“Hunting season” for the police. Symbols of the new government

The main reasons for the revolution were:

1) the existence in the country of remnants of the feudal-serf system in the form of autocracy and landownership;

2) spicy economic crisis, which affected the leading industries and led to the decline of the country's agriculture;

3) heavy financial position countries (drop in ruble exchange rate to 50 kopecks; increase in public debt by 4 times);

4) the rapid growth of the strike movement and the rise of peasant unrest. In 1917, there were 20 times more strikes in Russia than on the eve of the first Russian revolution;

5) the army and navy ceased to be the military support of the autocracy; the growth of anti-war sentiment among soldiers and sailors;

6) the growth of opposition sentiments among the bourgeoisie and intelligentsia, dissatisfied with the dominance of tsarist officials and the arbitrariness of the police;

7) rapid change of government members; the appearance of personalities like G. Rasputin surrounded by Nicholas I, a decline in authority royal power; 8) the rise of the national liberation movement of the peoples of the national borderlands.

On February 23 (March 8, New Style) demonstrations took place in Petrograd on the occasion of International Women's Day. The next day, a general strike swept the capital. On February 25, the events were reported to the emperor at headquarters. He ordered to “stop the riots.” The Duma was dissolved for two months by decree of Nicholas II. On the night of February 26, mass arrests of the leaders of revolutionary uprisings took place. On February 26, troops opened fire on demonstrators, killing and wounding more than 150 people. But after this, the troops, including the Cossacks, began to go over to the side of the rebels. On February 27, Petrograd was engulfed in revolution. The next day the city passed into the hands of the rebels. Duma deputies created a Temporary Committee for Restoring Order in Petrograd (chaired by M.V. Rodzianko), which tried to take control of the situation. At the same time, elections to the Petrograd Soviet took place, and its executive committee was formed, headed by the Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze.

On the night of March 1-2, by agreement of the Provisional Committee and the Petrograd Soviet, the Provisional Government was formed (chairman G.E. Lvov).

On March 2, Nicholas II abdicated the throne in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. He renounced the crown and transferred power to the Provisional Government, instructing it to hold elections to the Constituent Assembly, which would determine the future structure of Russia.

Several political groups have emerged in the country, proclaiming themselves the government of Russia:

1) A temporary committee of members of the State Duma formed a Provisional Government, whose main task was to win the trust of the population. The Provisional Government declared itself legislative and executive powers, in which the following disputes immediately arose:

About what the future Russia should be: parliamentary or presidential;

On ways to resolve the national question, land issues, etc.;

On the electoral law;

On elections to the Constituent Assembly.

At the same time, the time to solve current, fundamental problems was inevitably lost.

2) Organizations of persons who declared themselves authorities. The largest of them was the Petrograd Council, which consisted of moderate left-wing politicians and proposed that workers and soldiers delegate their representatives to the Council.

The Council declared itself the guarantor against a return to the past, against the restoration of the monarchy and suppression political freedoms.

The Council also supported the steps of the Provisional Government to strengthen democracy in Russia.

3) In addition to the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet, other local bodies of actual power were formed: factory committees, district councils, national associations, new authorities on the “national outskirts”, for example, in Kyiv - the Ukrainian Rada.”

The current political situation began to be called “dual power,” although in practice it was multiple power, developing into anarchic anarchy. Monarchist and Black Hundred organizations in Russia were banned and dissolved. In the new Russia, two political forces remained: liberal-bourgeois and left-wing socialist, but in which there were disagreements.

In addition, there was powerful pressure from the grassroots:

Hoping for a socio-economic improvement in life, the workers demanded an immediate increase wages, the introduction of an eight-hour working day, guarantees against unemployment and social security.

The peasants advocated the redistribution of neglected lands,

The soldiers insisted on easing discipline.

The disagreements of the “dual power”, its constant reform, the continuation of the war, etc. led to new revolution- October Revolution of 1917.

CONCLUSION.

So, the result of the February revolution of 1917 was the overthrow of the autocracy, the abdication of the tsar, the emergence of dual power in the country: the dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie represented by the Provisional Government and the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, which represented the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry.

The victory of the February revolution was a victory of all active strata of the population over the medieval autocracy, a breakthrough that put Russia on par with advanced countries in the sense of proclaiming democratic and political freedoms.

The February Revolution of 1917 became the first victorious revolution in Russia and turned Russia, thanks to the overthrow of tsarism, into one of the most democratic countries. Originated in March 1917. dual power was a reflection of the fact that the era of imperialism and World War unusually accelerated the course of the country's historical development and the transition to more radical transformations. The international significance of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution is also extremely great. Under its influence, the strike movement of the proletariat intensified in many warring countries.

