Revolutionary events of the early 20th century. In the 1900s There were several dozen large and small enterprises in the area, and the total number of workers was approximately 4,000 people. During the years of the first Russian revolution, workers acted as an active political force. After “Bloody Sunday” of 1905, unrest began among peasants and workers, cases of disobedience to authority, refusals to pay taxes, forest cuttings, and clashes with the police.
The most important events took place in Kuznetsovo, Kozlov, and Novo-Zavidovsky. The largest industrial enterprise was still the earthenware factory. After the strike of 1886, the factory administration managed to maintain “class peace” through a number of measures: the working day was slightly shortened, workers were provided with free medical care, children were taught for free in a factory school with a 4-year training period, and intensive construction of apartment buildings was carried out , in which apartments for multi-family families were provided, individual construction was encouraged, free distribution of dishes was practiced at Christmas and Easter, and an Orthodox church was built, although the Kuznetsovs themselves were Old Believers. After the construction of the church, Kuznetsovo turned into a village.
At the same time, working conditions remained difficult: adults worked from 5 to 20 hours with three breaks, minors - 7.5 hours. Free trade was not allowed in the village; goods were purchased by workers in a tavern shop. There was a system of fines. Working conditions remained unhealthy.
Child labor was used in the factory. This is the terrible picture painted by an eyewitness: “I remember how in one of the dark nooks near the grinding shop, living ghosts are sitting in dirty robes at a long table. These are children - workers, forming handles for cups and teapots. They are 10-12 years old. With thin hands they twist sausages out of clay, lay them into plaster forms and with all their strength they press on the plaster form with their stunted chest. They worked on an equal basis with adults, but received many times less for their non-childish labor. Melancholy and torment are expressed by these emaciated faces, covered with a layer of white deadly dust. These did not survive for long . And next to it is a grinding shop, where the parents of these children and older brothers work while they are young. Clouds of deadly dust floated in the air of this workshop. Such dust penetrated into the lungs, injured and infected them. As a result, an occupational disease, which was then called consumption (wasting people), and the workers of the grinding shop considered themselves suicide bombers"(January 3, 1997, November 2).
In 1903-1917 the manager of the factory was Sevastyanov, who organized a system of merciless terror. At the slightest suspicion, workers quit.
In the early 1900s. Illegal literature began to be distributed at the factory. A Marxist circle was formed headed by I.I. Galkin. Its active members were V. Pershin. I. Mozanov, Y. Migunov, M. Zimin, M. Ovchinkin, I. Porokov, A. Dubrovin. The meetings took place at Shirokov's apartment. Leaflets were distributed and reproduced on a hectograph. Porfiry Konakov also actively participated in the revolutionary work, in whose honor Kuznetsovo was later renamed.
On February 16, 1905, a strike began at the factory. If in 1886 the workers broke glass and looted shops and warehouses, now they behaved calmly and in an organized manner. On February 21, a factory inspector arrived and found that most of the demands were serious and justified and should be satisfied. The administration accepted some of the demands, but this did not reassure the workers. Soon the governor arrived with a detachment of mounted gendarmes. He ordered to start work under threat of dismissal. However, the strike continued.
On March 3, the governor announced the dismissal of all strike participants. The workers did not have the financial means to continue the struggle and were threatened with eviction. On March 11, the factory resumed work. The workers, however, achieved an increase in prices, a reduction in the working day by 1.5 hours, an increase in wages, the introduction of free trade in the village, and an increase in the hiring period. No one was brought to justice for participating in the strike, although strikes were prosecuted by law. However, the administration soon began to take back its concessions, and the workers were forced to go on strike again that same year.
For the first time, May 1 was celebrated at the Kuznetsov factory. The May Day event, organized by the Social Democratic circle, was illegal and took place in the forest. An agitator who came from Moscow spoke.
The workers obtained the management's consent to create a trade union. The authors of its charter, I. Shirkov and M. Abramov, were soon fired, but the trade union was still organized and operated for a year and a half. In August 1908 it dissolved under pressure from the administration.
