbeck should be appointed not a member of the government, but a federal commissioner; the number of officers to be exchanged for service in the armies of both states should be at least 100.
Go in two queues, 50 people each. After this, Schuschnigg was again brought to Hitler, and the latter stated that there was nothing more to discuss the document, it must be accepted without changes, otherwise he, Hitler, would decide what to do during the night. When Schuschnigg replied that only President V. Miklas could grant an amnesty and that the three-day period could not be met, Hitler lost his temper and left the room. Half an hour later, Hitler again received the Austrians and told them that for the first time in his life he had changed his mind. Schuschnigg was asked to sign the document and report it to the president. Hitler gave three more days for all demands to be fulfilled, declaring: “In otherwise things will take their natural course." On the same day, February 12, 1938, Schuschnigg signed the agreement without further discussion.
Returning from the meeting, the Austrian chancellor said: “I fought with a madman for ten hours.” Schuschnigg calls the remaining four weeks after the Berchtesgaden meeting Austria's time of agony. The agreement of February 12, 1938, imposed by Hitler on Austria and marking the beginning of the end of its independence, did not meet with protest from Western democracies, although European diplomats were well aware of the nature and results of Hitler’s “conversation” with Schuschnigg. Thus, the French ambassador in Berlin, after a conversation with Ribbentrop, reported to the head of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, I. Delbos, that the meeting of the two chancellors in Berchtesgaden was “only a stage on the path to Germany’s absorption of Austria.”
Hitler continued to convince Paris that the solution to the Austrian issue would serve as an impetus for improving Franco-German relations. The French Ambassador to Germany A. François-Poncet emphasized in response France’s great interest in this issue. He told Hitler that "the French government will be happy with anything that strengthens existing world, everything that will contribute to ensuring the independence and integrity of Austria." The Austrian government itself informed the friendly powers that the agreement of February 12, 1938, does not change the essence of the agreement of July 11, 1936.
Based on all this, Delbos said that there was no reason for France to protest the Berchtesgaden Agreement.
The Reich Ambassador to France, J. von Welczek, wrote to Berlin that it seemed that Paris did not have a clear plan of action regarding the Austrian events. “In France,” the ambassador wrote, “they do not see a moral basis for active opposition to German plans. Austrian independence was guaranteed by the Stresa Front and the League of Nations - both institutions are now practically dead. Paris is unlikely to decide on any actions that do not have a legal basis basis Many people in France already say "Fini Austriae".
- On February 18, a new telegram arrived in Paris from the embassy in Berlin. François-Poncet reported that Ribbentrop again told him that the Austrian problem concerned only Germany and Austria, and that Berlin would regard “as unacceptable interference any initiative by a third party.”
- On February 18, a message from the United States arrived in Paris, in which the charge d'affaires noted that the US government would not intervene in the German-Austrian conflict on Austria's side. There was growing concern in France about the threat to Austrian independence. Under pressure from these sentiments, on February 18, the French government invited Chamberlain to make a joint demarche in Berlin. It should have emphasized the importance of Austrian sovereignty for peace and the balance of power in Europe and stated that any attempts on the part of Germany to change the status quo by force in Central Europe will meet with determined resistance from the Western powers. Delbos proposed that the British government, together with the French cabinet, make a special statement in Berlin before February 20.
Meanwhile, on February 20, 1938, Hitler made a speech in the Reichstag in which, expressing satisfaction with the signing of the agreement on February 12 with Austria and thanking Schuschnigg for solidarity in matters of policy of both countries, he again threateningly recalled: “Only two states adjacent to our borders cover a mass of ten million Germans. World power, performed self-esteem, cannot long tolerate the fact that the Germans who stand on its side are subjected to severe suffering because of their sympathies or because of their close attachment to their people."
The French "Tan" reacted to Hitler's speech in the following way: “The Fuhrer spoke of the “spirit of mutual understanding.” Schuschnigg said that everything in Berchtesgaden was done “for the sake of peace.” But what kind of world can be based on a ruthlessly imposed dictate?”
The British Times criticized its own government for abandoning its interests in Central and Eastern Europe.