The main event of this revolution for Russia itself was the need to carry out long-overdue reforms based on compromises and coalitions, and the renunciation of violence in politics.

The first steps towards this were taken in February 1917. But only the first...

In February 1917, the second revolution took place in Russia after the events of 1905. Today we are talking briefly about the February Revolution of 1917: the reasons popular uprising, course of events and consequences.

Causes

The revolution of 1905 was defeated. However, its failure did not destroy the prerequisites that led to the very possibility of its occurrence. It’s as if the disease had receded, but did not go away, hiding in the depths of the body, only to strike again one day. And all because the forcefully suppressed uprising of 1905-1907 is the treatment of external symptoms, while the root causes are social and political contradictions continued to exist in the country.

Rice. 1. The military joined the rebel workers in February 1917

12 years later, at the very beginning of 1917, these contradictions intensified, which led to a new, more serious explosion. The exacerbation occurred due to the following reasons:

• Russian participation in the First World War : a long and grueling war required constant costs, which led to economic devastation and, as a natural consequence of it, an exacerbation of need and deplorable situation the already poor masses;
• A number of fateful mistakes that were made by Russian Emperor Nicholas II in governing the country : refusal to reconsider agricultural policy, adventurous policy on Far East, defeat in Russian-Japanese war, a penchant for mysticism, G. Rasputin’s admission to state affairs, military defeats in the First World War, unsuccessful appointments of ministers, military leaders and more;
• Economic crisis: war requires high expenses and consumption, due to which disruptions in the economy begin to occur (rising prices, inflation, the problem of food supply, the emergence of a card system, aggravation of transport problems);
• Crisis of power : frequent change governors, ignored by the emperor and his entourage State Duma, an unpopular government that was responsible solely to the king, and much more.

Rice. 2. Destruction of the monument Alexander III during the events of February 1917

All of the above points did not exist in isolation. They were closely interconnected and gave rise to new conflicts: general dissatisfaction with the autocracy, distrust of the reigning monarch, the growth of anti-war sentiments, social tension, strengthening the role of left and opposition forces. The latter included such parties as the Mensheviks, Bolsheviks, Trudoviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, anarchists, as well as various national parties. Some called on the people for a decisive assault and overthrow of the autocracy, others led a confrontation with the tsarist government in the Duma.

Rice. 3. The moment of signing the manifesto on the abdication of the Tsar

Despite various methods struggle, the goals of the parties were the same: the overthrow of the autocracy, the introduction of a constitution, the establishment of a new system - democratic republic, establishment of political freedoms, establishment of peace, decision pressing problems– national, land, labor. Since these tasks to transform the country were of a bourgeois-democratic nature, this uprising went down in history under the name the February bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917.

Move

The tragic events of the second winter month 1917 are summarized in the following table:

Event date	Event description
	Workers' strike Putilovsky plant, who, due to the jump in food prices, demanded an increase in wages. The strikers were fired and some workshops were closed. However, workers at other factories supported the strikers.
	In Petrograd there was a difficult situation with bread delivery and was introduced card system. On this day, tens of thousands of people took to the streets with different requirements bread, as well as political slogans calling for the overthrow of the king and an end to the war.
	A multiple increase in the number of strikers from 200 to 305 thousand people. These were mainly workers, joined by artisans and office workers. The police were unable to restore calm, and the troops refused to go against the people.
	The meeting of the State Duma was postponed from February 26 to April 1 according to the decree of the emperor. But this initiative was not supported, as it looked more like dissolution.
	An armed uprising took place, which was joined by the army (Volynsky, Lithuanian, Preobrazhensky battalions, motor armored division, Semyonovsky and Izmailovsky regiments). As a result, the telegraph, bridges, train stations, the Main Post Office, the Arsenal, and the Kronverk Arsenal were captured. The State Duma, which did not accept its dissolution, created a Temporary Committee, which was supposed to restore order on the streets of St. Petersburg.
	Power passes to the Provisional Committee. Finnish, 180th go over to the side of the rebels infantry regiment a, sailors of the cruiser Aurora and the 2nd Baltic Fleet crew.
	The uprising spread to Kronstadt and Moscow.
	Nicholas II decided to abdicate the throne in favor of his heir, Tsarevich Alexei. Regent was supposed to Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich is the emperor's younger brother. But as a result, the king abdicated the throne for his son.
	Manifesto of renunciation Russian Emperor Nicholas II was published in all newspapers of the country. A Manifesto about the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich immediately followed.

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What have we learned?

Today we examined the main causes of the February Revolution of 1917, which became the second in a row since 1905. In addition, the main dates of the events are named and their detailed description is given.