The second most important enterprise in the region was a carpet factory with more than 400 workers. Workers there were in a better economic situation, receiving relatively high wages - up to 70 rubles per month. But even there people suffered from lack of rights and cruel exploitation. The factory charter stated: “No one can refuse work before the deadline, but the office has the right to refuse at any time.” Workers who do not show up before breakfast pay a fine of 50 kopecks, before lunch - 1 ruble, and for the whole day - 2 rubles in silver fine. For errors and defects on the goods, workers pay a fine based on the severity of the damage caused, as determined by the office." The charter provided for fines for disobedience and for smoking in workshops. The working day lasted from 6 to 20 hours, and the net working time was 12 hours. There was no medical care in the village. Only after 1907 a school was opened in it and two rooms were allocated for a hospital.
In the spring of 1904, a Social Democratic group was formed at the factory, the organizer of which was N. Rumyantsev, and it included Y. Zhironkov, E. Velov, V. Shuvalov. A. Fokin, I. Shcherbatov, teacher of the Kabanovskaya school M. Yakobson.
The Social Revolutionaries, led by the district hospital doctor V.K., enjoyed strong influence. Reno and paramedics V.I. and S.I. Popovs. Their group issued proclamations that were very successful. Doctor Yu. Lurie campaigned throughout the volosts, organizing meetings. Together, the Social Democrats and Socialist Revolutionaries organized secret meetings of workers. On June 24, 1905, using the patronal holiday, they organized a rally in which up to 1000 people participated. On October 19, an impressive demonstration was held. Workers carrying red flags and singing the Marseillaise marched through neighboring villages, organizing flying rallies.
During the December uprising, Kozlov workers created a combat group that waited for the signal to move. It was supposed to blow up the railway bridge over Shosha in order to prevent the transfer of troops from St. Petersburg to Moscow. On December 14, militants drove up to the bridge in two carts, but seeing that it was heavily guarded, they abandoned their intention.
In 1906, repression intensified. Three members of the Social Democratic group were arrested, Reno and his assistants, the Popov sisters, were exiled. The Socialist Revolutionary group actually disintegrated. Consumer cooperation became the center of political work. The board of the cooperative included a member of the Social Democratic group, I. Shcherbakov. Sometimes workers' meetings were held secretly.
In 1907, there was another strike at the Kozlov factory. The organized struggle lasted more than two months. The owner made concessions, but the leaders were arrested.
Strikes and May Day protests also occurred at other enterprises. At Popov's Zavidovo factory, workers demanded a 6 percent increase in wages and a reduction in working hours, and achieved this. In February 1906, there was another economic strike at the factory. Kozlov workers supported their comrades by sending them 24 pounds of grain. This time the strike ended in defeat: after two weeks of struggle they had to work under the same conditions. Many workers received their pay.
These events had an impact on the village. At their meetings, peasants made decisions to refuse to pay taxes and put forward demands for democratic changes. Such resolutions were adopted in the Danilovskaya and Fedorovskaya volosts. In the Nikolo-Sozinsky volost, a peasant gathering was dispersed by dragoons to prevent the peasants from removing the volost authorities.
The leading part of the intelligentsia also took part in the opposition movement. In Korchev there were several intellectuals who were called “reds”. Police authorities conducted surveillance of teachers, some of whom were involved in revolutionary agitation. Teacher E.R. participated in Reno’s circle. Arzhenitskaya. Moksha school teacher A.I. was accused of distributing proclamations. Goltsov. On December 16, in the village of Bortsyno, in the apartment of teachers, the Skobnikov sisters, a secret meeting of teachers took place to discuss the issue of organizing a trade union. Participants in the meeting were subjected to repression, although nothing illegal was discovered.
After the defeat of the revolution of 1905-1907. in some places revolutionary work was still carried out, strikes took place, in Kozlov a Social Democratic cell of 10-12 people worked, which maintained contact with the Tver Committee of the RSDLP.
In May 1908, an economic strike occurred at peat mining in Selikhovskaya volost; the main demand was an increase in wages. The strike lasted three days, all 200 workers received pay. In January 1911, workers of the Chirikovsky Crystal Factory went on strike. And this strike ended in defeat.