On February 23, in a conversation with German Foreign Minister K. von Neurath, Fracois-Poncet warned the German minister that France could not agree with the annexation of Austria by the Reich, whose independence was guaranteed international treaties. In response, Neurath said that he did not see it possible for France to interfere in what he considered internal matter Germany. In response to the comment French Ambassador that an 80-million-strong Reich in the center of Europe would threaten the security of France and the entire balance of power in Europe, Neurath noted that the same could be said about the mobilization of blacks from French colonies to create military superiority in Europe. When François-Poncet said that in order to restore the balance of power, France would have to once again get closer to the Soviet Union, Neurath only wished him good luck in this endeavor.
Meanwhile, Schuschnigg decided to give a response to Hitler's speech. On February 24, he made a radio address to the Austrian people. Analyzing the agreements of July 11, 1936, and February 12, 1938, he stated that there could be no more concessions.
Ruling circles European countries understood Schuschnigg's speech as a will to resist, and Hitler's speech as a threat to stop at nothing, even before a war with Austria. The Italian dictator B. Mussolini, who received a copy of the text of the speech of the Austrian Chancellor even before the speech itself, assessed it positively. French political figure E. Herriot admitted that Schuschnigg’s speech made him cry.
On February 25, at the Foreign Office, French Ambassador Charles Corbin was presented with a memorandum containing the British government's response to the French request. In it, the French government was reproached for the fact that its proposals on the Austrian question were exposed only as verbal formulas, “not supported by indications of concrete actions"The British cabinet, for its part, indicated that after the “agreement” reached between Hitler and Schuschnigg on February 12, events in Austria could take on the character of a “normal evolution.” The German ambassador in Paris Welczek wrote to Neurath that the British Foreign Minister Eden spoke out in favor of taking decisive measures regarding the situation in Central Europe, however, met with stiff opposition from Chamberlain, for whom this region and Austria were only part of the Anglo-Italian relationship.
There were serious differences between Eden and Chamberlain on issues foreign policy. As a result, on February 21, 1938, the head of the Foreign Office was forced to leave his post. Eden's departure instilled even more confidence in Hitler. Berlin felt that since Chamberlain was ready to sacrifice his own Foreign Secretary to appease dictators, they should not fear decisive action from Great Britain. After a conversation with the British ambassador in Vienna, Papen reported to Hitler that “Eden’s resignation took place not so much because of his position regarding Italy, but because of his readiness to identify with France on the Austrian issue.”
Eden's resignation removed the last obstacle to British appeasement. New minister Foreign Affairs Lord Halifax saw no point in a joint Anglo-French demarche in support of Austrian independence. The British government refused even verbally to give any warning to Hitler and stubbornly sought to “solve” the Austrian problem on the basis of the provisions that Halifax expressed to Hitler on November 19, 1937. The level of stability of the Versailles system was rapidly decreasing.
On March 2, Delbos sent a note to Corbin in response to the British memorandum of February 25, which expressed regret over the refusal of the British government to issue a joint warning to Berlin on the Austrian question. It stated that “the Western powers’ avoidance of joint action inspired the Reich government to take new measures towards the implementation German plan regarding Austria."
On the same day that Corbin handed the note to Halifax, on March 3, the British Ambassador Henderson tried to find out Hitler's intentions. Hitler stated that "in settling his relations with kindred countries or with countries with big amount of the German population, Germany will not allow third powers to interfere... If England continues to oppose German attempts to bring about a fair and reasonable settlement here, then the moment will come when it will be necessary to fight... If ever Germans are shot at in Austria or Czechoslovakia, The German Empire will immediately intervene... If there are explosions from within in Austria or Czechoslovakia, Germany will not remain neutral, but will act with lightning speed."
On March 6, the British press directly raised the question of the advisability of British support for Austria. The author of the article asked whether Austria is a harmonious state. “This raises great doubts. A significant part of the population is actively demanding a closer union with the Reich. Conflict will mean war. This is a family affair of the German race. We have nothing to do there,” noted one of the most influential British periodicals.
At the same time, in order to strengthen his position against Hitler's claims, Schuschnigg decided to hold a popular plebiscite on the issue of the country's independence.
On March 9, 1938, Schuschnigg, in a speech delivered over the radio in Innsbruck, announced a vote on March 13 “for a free and German, independent and social, Christian and united Austria.” Declaring his intention to hold a plebiscite, Schuschnigg did not consult with representatives of Western democracies. At the same time, the chancellor turned to Mussolini for advice. The Duce's answer was: "The plebiscite is a mistake." But this time Schuschnigg did not listen to advice from Italy; he never heard from Mussolini again. And Henderson commented on the announcement of the plebiscite: “I am afraid that Dr. Schuschnigg is risking the independence of Austria in an attempt to save his own position.”