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The February Revolution of 1917 received this name because the main events began to occur in February, according to what was then relevant Julian calendar. It should be taken into account that the transition to chronology according to Gregorian calendar happened in 1918. Therefore, these events became known as the February revolution, although, in fact, we were talking about the March uprising.

Researchers point out that there are certain complaints about the definition of “revolution”. This term was introduced into circulation by Soviet historiography following the government, which thus wanted to emphasize the popular nature of what was happening. However, objective scientists point out that this is, in fact, a revolution. Despite loud slogans and objectively brewing discontent in the country, the broad masses were not drawn into the main events of the February revolution. Basic driving force The working class that had begun to form then began to form, but it was too small. The peasantry was largely left out.

The day before, the country was brewing political crisis. Since 1915, the emperor had formed a fairly strong opposition, which gradually increased in strength. Its main goal was the transition from autocracy to constitutional monarchy similar to Great Britain, and not what the February and October revolutions of 1917 ultimately led to. Many historians note that such a course of events would have been smoother and would have made it possible to avoid numerous human casualties and sharp social upheavals, which subsequently resulted in civil war.

Also, when discussing the nature of the February revolution, one cannot help but note that it was affected by the First World War, which drew too much strength from Russia. People lacked food, medicine, and basic necessities. A large number of The peasants were busy at the front; there was no one to sow. Production was focused on military needs, and other industries suffered noticeably. The cities were literally flooded with crowds of people who needed food, work, and housing. At the same time, the impression was created that the emperor was simply watching what was happening and was not going to do anything, although in such conditions it was simply impossible not to react. As a result, the coup could also be called an outbreak of public discontent that had accumulated towards imperial family for many years.

Since 1915, the role of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna in the government of the country has sharply increased, who was not particularly popular among the people, especially due to her unhealthy attachment to Rasputin. And when the emperor assumed the responsibilities of commander-in-chief and moved away from everyone at Headquarters, problems began to accumulate like a snowball. We can say that this was a fundamentally wrong move, deadly for the entire Romanov dynasty.

Russian Empire At that time I was also very unlucky with managers. Ministers were almost constantly changing, and most of them did not want to delve into the situation; some simply did not have leadership abilities. And few people understood the real threat looming over the country.

At the same time, certain social conflicts issues that had remained unresolved since the 1905 revolution have escalated. Thus, when the revolution began, the beginning launched a huge mechanism resembling a pendulum. And he demolished the entire old system, but at the same time got out of control and destroyed a lot of things that were needed.

Grand Ducal Fronde

It is worth noting that the nobility is often accused of not doing anything. Actually this is not true. Already in 1916, even his close relatives found themselves in opposition to the emperor. In history, this phenomenon was called the “grand-ducal front.” In short, the main demands were the formation of a government responsible to the Duma and the removal of the Empress and Rasputin from actual control. The move, according to some historians, is correct, just a little late. When did we go real action, in fact, the revolution had already begun, the beginning of serious changes could not be stopped.

Other researchers believe that in 1917 the February revolution would have only occurred in connection with internal processes and accumulated contradictions. And the October war was already a successful attempt to plunge the country into civil war, into a state of complete instability. Thus, it has been established that Lenin and the Bolsheviks in general were supported quite well financially from abroad. However, it is worth returning to the February events.

Views of political forces

A table will help to demonstrate quite clearly the political mood that reigned at that time.

From the above it is clearly seen that the then existing political forces united only in opposition to the emperor. Otherwise, they did not find understanding, and their goals were often opposite.

Driving forces of the February revolution

Speaking about what actually drove the revolution, it is worth noting several points at the same time. Firstly, political discontent. Secondly, the intelligentsia, who did not see the emperor as the leader of the nation, he was not suitable for this role. The “ministerial leapfrog” also had serious consequences, as a result of which there was no order within the country; officials were dissatisfied, who did not understand who to obey, in what order to work.

Analyzing the prerequisites and causes of the February revolution of 1917, it is worth noting: mass workers’ strikes were observed. However, a lot happened on the anniversary " Bloody Sunday“Thus, not everyone wanted a real overthrow of the regime and a complete change in the country; it is likely that these were simply speeches timed to coincide with a specific date, as well as a means to attract attention.

Moreover, if you look for information on the topic “presentation of the February revolution of 1917,” you can find evidence that the most depressive mood reigned in Petrograd. Which was frankly strange, because even at the front general mood turned out to be much more cheerful. As eyewitnesses of the events later recalled in their memoirs, it resembled mass hysteria.

Start

In 1917, the February Revolution began, in fact, with mass panic raised in Petrograd over a shortage of bread. At the same time, historians subsequently established that such a mood was created largely artificially, and grain supplies were deliberately blocked, since the conspirators were going to take advantage of the popular unrest and get rid of the king. Against this background, Nicholas II leaves Petrograd, leaving the situation to the Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Protopopov, who did not see the whole picture. Then the situation developed incredibly rapidly, gradually getting more and more out of control.