The First World War, which began in 1914, changed the life of the region in many ways. What did Korchevsky district represent by this time? On January 1, 1913, its population was 148.2 thousand people, including 2,513 residents of Korcheva. Thus, for 1861-1912. the city's population decreased from 3 to 2.5 thousand people. In Korchevo there were three churches, two gymnasiums, men's and women's, three schools, a library, a cinema, and 80 shopping establishments. Number of rural schools for 1895-1916. increased from 76 to 110, there were 13 public libraries and reading libraries. Health care has also improved somewhat. In 1895, there were three hospitals and 6 paramedic stations in the county. In 1914 there were 9 doctors and 13 paramedics, in 1916 there were already 13 doctors, including one woman. On the territory of the current region there were 318 settlements, 28 churches, many of which were destroyed after the revolution.
The village of Kuznetsovo consisted of three streets: Povaya Sloboda, Staraya Sloboda and Ligovka, and several small streets and alleys, located on both banks of the Donkhovka River. A pine forest adjoined Novaya Sloboda from the west. Before the revolution, in Kuznetsovo there were 325 private and 25 factory houses, two taverns, a pub, two bakeries, four shoemakers, two tailor shops, two hairdressers and a photograph of “Uncle Misha” (M. Shevyakov).
Most of the residents were workers and employees of the earthenware factory. Employees received higher wages and enjoyed privileges. During the war, women and teenagers predominated among the workers, and there were evacuees who were given the most difficult and harmful work. The Old Believers enjoyed a special place: the owners brought their fellow believers here, placing them in a privileged position. In 1915, an Old Believer church was built.
After the country recovered from the revolutionary upheavals, the Kuznetsov case continued to develop. In 1907-1912. New buildings for the earthenware factory were erected. In 1910, electric lighting appeared in the workshops instead of the previous kerosene lighting.
In 1913, the factory produced 17 million products. She produced various products, adapting to market conditions, from simple burners to tableware and items for the iconostasis.
With the beginning of the war, many men were taken to the front. Nevertheless, in June-July 1915, a new major strike occurred, which lasted 27 days. It was caused by the fact that the owner did not comply with the requirements adopted in 1905 and the situation of the workers worsened. They sought a 25% increase in wages and the dismissal of the same Sevastyanov. The strike was partly political in nature: its participants demanded freedom of assembly. They were led by an activist led by factory employee K.M. Sergeev, a former Moscow student. The strike was defeated, but some of the workers' demands were met. Wages were slightly increased, prices in the factory store were lowered, and prices for sharpening work were changed.
In the same year, there was a strike at the Yakunchikova peat mine near the Redkino station. One hundred people took part in it. Workers demanded higher wages. And this strike was defeated: 52 people were fired.
The owner of the Kuznetsov factory encouraged cultural and educational work that distracted workers from politics. In 1902, the Temperance Society, on the initiative of local teachers, opened a people's house in the building of a tavern, which was located on the site of the Svetlana store on the street. Sloboda. It had a tea room “without strong drinks” and a hall where public readings were held, plays were staged, and a church choir performed with its repertoire. In 1904 the house burned down. Teacher L.I. Muravyov and P.K. Nekrasov continued educational work at the public school. They organized literary evenings with “hazy pictures” for the workers: a cultural and educational circle was formed.
In 1908 M.S. Kuznetsov supported the creation of a circle of lovers of dramatic art, which was allocated premises and funds; the workers themselves equipped a stage and a hall with 450 seats. Plays by Russian classics were staged. The circle also performed in neighboring villages. At first it was led by the deputy chief accountant of the factory Tulupov, then Kuznetsov’s grandson M.P. was invited. Kuznetsov, which facilitated the circle’s relations with the authorities. Up to 60 people took part in the work of the circle.
In 1913 L.N. Poturaev built and opened a cinema; the fire brigade's brass band played during intermissions.
With the exception of 1905-1906, the district lived a quiet, measured life. Crime was relatively low. Thus, in 1900, there were only 7 murders and three suicides in the county. Only after the revolution of 1905 did crime increase slightly, but even then its level had no comparison with the modern one: in 1890, 560 crimes were committed in the province, in 1917 - 917, in 1927 - 5048, and in 1998 In the Tver region, about 30 thousand crimes were committed; in 6 months of 1998, 21 people were killed in the Konakovo region. Let us note, however, that in pre-revolutionary life, many violent crimes, especially those directed against women and children, were not condemned by public opinion and did not reach the judicial authorities.