Ribbentrop arrived in England for a farewell visit (in connection with his transfer to another job - Foreign Minister of the Reich). Immediately upon arrival, he began sounding out the British position regarding the Austrian question. From conversations with Halifax and the British Minister of Defense Coordination T. Inskip, Ribbentrop concluded that England would not come out in defense of Austria. After this conversation, Ribbentrop, answering questions from Berlin, wrote: “What will England do if the Austrian question is not resolved peacefully? I am deeply convinced that England will not do anything on its own initiative at the present time; on the contrary, it will have a calming influence on other powers. It will be completely different if there is a big international conflict over Austria, that is, with the intervention of France. Therefore, it is important to pose the question: how will France and its allies behave? I think that neither France and its allies, nor Italy will enter into war because of the German solution to the Austrian question. But this is provided that the Austrian question is resolved in the shortest possible time. If a violent solution drags on for a long time, serious complications will arise."
The news of the plebiscite caused extreme irritation in Berlin. Hitler rightly believed that as a result of the vote, the Austrian people would vote to preserve the independence of their country, which would make the Anschluss very problematic.
- On March 9, Hitler authorized the minister appointed on February 16 internal management and the security of Seyss-Inquart's Austria to seek the abolition of the plebiscite. After a conversation with the head of the Wehrmacht High Command, W. Keitel, and other generals, the Fuhrer approved the plan for an operation to capture Austria called “Otto”. The international situation favored the Reich's dynamic actions to resolve the "Austrian question."
- On March 10, 1938, the French cabinet of ministers C. Chautan resigned. Until March 13, France was left without a government. Mussolini retired to his country residence Roca del Caminate; in response to attempts to contact him, the Italian Foreign Minister G. Ciano stated that this was impossible. By this time, few people had doubts about England's position on the Austrian issue.
- On March 11, 1938, Nazi demonstrations began in all major cities Austria. At one o'clock on March 11, Hitler signed an order for the invasion of German troops into Austria on March 12 at 12 o'clock. From the morning of March 11th at European capitals Information began to flow in about the closure of the Austro-German border and the movement of German troops towards Austria. However, official Berlin and its embassies denied everything.
The Austrian Chancellor did not dare to repel German aggression. At 2 p.m. on March 11, Seyss-Inquart informed Goering of Schuschnigg's decision to cancel the plebiscite. But Goering replied that this was not enough. After a meeting with Hitler, he informed Seyss-Iquart of a new ultimatum: the resignation of Schuschnigg and the appointment of Seyss-Inquart as chancellor, about which Goering was to be informed within two hours.
In the current critical situation Schuschnigg first turned to Mussolini for help. However, no response was received from Mussolini. On March 10, Mussolini I and Ciano informed Berlin that they opposed the holding of a plebiscite and, moreover, intended to completely abstain from participating in Austrian events. To appeal French government with a proposal for a joint demarche of England, France and Italy against Berlin’s actions, Ciano responded negatively. “After the sanctions, non-recognition of the empire and other unfriendly actions of 1935, do they really expect the restoration of the Stresa front now that Hannibal is at the gates?” Ciano explained, “thanks to their policy, England and France lost Austria, and at the same time we acquired Abyssinia.” .
Reportedly American Ambassador in Berlin, H. Wilson, an Italian high-ranking official told the diplomat literally the following: “We have already sent troops to Brenner once, a second time under the existing circumstances will mean war.” By order of the Italian leadership, from March 12, Italian news agencies should have emphasized that the development of the Austrian crisis would not affect Italian-German relations in any way.
When news of the new ultimatum reached France, a meeting was urgently convened there with the participation of Chautan, Delbos and various officials of Quai d'Orsay, who were formally still in office. Paris urgently contacted London and Rome. The French charge d'affaires tried to get in touch with Ciano, but the Italian Foreign Minister rejected the idea of a joint demarche of England, France and Italy in Berlin.