First, Petrograd completely rebelled, followed by Kronstadt, then Moscow, the unrest spread to others big cities. It was mainly the “lower classes” who rebelled, overwhelming them with their massive numbers: ordinary soldiers, sailors, workers. Members of one group drew the other into confrontation.

Meanwhile, Emperor Nicholas II could not make a final decision. He was slow to react to a situation that required more stringent measures, he wanted to listen to all the generals, and in the end he abdicated, but not in favor of his son, but in favor of his brother, who was categorically unable to cope with the situation in the country. As a result, on March 9, 1917, it became clear that the revolution had won, the Provisional Government was formed, and the State Duma as such ceased to exist.

What are the main results of the February revolution?

The main result of the events that took place was the end of the autocracy, the end of the dynasty, the renunciation of the emperor and his family members from the rights to the throne. Also on March 9, 1917, the country began to be governed by the Provisional Government. According to some historians, the significance of the February Revolution should not be underestimated: it was it that subsequently led to the civil war.

The revolution also showed ordinary workers, soldiers and sailors that they could seize control of the situation and take power into their own hands by force. Thanks to this, the foundation was laid October events, as well as the Red Terror.

Got excited revolutionary sentiments, the intelligentsia began to welcome new system, and the monarchical one is called the “old regime”. New words began to come into fashion, for example, the address “comrade”. Kerensky gained enormous popularity, creating his own paramilitary political image, which was subsequently copied by a number of leaders among the Bolsheviks.

The spring of 1917 was to be decisive in the victory of the Russian Empire over Germany and Austria-Hungary in the First World War. But history decreed otherwise. The February Revolution of 1917 not only put an end to all military plans, but also destroyed the Russian autocracy.

1. Bread is to blame

The revolution began with the grain crisis. At the end of February 1917, due to snow drifts, the schedule for freight transportation of bread was disrupted, and rumors spread about an imminent transition to bread rationing. Refugees arrived in the capital, and some bakers were drafted into the army. Lines formed at the bread shops, and then riots began. Already on February 21, a crowd with the slogan “Bread, bread” began to destroy bakery shops.

2. Putilov workers

On February 18, workers at the fire monitor stamping workshop of the Putilov plant went on strike, and workers from other workshops joined them. Just four days later, the plant administration announced the closure of the enterprise and the dismissal of 36,000 workers. Proletarians from other plants and factories spontaneously began to join the Putilovites.

3. Protopopov’s inaction

Appointed Minister of Internal Affairs in September 1916, Alexander Protopopov was confident that he had the entire situation under control. Trusting the convictions of his minister about security in Petrograd, Nicholas II left the capital on February 22 for headquarters in Mogilev. The only measure taken by the minister during the days of the revolution was the arrest of a number of leaders of the Bolshevik faction. The poet Alexander Blok was sure that it was Protopopov’s inaction that became the main reason for the victory of the February Revolution in Petrograd. "Why main site power - the Ministry of Internal Affairs - was given to the psychopathic chatterbox, liar, hysteric and coward Protopopov, maddened by this power? - wondered in his “Reflections on February revolution" Alexander Blok.

4. Revolt of housewives

Officially, the revolution began with unrest among Petrograd housewives forced to stand in long lines for long hours for bread. Many of them became workers in weaving factories during the war. By February 23, about 100,000 workers from fifty enterprises were already on strike in the capital. The demonstrators demanded not only bread and an end to the war, but also the overthrow of the autocracy.

5. All power is in the hands of a random person

Drastic measures were needed to suppress the revolution. On February 24, all power in the capital was transferred to the commander of the Petrograd Military District, Lieutenant General Khabalov. He was appointed to this post in the summer of 1916, without having the necessary skills and abilities. He receives a telegram from the emperor: “I command you to stop the riots in the capital tomorrow, which are unacceptable in hard times wars with Germany and Austria. NICHOLAY." The capital was supposed to establish military dictatorship Khabalova. But most of the troops refused to obey him. This was logical, since Khabalov, who was previously close to Rasputin, served his entire career at headquarters and in military schools, without having the authority among the soldiers necessary at the most critical moment.

6. When did the king learn about the beginning of the revolution?

According to historians, Nicholas II learned about the beginning of the revolution only on February 25 at about 18:00 from two sources: from General Khabalov and from Minister Protopopov. In his diary, Nikolai first wrote about the revolutionary events only on February 27 (the fourth day): “Unrest began in Petrograd several days ago; Unfortunately, troops also began to take part in them. It’s a disgusting feeling to be so far away and receive fragmentary bad news!”