The year 1917 arrived. The news of the overthrow of the old regime, as elsewhere in Russia, caused general euphoria. The poet Spiridon Drozhzhin wrote: “In February 1917, on the way to Gorodnya, passing the settlements of Sloboda and Melkovo, I met peasants with smiles on their faces, saw red flags on the huts, and when I arrived in the village, I saw that in the volost administration they had been torn down and thrown floor royal portraits."
Soon after the victory of the February Revolution, a body of the Provisional Government was formed in Korchev - the district temporary committee. It included representatives from volosts, townspeople, representatives of military units, townspeople, cooperatives, peasant deputies and workers - about 600 people in total. Police, investigative, agitation and other commissions were created.
On March 5, a temporary revolutionary committee was formed at the Kuznetsov factory. Its chairman was employee D.M. Serov, members are caretaker A. Pchelkin and painting workshop worker A. Ovchinkin.
On March 8, a general meeting of residents of the village of Kuznetsovo was held, which elected a factory committee of 15 people, which took control of the factory’s activities. Sevastyanov, hated by the workers, disappeared after timekeeper I. Kalashnikov was exposed as his informant. The chemist Chernyshev became the manager of the factory. Workers' wages were increased. Soon they achieved the introduction of an 8-hour working day. Chernyshev, considering this measure unacceptable in wartime conditions, resigned from his position and N.I. became manager. Tulupov, who led the factory until 1924. A trade union and an insurance fund were created at the factory, and a workers' club was opened. A Red Guard detachment of 70 people was formed. Women were involved in public life, and a committee of women soldiers was formed.
In March, the Social Democratic circle at the Kuznetsov factory openly appeared in the political arena, organizing rallies, meetings, and conversations on current topics. On April 17, a Social Democratic organization was formed at the factory, whose leaders were K.M. Sergeev, G.F. Baryshnikov, M. Ilyutin, M. Ovchinkin. Sergeev became the chairman of the party committee, and Baryshnikov became the secretary. By the end of April the organization had 110 members. It was created as a united one, i.e. which included Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, but after the April Conference of the RSDLP(b) adopted the Bolshevik platform. As a result, some members left the organization and about 70 people remained in it.
On May 1, a demonstration and rally took place openly for the first time. The workers dragged the cadet speaker from the podium, who advocated the continuation of the war with Germany.
In April 1917, a factory was formed at the Chirikovsky plant. Its leader G.P. Ban Eev headed the Bolshevik organization, consisting of 70 people. And here a Red Guard detachment was formed. In September, the Bolsheviks became the decisive force in the district, gaining new members after the Kornilov rebellion. They successfully held elections to the newly created volost zemstvos. In Selikhovskaya volost, which included the village of Kuznetsovo, the entire Bolshevik list of 16 people entered the zemstvo assembly.
Extensive campaigning was carried out before the elections to the Constituent Assembly. According to the Bolshevik list, D.L. was nominated from the Tver Committee. Bulatov. He was born in 1889 in the village of Yuryevo-Devichye. In May 1917, Bulatov, having returned from Siberian exile, became a member of the presidium of the Korchev Provisional Executive Committee of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. In the elections, the Bolsheviks received a majority in the village of Kuznetsovo from 13 out of 16 volosts, including Selikhovskaya, Nikolo-Sozinskaya, Kudryavtsevskaya, Fedorovskaya.
The team of the Kuznetsov factory played a decisive role in the establishment of Soviet power in Korchevsky district. In November, a representative of the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee, Rozhkov, arrived in the village of Kuznetsovo. A general meeting of workers and peasants from nearby villages was held, at which Sergeev and Rozhkov spoke, speaking about the events in the capital. The meeting approved the transfer of power to the Soviets and elected a new Military Revolutionary Committee.
On November 10, the executive committee of the Korchevsky Council summoned the district commissioner Lapin to hand over the cases and, when he refused to comply, decided to “start accepting all the commissioner’s cases besides him, and in view of the possible refusal of treasury employees and others to recognize the power of the Soviets to lead the Red Guard to Korchsva to occupy government institutions ".