At three o'clock in the afternoon on March 11, Schuschnigg asked for advice from the British government. The answer came to Vienna within an hour and a half. During this time, a meeting took place between Ribbentrop and Halifax. After this conversation, the British embassy in Vienna was instructed to convey to Schuschnigg that “we very sharply drew Ribbentrop’s attention to the impression such direct interference in Austrian affairs as a demand for the resignation of the Chancellor, backed by an ultimatum, would make in England, and, especially after "as it was promised to cancel the plebiscite. Ribbentrop's answer was not encouraging, but he promised to contact Berlin by telephone." Halifax also added that "the British Government cannot assume the responsibility of advising the Chancellor of any action which may bring danger to his country against which the British Government is unable to guarantee protection."
Meanwhile, realizing that London would not support France in decisive action aimed at protecting Austria, Paris decided to once again turn to Rome. The French charge d'affaires was instructed to find out from Ciano whether Italy would agree to consultations on the Austrian question. The British ambassador in Rome, Lord Perth, received the same order from his government. However, Ciano replied to the French representative in Rome through his private secretary that if the purpose of the consultation was the question of Austria, then “the Italian government does not consider it possible to discuss it with France or Great Britain.”
Under these conditions, Schuschnigg was forced to concede. At 19:50, Schuschnigg made a speech on the radio about his resignation and stated: “President Miklas asked me to inform the Austrian people that we are yielding to force, since we are not ready in this terrible situation for the shedding of blood, and we have decided to order the troops not to to offer serious—not to show any—resistance.” Seyss-Inquart telephoned to Berlin that the ultimatum had been accepted. Under the terms of the ultimatum, the invasion of troops was to be canceled. However, Hitler said that it was now too late. At the same time, Goering dictated to Hitler’s special representative in Austria W. Kepler the text of the new chancellor’s telegram: “The provisional Austrian government, seeing its task after the resignation of the Schuschnigg government as restoring calm and order in Austria, appeals to the German government with an urgent request to support it in fulfilling this task and help prevent bloodshed. To this end, it requests the German government to send as soon as possible German troops".
On the evening of March 11, Halifax proposed to the English ambassador in Berlin, Henderson to protest to the German government against interference in the internal affairs of Austria. Protest was also expressed by the French side. Both protests noted that Germany's violation of Austrian independence could have unpredictable consequences in Europe. Henderson obtained Goering's reception, and at the same time he sent a letter to Neurath.
Goering assured the ambassador that the Austrian National Socialists had presented an ultimatum to the Chancellor of Austria, and that the German troops that had entered Austria would withdraw as soon as order was established, and that they had been invited by the Austrian government. Neurath, in a reply note, stated that the British government has no right to pretend to be the defender of Austrian independence, since relations between Austria and Germany are an internal matter of the German people.
At the same time, German propagandists spread rumors about the alleged entry of Czechoslovak troops into Austria, the arrival of French communists in Austria with the aim of organizing a revolution, the seizure of power by the “Reds” and the murders of National Socialists and Seyss-Inquart’s request in this regard to German troops enter Austria to maintain order. At ten o'clock in the evening Seyss-Inquart entered the room where the President of Austria and her Chancellor were discussing latest events, and stated: “Göring just called me and said: “You, Seyss-Inquart, must send me a telegram asking for German military assistance in view of the fact that the communists and others have caused severe disturbances in Austrian cities, and the Austrian government is no longer able to independently control the situation." (Of course, this was all a lie; in fact, the Nazis, intoxicated with victory, spent the night robbing Jewish stores and beating passers-by). Soon Kepler, on the orders of Seyss-Inquart, sent a telegram with one single word: “I agree.”
There was no resistance to the Wehrmacht invasion. True, not everything went according to plan, which W. Churchill later sneered at: “The German war machine thundered heavily across the border and got stuck at Linz.”
About half of the tanks broke down on the road to Vienna. It can be assumed that if Austria had decided to resist, its army of fifty thousand would have been able to hold off the Wehrmacht in the mountains. But that did not happen.
On March 12 at 8 o'clock Hitler flew from Berlin to Munich, at 15:50 he was already in Braunau on Austrian territory, and at 20 o'clock Seyss-Inquart greeted Hitler in his hometown of Linz. In his response speech, Hitler said that Austria would be annexed to Germany and this would be approved by a plebiscite. Hitler also gave a new name to his homeland as part of the Third Reich - Ostmark.