7. Peasants' revolt, not soldiers' revolt

On February 27, a massive transition of soldiers to the side of the people began: in the morning 10,000 soldiers rebelled. By the evening next day there were already 127,000 rebel soldiers. And by March 1, almost the entire Petrograd garrison had gone over to the side of the striking workers. Government troops were melting away every minute. And this is not surprising, because the soldiers were yesterday’s peasant recruits, not ready to raise bayonets against their brothers. Therefore, it is more fair to consider this rebellion not a soldier’s, but a peasant’s. On February 28, the rebels arrested Khabalov and imprisoned him in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

8. The first soldier of the revolution

On the morning of February 27, 1917, senior sergeant major Timofey Kirpichnikov raised and armed the soldiers subordinate to him. Staff Captain Lashkevich was supposed to come to them to send, in accordance with Khabalov’s order, this unit to quell the unrest. But Kirpichnikov persuaded the platoon leaders, and the soldiers decided not to shoot at the demonstrators and killed Lashkevich. Kirpichnikov, as the first soldier to raise his weapon against the “tsarist system”, was awarded St. George's Cross. But punishment found its hero; on the orders of the monarchist Colonel Kutepov, he was shot in the ranks of the Volunteer Army.

9. Arson of the Police Department

The police department was a stronghold in the struggle of the tsarist regime against the revolutionary movement. Capture this law enforcement agency became one of the first targets of the revolutionaries. Director of the Police Department Vasiliev, foreseeing the danger of the events that had begun, ordered in advance that all documents with the addresses of police officers and secret agents be burned. Revolutionary leaders sought to be the first to get into the Department building, not only in order to take possession of all the data on criminals in the empire and solemnly burn them, but also to destroy in advance everything in their hands former government dirt on them. So, most of history sources revolutionary movement And tsarist police was destroyed during the February Revolution.

10. “Hunting season” for the police

During the days of the revolution, the rebels showed particular cruelty to police officers. Trying to escape, former servants of Themis changed clothes and hid in attics and basements. But they were still found and betrayed on the spot death penalty, sometimes with monstrous cruelty. Head of Petrogradsky security department General Globachev recalled: “The rebels scoured the whole city, looking for policemen and police officers, expressed great delight when they found new victim to quench their thirst for innocent blood, and there was no mockery, mockery, insults and torture that the animals did not try on their victims.”

11. Uprising in Moscow

Following Petrograd, Moscow also went on strike. On February 27 it was announced on state of siege, and all rallies are prohibited. But it was not possible to prevent the unrest. By March 2, train stations, arsenals and the Kremlin had already been captured. Representatives of the Committee created during the days of the revolution took power into their own hands. public organizations Moscow and the Moscow Council of Workers' Deputies.

12. “Three Powers” ​​in Kyiv

News of the change of power reached Kyiv on March 3. But unlike Petrograd and other cities of the Russian Empire, in Kyiv it was not dual power that was established, but triple power. In addition to the provincial and district commissars appointed by the Provisional Government and the newly formed local councils workers' and soldiers' deputies, a third force entered the political arena - the Central Rada, initiated by representatives of all parties participating in the revolution for coordination national movement. And immediately inside the Rada, a struggle began between supporters national independence and supporters autonomous republic in federation with Russia. Nevertheless, on March 9, the Ukrainian Central Rada declared its support for the Provisional Government headed by Prince Lvov.

13. Liberal conspiracy

Back in December 1916, the idea of ​​a palace coup had matured among liberals. The leader of the Octobrist party, Guchkov, together with cadet Nekrasov, were able to attract the future Minister of Foreign Affairs and Finance of the Provisional Government Tereshchenko, Chairman of the State Duma Rodzianko, General Alekseev and Colonel Krymov. They planned to intercept the emperor on his way from the capital to headquarters in Mogilev no later than April 1917 and force him to abdicate the throne in favor of the rightful heir. But the plan was implemented earlier, already on March 1, 1917.

14. Five centers of “revolutionary ferment”

The authorities knew not about one, but about several centers of the future revolution. The palace commandant, General Voeikov, at the end of 1916 named five centers of opposition autocratic power, as he put it, centers of “revolutionary ferment”: 1) the State Duma headed by M.V. Rodzianko; 2) Zemstvo Union led by Prince G.E. Lvov; 3) City Union headed by M.V. Chelnokov; 4) Central Military-Industrial Committee headed by A.I. Guchkov; 5) Headquarters headed by M.V. Alekseev. As shown further events, they all took a direct part in the coup d'etat.