On the night of November 27-28, a Red Guard detachment led by Sergeev arrived in Korcheva and occupied the post office, telegraph office and administrative offices. Power passed into the hands of a temporary executive committee. On December 10, a meeting of the Korchevsky Council was held, which elected the district executive committee and appointed Bulatov as commissar. The police passed into the hands of the council. Lapin's seal and appropriation forms were confiscated.
On December 20, the District Executive Committee sent the following dispatch to Tver: “I ask you to urgently make an order to close the loan to the former commissar of the Provisional Government and immediately open it to the commissar of the Soviets. All measures have been taken, a commissar has been sent to the treasury, the Red Guard is being organized in the volosts. Send weapons.” A Red Guard post was established in the treasury premises, and the new government gained access to finances.
On December 27, the district congress of Soviets took place. Soviet power was finally approved, the actions of the PEC were approved, and the post of commissioner was approved. They decided to remove the zemstvo government from administration and take over its functions and organize a people's court.
The zemstvo government, not wanting to give up its powers, addressed the population with an appeal, which stated that it was the first people's government, consisting of peasants, democratically elected, that an encroachment on the zemstvo government and on the zemstvo vowels was “an attack on the will and rights the entire population," and called on the people for support.
However, apart from a handful of intellectuals, there was no one to support the democratically elected governing bodies. For the peasant masses, seizing the landowner's land on the basis of the Bolshevik decree was more important than democratic principles.
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Home > Abstract >Historical figures
Historical events in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century
From the blood shed in battles,
From dust, turned to dust,
From the torment of executed generations,
From souls baptized in blood,
Out of hateful love
From crimes, frenzy
A righteous Rus' will arise.
I'm just praying for her...
M. Voloshin
Historical events in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century are contradictory and ambiguous. Class confrontation gave rise to civil war. Unlike ordinary wars, a civil war has no clear boundaries - neither temporal nor spatial. In a civil war, class interests always come to the fore, pushing aside everything else. The civil war in Soviet Russia is more complex than a class confrontation. Universal human values such as mercy, tolerance, humanism, morality are relegated to the background, giving way to the principle “He who is not with us is against us.” The Civil War is the greatest tragedy in the history of our country. This struggle took the most extreme forms, bringing with it mutual cruelty, terror, and irreconcilable anger. The denial of the past of the world often turned into a denial of the entire past and resulted in the tragedy of those people who defended their ideals. From the second half of 1918 to 1920, war became the main content of the country's life. The Bolsheviks defended the gains of the October Revolution. Their opponents pursued a variety of goals - from a “united and indivisible” monarchical Russia to Soviet Russia, but without communists. The escalation of the civil war was facilitated by the intervention of the Entente. The intervention sharply activated the forces of internal counter-revolution. A wave of riots swept across Russia. The army of Ataman Krasnov was formed on the Don, and the Volunteer Army of A.I. Denikin was formed in the Kuban. From the front-line diary of Lieutenant Nikolsky V.B. January 11, 1919: “... The Allies do not need Russia - they need its wealth. The Allies recognize any strong power on our lands - trade and profit are important to them. What do they care about us? They are their own received: Russia is weakened, deprived of weight in world affairs...” By the end of 1918, the civil war flared up with extraordinary force. Under what slogans did the Reds and Whites fight? On one side of the “ring of fire” - “Long live the world revolution!”, “Death to world capital!”; on the other - “We will die for the Motherland!”, “Better death than the death of Russia!” The white camp was extremely heterogeneous. There were monarchists and liberal republicans, supporters of the Constituent Assembly and supporters of the military dictatorship. All of them were united by the desire to prevent the split of Russia. A significant part of the intelligentsia found itself in the ranks of the white movement. Despite all the diversity of the white movement, its supporters were united by hatred of the communists, who, in their opinion, wanted to destroy Russia, its statehood and culture.
Due to political differences, the whites had no generally accepted leader. Russia's leading political figures either emigrated, did not find a common language with the officers, or immediately left the political arena. The main weakness of the whites was not in the military, but in the political field. One of the founders of the white movement was Russian general Anton Ivanovich Denikin. A.I. Denikin is an officer, and first of all, a man who infinitely loved his Motherland, his people. He managed to go through a difficult path from a simple soldier to a Russian general.