On the same day, Seyss-Inquart forced the President Austrian Republic Miklas to resign, after which with his authority he signed and published the Anschluss law, which stated that Austria was now one of the states of the German Empire and that on Sunday, April 10, 1938, a “free and secret vote on reunification with the German Empire” would take place. . historical politics international
After the Austrian government, under pressure and an ultimatum from German side, was forced to resign, on March 11, 1938, Austrian Chancellor Kurt von Schuschnin addressed the nation on radio in the evening. He announced the resignation of his government and the transfer of control of the country to the Nazi protege Seyss-Inquart. The second part of the appeal concerned the call for the Austrian army, which should not offer resistance if German troops crossed the border and entered Austrian territory. Shortly before midnight, the country's president also bowed to pressure and agreed to a new chancellor. An official call was made on behalf of the new government for German troops to enter the country to maintain order, which new chancellor, who supposedly wrote it, found out in hindsight.
On the night of March 11-12, 1938 German troops crossed the border according to a previously secretly developed plan, which was to be carried out regardless of internal solutions Austria. The Austrian army offered no resistance. The first high-ranking German official to arrive in Vienna was Heinrich Himmler, accompanied by his intelligence and SS men. Adolf Hitler himself arrived in Vienna on the evening of March 13, 1938, and the next day he was greeted with applause by crowds of people in the city. Over the next few days, after the Anschluss of Austria, the Nazis staged a number of events on the streets of Vienna, including speeches by Adolf Hitler to the Austrian people, who were now part of the Third Reich. I visited all the main sites of these parades and performances and took photographs from the same angles that became known part stories about such an event as Anschluss of Austria.
Banner with Swastika March 11
March 11, 1938 in the evening, after being tired of expectations and information war The Austrian people were informed by radio about the resignation of the government, about the upcoming annexation to Germany (Anschluss of Austria), local Nazis took to the streets. The first Nazi symbol to be hung on government agency Austria now has a swastika on the Chancellery building on Ballhausplatz. The flag was installed on the balcony above the main entrance. Also on the facade of the chancellery, where Chancellor Schuschning was still located, a banner was installed with the inscription: DURCH KAMPF ZUM ZIEG, which translates as “Through struggle to victory”.
After the Anschluss of Austria, this building housed the Nazi puppet government under the leadership of Seyss-Anquart until it was abolished on April 30, 1939. Until the very end of the war and the liberation of the country, the building housed the Nazi administration. The Chancellery building was heavily damaged during bombing in the spring of 1945 and restored to its original architectural appearance in 1950. Today you can compare a photo with a flag and a living building and see virtually no differences.
Banner on the Loza House
Soon after the Anschluss of Austria by Germany, on a number of buildings in Vienna, not only state ones, new symbolism or banners with inscriptions. One of these was placed above the facade of the famous Lohse building at Michaelerplatz 3 - named after its architect. The inscription on the fabric read GLEICHES BLUT GEHORT IN EIN GEMEINSAMES REICH, which translates as "One blood belongs to the united Reich". The subtext was the idea that the inhabitants of Germany and Austria belonged to the same historical nation and their unification was an important event.
The Looshaus building in Vienna was damaged during bombing back in 1944, but was subsequently restored. At one time there was a furniture store there, and in 1987 the building was bought by Raiffeisenbank, which is still located there today. The facade and characteristic columns have remained almost unchanged since 1938.
Hitler's speech at the Hofburg
On March 15, 1938, two days after the beginning of the Anschluss of Austria by Germany, a number of events took place on the streets of the city of Vienna, carried out by the Nazis. The most important thing was the pompous speech of Adolf Hitler from the balcony of the former residence of the Habsburgs - the Hofburg Palace. Big crowd The Viennese gathered on Heldenplatz (Heroes' Square) adjacent to the palace - several hundred thousand people filled all the free space and some of them even climbed the two monuments standing here - Prince Eugene and Archduke Charles. Hitler gave a pathetic speech about the future of a united Germany and his homeland of Austria, which was destined for a glorious fate.
Military parades in Vienna
On March 15-16, 1938, German troops and SS units paraded through the central streets of Vienna, along the same Ringstrasse where Adolf Hitler once loved to walk and admire the architecture of the city.