15. Nikolai's last chance

Did Nicholas have a chance to retain power? Perhaps if he had listened to “fat Rodzianko.” In the afternoon of February 26, Nicholas II receives a telegram from State Duma Chairman Rodzianko, who reports anarchy in the capital: the government is paralyzed, food and fuel transport is in complete disorder, and there is indiscriminate shooting in the street. “It is necessary to immediately entrust a person with confidence to form a new government. You can't hesitate. Any delay is like death. I pray to God that this hour of responsibility does not fall on the Crown Bearer.” But Nikolai does not react, complaining only to the minister imperial court Fredericks: “Again this fat man Rodzianko has written to me all sorts of nonsense, to which I will not even answer him.”

16. Future Emperor Nicholas III

Back at the end of 1916, during negotiations between the conspirators, the main contender for the throne as a result palace coup considered Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Army at the beginning of the First World War. In the last pre-revolutionary months, he served as governor in the Caucasus. The proposal to occupy the throne was received by Nikolai Nikolaevich on January 1, 1917, but two days later the Grand Duke refused. During the February Revolution, he was in the south, where he received news of his appointment again as Supreme Commander-in-Chief, but upon his arrival at Headquarters in Mogilev on March 11, he was forced to abandon his post and resign.

17. The Tsar's Fatalism

Nicholas II knew about the conspiracies being prepared against him. In the fall of 1916, he was informed about this by the palace commandant Voeikov, in December by the Black Hundred member Tikhanovich-Savitsky, and in January 1917 by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Prince Golitsyn, and the aide-de-camp Mordvinov. Nicholas II was afraid to act openly against the liberal opposition during the war and completely entrusted his life and the life of the Empress to the “will of God.”

18. Nicholas II and Julius Caesar

If you believe personal diary Emperor Nicholas II, then throughout all days revolutionary events continued reading French book about the conquest of Gaul by Julius Caesar. Did Nicholas think that he would soon suffer the fate of Caesar - a palace coup?

19. Rodzianko tried to save the royal family

IN February days Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and her children were in Tsarskoye Selo. After Nicholas II left for Headquarters in Mogilev on February 22, all the royal children fell ill with measles one after another. The source of the infection, apparently, were young cadets - playmates of Tsarevich Alexei. On February 27, she writes to her husband about the revolution in the capital. Rodzianko, through the empress’s valet, urged her and her children to immediately leave the palace: “Leave anywhere, and as quickly as possible. The danger is very great. When the house is on fire and sick children are carried out.” The Empress replied: “We won’t go anywhere. Let them do what they want, but I won’t leave and I won’t destroy my children.” Due to the serious condition of the children (the temperature of Olga, Tatyana and Alexei reached 40 degrees) royal family could not leave her palace, so all those loyal to the autocracy were gathered there guards battalions. Only on March 9, “Colonel” Nikolai Romanov arrived in Tsarskoye Selo.

20. Betrayal of allies

Thanks to intelligence and the ambassador in Petrograd, Lord Buchanan, the British government had full information about a conspiracy being prepared in the capital of his main ally in the war with Germany. On the issue of power in the Russian Empire, the British crown decided to rely on the liberal opposition and, through its ambassador, even financed them. By promoting the revolution in Russia, the British leadership got rid of a competitor in the post-war issue of territorial acquisitions of the victorious countries.

When on February 27, deputies of the 4th State Duma formed a Provisional Committee headed by Rodzianko, which took over a short time full power in the country, it was the allied France and Great Britain that were the first to recognize the de facto new government - on March 1, the day before the abdication of the still legitimate king.

21. Unexpected renunciation

Contrary to popular belief, it was Nicholas, and not the Duma opposition, who initiated the abdication of Tsarevich Alexei. By decision of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, Guchkov and Shulgin went to Pskov with the aim of abdicating Nicholas II. The meeting took place in the carriage of the royal train, where Guchkov suggested that the emperor abdicate the throne in favor of little Alexei, with the appointment of Grand Duke Mikhail as regent. But Nicholas II declared that he was not ready to part with his son, so he decided to abdicate in favor of his brother. Taken by surprise by such a statement from the tsar, the Duma envoys even asked Nicholas for a quarter of an hour to confer and still accept the abdication. On the same day, Nicholas II wrote in his diary: “At one o’clock in the morning he left Pskov with heavy feeling experience. There is treason and cowardice and deceit all around!”

22. Isolation of the Emperor

A key role in the emperor’s decision to abdicate was played by the chief of staff, General Alekseev, and the commander Northern Front General Ruzsky. The sovereign was isolated from sources of objective information by his generals, who were participants in the conspiracy to carry out a palace coup. Most army commanders and corps commanders expressed their readiness to march with their troops to suppress the uprising in Petrograd. But this information was not communicated to the king. It is now known that in the event of the emperor’s refusal to relinquish power, the generals even considered the physical elimination of Nicholas II.