This work is of a historical nature. It is based on the memoirs of Denikin, and also reflects the official point of view and a modern view of the historical events of the early twentieth century.
By the beginning of the twentieth century, a difficult political situation had developed in Russia. In the Far East, diplomatic negotiations were underway between Russia and Japan for the division of influence in Korea. Japan did not agree to concessions and actually captured Korea. On February 6, 1903, the Japanese captured ships of the Russian Voluntary Fleet (commercial) in eastern waters, and on the night of 8–9, Admiral Tew's fleet attacked the Russian squadron in Port Arthur without declaring war. In this war, Japan found support in the USA and England. China has also taken hostile positions towards Russia. Russia was not prepared for this war either politically or militarily. By the beginning of 1904, in the Far East there were only 108 battalions, 66 cavalry hundreds, 208 guns, that is, about one hundred thousand officers and soldiers. Russia underestimated Japan's military strength. It was believed that 253 thousand Japanese soldiers would take part in hostilities, but in fact 1.185 thousand people. The Japanese troops were well prepared (excellent weapons and organization). By 1904, in the waters of the Far East, the armored squadron of the Russian fleet was equivalent to the Japanese one, but consisted of ships of different systems, some of which were inferior to the Japanese in both quantity and quality. The Japanese war was not popular among the Russian people and society. The army went to war without any enthusiasm, fulfilling only its duty. On September 5, 1905, a truce was concluded in Portsmouth. According to the peace treaty, Russia lost its rights to Kwantun and Southern Manchuria, abandoned the southern branch of the railway to Kuachendzi station and gave the southern half of Sakhalin Island to the Japanese. But at the same time, according to A.I. Denikin, Russia was not defeated in this war. The army could have fought further. But... St. Petersburg is “tired” of the war more than the army. In addition, terrorist attacks, agrarian unrest, unrest and strikes became more frequent, which led to the conclusion of a premature peace. On October 30, a manifesto was published that gave Russia a constitution. The manifesto, published under the influence of popular unrest, instead of calming it, caused new unrest. The socialist parties in their appeals proceeded from one negative premise: “Down!” Down with the “autocratic government devoid of trust,” down with the local authorities installed by it, down with the military commanders, “all power to the people!” This propaganda was successful among the masses. The officers for the most part did not succumb to revolutionary propaganda. There were riots among demobilized reserve soldiers. But they were not interested in political and social issues. Their cry was: “Home!” Also, among the masses of Russia there was not sufficiently favorable soil for a revolution of a political nature. From 1902 to 1907, the village tried to solve the agrarian problem by arson and looting of landowners' estates, and the seizure of their lands. The main forces of the revolutionaries were aimed at disintegrating the army, in particular the soldiers. At the end of 1905 - beginning of 1906, a number of military, sometimes bloody, riots arose, especially in the fleet: Sveaborg, Kronstadt, Sevastopol, a riot on the battleship "Prince Potemkin Tauride", which escaped to the Romanian port. Riots are sporadic, unorganized and suppressed by law-abiding units. The most serious uprising took place in Moscow. It began with the performance of the second Rostov Grenadier Regiment, which ended peacefully two days later. The remaining troops of the garrison remained in an uncertain mood. On December 20, the "Council of Workers' Deputies" declared a general strike and called on the population to revolt. Barricades were erected in the streets, and secretly stored weapons were distributed to workers. Reinforcements were sent from St. Petersburg to Moscow: the Semenovsky Guards Regiment and the Ladonezh Regiment from the Warsaw District. These units, with the help of artillery, began to fight the rebels. On the ninth day the uprising was suppressed. The first peals of revolutionary thunder caused prostration of the authorities, the absence of decisive measures and direct instructions to the localities. The command staff was confused. Secret officer societies were organized for self-defense. “We will stop at nothing to restore and maintain order,” said the resolution of the officers’ meeting. Terror - caused retaliatory terror. The suppression of soldier riots by force continued. And at the same time, the authorities were concerned about improving the financial situation of the army. At the beginning of 1906, the revolutionary movement began to decline. By April, the militant organizations of the Socialist Revolutionaries were defeated in Moscow and St. Petersburg. One of the main results of the revolution of 1905-1907 was a noticeable shift in the consciousness of the people. Patriarchal Russia was replaced by revolutionary Russia. The revolution was bourgeois-democratic in nature. She dealt a blow to the autocracy. Tsarism had to come to terms with the existence of elements of bourgeois democracy - the Duma and a multi-party system. Fundamental individual rights were recognized. But the contradictions that caused the revolution of 1905-1907 were only softened, they were not completely resolved.