Hitler hosted a military parade along the city's Ringstrassse. He and his entourage gathered at the Maria-Theresien-Platz between the Museums of Natural History and the Arts. German troops marched past Hitler, as well as tanks and 105 mm guns.
Units of the Austrian army, which after the Anschluss of Austria swore allegiance to the new government, marched in formation past the Parliament building, where Adolf Hitler once received an idea of democracy.
On March 16, 1938, units of the Austrian SS, now officially formed, marched along the same Heldenplatz square near the Hofburg Palace where Adolf Hitler had spoken the day before.
Laying flowers at the Austrian Army Monument
On the same day, March 15, 1938, Adolf Hitler took part in another part of the ceremonial festivities in Vienna. Hitler ceremoniously laid a wreath on the Austrian Army Monument dedicated to the First World War and then only World War. This place is located just behind the Heldenplatz arch, near the Hofburg Palace.
A month after the Anschluss of Austria, Adolf Hitler returned to Vienna to celebrate the upcoming elections of the Austrian people, who would vote and give their consent to Anschluss of Austria. The day before, according to Nazi data, 99.75% of people made this decision, Hitler drove his car convoy through the city. The main part of this event was his passage from Burgtheater to city Vienna Town Hall (Rathaus), between which there are only about 200 meters. At the entrance, Hitler was greeted by Austrian nationalists and inside the Town Hall he gave a fiery speech about recent and upcoming events.
Hotel Imperial
During his stay in Vienna in March 1938, Adolf Hitler stayed at a hotel in the central part of the city - Hotel Imperial at Kartner Ring 16. Hitler stayed in a small apartment on the ground floor, but everyone knows the footage where he is shown to the audience gathered below 14 and March 20 on the second floor balcony. In one of the photos next to him is Joseph Goebbels, in the other is Heinrich Himmler. To the Imperial Hotel, built in 1862-1865. Hitler also returned in April for a second visit to Vienna, on the eve of the Plebiscite. After the war, the premises of the Imperial Hotel were occupied by Soviet occupation forces. In subsequent decades, the Imperial Hotel was visited by US President John Fitzgerald Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev, Richard Nixon, Queen Elizabeth II and a number of other dignitaries.
Hitler in the Belvedere in 1941
On March 1, 1941, Adolf Hitler attended the ceremony of Bulgaria signing a pact with the Axis countries on joining the so-called Tripartite Pact. Representatives from Japan and Italy were also present. These events took place in the luxurious Belvedere Palace, which has changed little since that time.
Anschluss in Linz
Adolf Hitler pompously entered Austria on March 12, 1938, to travel in convoy across the country and visit the places of his childhood and youth. He moved from West to East and before he entered Vienna on the evening of March 13, he managed to visit several cities where this was celebrated as an important event. After visiting hometown Branau, where Adolf Hitler was born in 1889, the Fuhrer's car column proceeded to Linz, where Hitler spent the years from 1899 to 1907, where his parents are buried in the suburb of Leonding. After visiting Leonding, the column headed to the city of Linz itself, where Hitler was greeted pompously by the Austrians, residents of the city who supported the Anschluss of Austria.
The column proceeded through main square the city of Hauptplatz, which on the same day was renamed Adolf-Hitler-Platz (Adolf Hitler Square). Several thousand residents of Linz came out to greet the German Chancellor. A little more than a month later, on April 20, 1938, city authorities organized lavish celebrations in the main square and a parade to mark Hitler's 49th birthday.
On the evening of the same day, March 12, 1938, Hitler gave a fiery speech standing on the balcony Linz City Hall. He proclaimed the unification of Austria and Germany into one, which would become a centuries-old empire. The square was filled with people wanting to see Hitler and some of them even climbed onto the local statue of 1723 to get a better view.
Nibelungbrucke Bridge
When the Anschluss of Austria took place in March 1938, and Hitler's column proceeded to the city of Linz, it drove to the main square of Hauptplatz across the bridge, which Adolf Hitler had already decided to replace. He had big plans for Linz, where he was going to live out his old age, after fulfilling, as it seemed to him, his historical mission. The former bridge was blown up and thrown over the Danube Nibelung Bridge.
The bridge, which remains a relic of Linz's Nazi past, has been preserved almost exactly the same. Only after the war were two statues removed from it: Kriemhild and Siegfried.
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