23. Loyal commanders

Only two military commanders remained loyal to Nicholas II - General Fyodor Keller, who commanded the 3rd Cavalry Corps, and the commander of the Guards Cavalry Corps, General Huseyn Khan Nakhichevansky. General Keller addressed his officers: “I received a dispatch about the abdication of the Sovereign and about some kind of Provisional Government. I, your old commander, who shared with you hardships, sorrows, and joys, do not believe that the Sovereign Emperor at such a moment could voluntarily abandon the army and Russia.” He, together with General Khan Nakhichivansky, offered the king to provide himself and his units to suppress the uprising. But it was already too late.

24. Lvov was appointed by decree of the abdicated emperor

The Provisional Government was formed on March 2 after an agreement between the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet. But new government even after the abdication, the consent of the emperor was required to appoint Prince Lvov at the head of the government. Nicholas II signed a decree to the Governing Senate on the appointment of Lvov as Chairman of the Council of Ministers, dated 2 o'clock in the afternoon on March 2, for the legitimacy of the document an hour earlier than the time set in the abdication.

25. Mikhail’s self-recusal on Kerensky’s initiative

On the morning of March 3, members of the newly formed Provisional Government arrived to Mikhail Romanov to decide on the issue of accepting the throne. But there was no unity among the deputation: Miliukov and Guchkov insisted on accepting the throne, Kerensky called for refusal. Kerensky was one of the most ardent opponents of the continuation of autocracy. After a personal conversation with Rodzianko and Lvov, the Grand Duke decided to renounce the throne. A day later, Mikhail issued a manifesto calling on everyone to submit to the authority of the Provisional Government until the convening of Constituent Assembly. Ex-Emperor Nikolai Romanov reacted to this news with the following entry in his diary: “God knows who advised him to sign such a nasty thing!” This was the end of the February Revolution.

26. The Church supported the Provisional Government

Dissatisfaction with the Romanov policies smoldered in Orthodox Church since Peter's reforms. After the first Russian revolution, discontent only intensified, since the Duma could now pass laws concerning church issues, including its budget. The Church sought to regain from the sovereign the rights lost two centuries ago and transfer them to the newly installed patriarch. During the days of the revolution Holy Synod did not take any active part in the struggle on either side. But the king's abdication was approved by the clergy. On March 4, the Chief Prosecutor of the Synod of Lvov proclaimed “freedom of the Church,” and on March 6, it was decided to serve a prayer service not for the reigning house, but for the new government.

27. Two anthems of the new state

Immediately after the start of the February Revolution, the question arose about a new Russian anthem. The poet Bryusov proposed to arrange All-Russian competition to choose new music and words of the anthem. But all the proposed options were rejected by the Provisional Government, which approved the “Workers' Marseillaise” as the national anthem with the words of the populist theorist Pyotr Lavrov. But the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies proclaimed the "International" as the anthem. Thus, dual power was preserved not only in government, but also in the issue of national anthem. Final decision the national anthem, like many other issues, had to be decided by the Constituent Assembly.

28. Symbols of the new government

Change state form rule is always accompanied by a revision of all state symbols. Following the anthem, which appeared spontaneously, the new government had to decide the fate of the double-headed imperial eagle. To solve the problem, a group of specialists in the field of heraldry was assembled, who decided to postpone this issue until the Constituent Assembly. It was temporarily decided to leave the double-headed eagle, but without any attributes of royal power and without St. George the Victorious on the chest.

29. Not only Lenin “slept through” the revolution

IN Soviet time They made sure to point out that only on March 2, 1917, Lenin learned that the revolution had won in Russia, and that instead of the tsarist ministers, there were 12 members of the State Duma in power. “Ilyich lost sleep from the moment the news of the revolution arrived,” Krupskaya recalled, “and at night the most incredible plans were made.” But besides Lenin, all other socialist leaders “slept through” the February Revolution: Martov, Plekhanov, Trotsky, Chernov and others who were abroad. Only the Menshevik Chkheidze, because of his duties as head of the corresponding faction in the State Duma, found himself in the capital at a critical moment and headed the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.

30. Non-existent February Revolution

Since 2015, in accordance with the new study concept national history and historical and cultural standard establishing uniform requirements To school textbooks in history, our children will no longer study the events of February-March 1917 as the February Revolution. According to new concept, now there is no division into February and October Revolution, and there is the Great Russian revolution, lasting from February to November 1917. The events of February-March are now officially called the “February Revolution,” and the October ones are called the “seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.”