By 1914, political relations in Central Europe had become strained, which subsequently led to the First World War. According to A.I. Denikin, the blame for the First World War lies entirely with the Central European powers. Austria-Hungary sought to establish itself in the Balkans, but Russia, which patronized the Balkan Slavs, interfered; the Germans sought to expand their borders. War was inevitable. On June 28, Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia. Germany, approving the Austria-Hungary attack on Serbia, will oppose Russia if the latter stands up for Serbia. France will side with Russia if it is attacked by Germany. But Russia was not ready for war and did not want it, and tried to prevent it. The Russian army remained helpless until 1910.
And only by 1914 the armed forces were restored (the technical and financial situation remained poor).
The law on the construction of the fleet was adopted in 1912. The Russian army had 108-124 weapons against 160 German ones, there was no heavy artillery and guns. Such backwardness could not be justified either by the state of finances or industry. On June 25, a “pre-mobilization period” was announced. Partial mobilization of four military districts of Kyiv, Kazan, Moscow and Odessa. On August 1, 1914, Germany declared war on Russia. August 3 - France. In Russia, the First World War was accepted as a patriotic war by all the people.
But if the top of the Russian intelligentsia were aware of the causes of the global fire that flared up (the struggle of states for Hegemony, for free routes, passages, for markets and colonies, a struggle in which Russia only played the role of self-defense), then the average Russian intelligentsia, including the officers , were satisfied only with reasons that were brighter, more accessible and understandable. The people rose to war obediently, but without inspiration and without awareness of the need for a great sacrifice. After the end of mobilization and concentration of Entente forces, the ratio of armed forces compared to the Central Powers was 10 to 6. But the Belgian army was weak, the Serbian army was poorly armed. Austria-Hungary was superior in artillery, and the German army was superior in technology and organization.
This balanced, if not outweighed, the difference. Russia's position was also complicated by huge distances and an insufficient number of railways (the transfer of troops and their concentration was difficult). The backward industry could not cope with wartime needs. On the Western European Front, opponents competed in courage and technology, and on the Eastern Front, especially in the first two years, they contrasted the murderous technology of the Germans with courage and... blood. By the spring of 1915, a crisis of weapons and military supplies had matured. Only in the spring of 1916 did heavy artillery appear and supplies of ammunition and shells were replenished. Spring of 1915 - heavy bloody battles, no cartridges, no shells. 1915 offensive of the Austro-German troops (until autumn). In 1915, the center of gravity of the world war moved to Russia. This was the most difficult year of the war. In October the Serbian army was defeated. From mid-November until the spring of 1916 there was complete calm at the front, the first rest since the start of the war.
Russia was the main theater of war. By 1916, the army was already full and supplied with weapons, cartridges, and shells.
The Russian command never refused to help its allies, while in 1915 it was left to its fate. It was a vanishing element of honor and chivalry, without which there could be no human society. 1915 - failures in the struggle of the Anglo-French with the Turks in the straits, in the Balkans, in Asia Minor. By March 1917, the Russian army, despite all its shortcomings, represented an impressive force with which the enemy had to be taken seriously. Thanks to the mobilization of industry and the activities of the military-industrial committee, military supplies reached previously unprecedented proportions. The supply of artillery and military material from the allies to Murmansk and Arkhangelsk increased. At the beginning of the year, the technical (engineering) troops were reorganized with the aim of significantly expanding them. The deployment of new infantry divisions began. The army was given an offensive directive. Its idea boiled down to breaking through enemy positions in prepared sectors of all fronts, to a broad offensive by large forces of the Southwestern Front. But the start of the offensive was postponed... Russia needed victory in the First World War. Defeat would bring disaster to the fatherland in all areas of its life: territorial losses, political decline, economic slavery of the country. The fatigue of the three-year war played a role in subsequent events in Russian history.