The February Revolution of 1917 in Russia is still called the Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution. It is the second revolution (the first occurred in 1905, the third in October 1917). The February Revolution began the great turmoil in Russia, during which not only the Romanov dynasty fell and the Empire ceased to be a monarchy, but also the entire bourgeois-capitalist system, as a result of which the elite in Russia completely changed

Causes of the February Revolution

• Russia's unfortunate participation in the First World War, accompanied by defeats at the fronts and disorganization of life in the rear
• The inability of Emperor Nicholas II to rule Russia, which resulted in unsuccessful appointments of ministers and military leaders
• Corruption at all levels of government
• Economic difficulties
• Ideological disintegration of the masses, who stopped believing the tsar, the church, and local leaders
• Dissatisfaction with the tsar's policies by representatives of the big bourgeoisie and even his closest relatives

“...We have been living on the volcano for several days... There was no bread in Petrograd - transport was very bad due to the extraordinary snow, frosts and, most importantly, of course, because of the stress of the war... There were street riots... But this was, of course, not the case in bread... It was Last straw... The point was that in all this huge city it was impossible to find several hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities... And not even that... The fact is that the authorities did not sympathize with themselves... There was, in essence, not a single minister who believed in himself and in the fact that he does... The class of former rulers was coming to naught...”
(Vas. Shulgin “Days”)

Progress of the February Revolution

• February 21 - bread riots in Petrograd. Crowds destroyed bread stores
• February 23 - the beginning of a general strike of Petrograd workers. Mass demonstrations with slogans “Down with war!”, “Down with autocracy!”, “Bread!”
• February 24 - More than 200 thousand workers of 214 enterprises, students went on strike
• February 25 - 305 thousand people were already on strike, 421 factories stood idle. The workers were joined by office workers and artisans. The troops refused to disperse the protesting people
• February 26 - Continued unrest. Disintegration in the troops. Inability of the police to restore calm. Nicholas II
  postponed the start of State Duma meetings from February 26 to April 1, which was perceived as its dissolution
• February 27 - armed uprising. The reserve battalions of Volyn, Litovsky, and Preobrazhensky refused to obey their commanders and joined the people. In the afternoon, the Semenovsky regiment, the Izmailovsky regiment, and the reserve armored vehicle division rebelled. The Kronverk Arsenal, the Arsenal, the Main Post Office, the telegraph office, train stations, and bridges were occupied. The State Duma
  appointed a Provisional Committee “to restore order in St. Petersburg and to communicate with institutions and individuals.”
• On February 28, night, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.
• On February 28, the 180th Infantry Regiment, the Finnish Regiment, the sailors of the 2nd Baltic Fleet Crew and the cruiser Aurora rebelled. The insurgent people occupied all the stations of Petrograd
• March 1 - Kronstadt and Moscow rebelled, the tsar’s entourage offered him either the introduction of loyal army units into Petrograd, or the creation of the so-called “responsible ministries” - a government subordinate to the Duma, which meant turning the Emperor into the “English queen”.
• March 2, night - Nicholas II signed a manifesto on the granting of a responsible ministry, but it was too late. The public demanded abdication.

"Chief of staff Supreme Commander“General Alekseev requested by telegram all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts. These telegrams asked the commanders-in-chief for their opinion on the desirability, under the given circumstances, of the abdication of the sovereign emperor from the throne in favor of his son. By one o'clock in the afternoon on March 2, all the answers from the commanders-in-chief were received and concentrated in the hands of General Ruzsky. These answers were:
1) From Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich - Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Front.
2) From General Sakharov - the actual commander-in-chief of the Romanian Front (the commander in chief was the King of Romania, and Sakharov was his chief of staff).
3) From General Brusilov - Commander-in-Chief of the Southwestern Front.
4) From General Evert - Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front.
5) From Ruzsky himself - Commander-in-Chief of the Northern Front. All five commanders-in-chief of the fronts and General Alekseev (General Alekseev was the chief of staff under the Sovereign) spoke out in favor of the Sovereign Emperor’s abdication of the throne.” (Vas. Shulgin “Days”)

• On March 2, at about 3 p.m., Tsar Nicholas II decided to abdicate the throne in favor of his heir, Tsarevich Alexei under the regency of the younger sibling Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. During the day, the king decided to renounce his heir as well.
• March 4 - the Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich were published in newspapers.

“The man rushed towards us - Darlings!” he shouted and grabbed me by the hand. “Did you hear that?” There is no king! There is only Russia left.
He kissed everyone deeply and rushed to run further, sobbing and muttering something... It was already one in the morning, when Efremov usually slept soundly.
Suddenly, at this inopportune hour, a loud and short sound of the cathedral bell was heard. Then a second blow, a third.
The beats became more frequent, a tight ringing was already floating over the town, and soon the bells of all the surrounding churches joined it.
Lights were lit in all the houses. The streets were filled with people. The doors of many houses stood wide open. Strangers, crying, hugged each other. A solemn and jubilant cry of steam locomotives flew from the direction of the station (K. Paustovsky “Restless Youth”)