By the beginning of 1917, the political situation in the country had worsened. The extremely tense atmosphere of political struggle put forward a new means: a coup! But fate decreed otherwise. Before the expected coup, according to Albert Thom’s definition, “the sunniest, most festive, most bloodless Russian revolution began...” Preparations for the revolution, directly or indirectly, had been going on for a long time. The most diverse elements took part in it: the German government, which spared no expense on socialist and defeatist propaganda in Russia, especially among the Petrograd workers; socialist parties that organized their cells among workers and military units; the proto-popovsky (police) ministry, which provoked street protests in order to suppress it with armed force and thereby defuse the unbearably thick atmosphere. It was as if all the forces, with diametrically opposed motives, using different paths and means, were moving towards one final goal. But, nevertheless, the uprising broke out spontaneously, taking everyone by surprise. The first outbreaks began on February 23, when crowds of people clogged the streets, rallies gathered, and speakers called for a fight against the hated government.
This continued until 26, when the popular movement assumed enormous proportions and bloody clashes began with the police, who used machine guns. In the morning, the reserve battalions of the Lithuanian, Volyn, Preobrazhensky and Sapper Guards regiments went over to the side of the rebels (the real Guards regiments were on the Southwestern Front). The troops took to the streets without officers, merged with the crowd and accepted its psychology. An armed crowd, intoxicated by freedom, flowed through the streets, joining more and more crowds, sweeping away the barricades. Officers encountered were disarmed and sometimes killed. The armed people took possession of the arsenal of the Peter and Paul Fortress, the Crosses (prison). On this decisive day there were no leaders, there was only one element. In its formidable course there was no goal, no plan, no slogans. The only common expression was the cry: “Long live Liberty!” Someone had to master the movement. And this role was assumed by the State Duma. The center of the country's political life became the Duma, which, after its patriotic struggle against the government hated by the people, and after much fruitful work in the interests of the army, enjoyed widespread success throughout the country and the army.
Such an attitude towards the Duma then gave rise to the illusion of the “nationwide” Provisional Government created by it. Therefore, military units approached the Tauride Palace with music and banners, and according to all the rules of the old ritual, they welcomed the new government in the person of the Chairman of the State Duma Rodzianko. The unbridled bacchanalia, the sadism of power, which was used by the rulers appointed by Rasputin, by the beginning of 1917 led to the fact that there was not a single political party, not a single class on which the tsarist government could rely. At the same time, the village was destitute. A series of difficult mobilizations took away her working hands. The instability of prices and the lack of trade with the city led to the stoppage of the supply of grain, famine reigned in the city and repression in the countryside. Due to the huge rise in prices and insecurity, the service class was in poverty and grumbled. Public thought and the press were strangled. Military and general censorship were indomitable. It is therefore not surprising that Moscow and the provinces joined the coup almost without a fight. Outside Petrograd, where, with some exceptions, there was not that horror of bloody clashes and the outrage of an intoxicated crowd, the coup was greeted with great satisfaction and even jubilation. Casualties: 11,443 people killed and wounded in Petrograd, including 869 military officials. On March 2, the Provisional Committee of State Duma members announced the creation of the Provisional Government. On March 7, the Provisional Government decided to “recognize the abdicated Emperor Nicholas II and his wife as deprived of their liberty and deliver the abdicated emperor to Tsarskoe Selo.” The Provisional Government agreed to the departure of Nicholas II to England. But this was prevented by the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, under whose supervision the emperor began to be. On August 1, 1917, the royal family was sent to Tobolsk, and after the establishment of Soviet power in Siberia, the emperor and his family were transferred to Yekaterinburg, and there, subjected to incredible mockery of the mob, torment and death of himself and his family, he paid for all voluntary and involuntary sins against the Russian people (on the night of July 16-17, 1918). The February Revolution began in the context of the World War, which aggravated and deepened the existing problems and contradictions in the political, socio-economic, national and other spheres of life. The February Revolution was one of the searches for ways out of the crisis of bourgeois civilization. Its first result was the fall of the autocracy and the arrest of the tsarist government. The formation of the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet created a situation of dual power in the country. Generalization of the components of the forces of the revolution into two resultants - the Provisional Government and the Council - is permissible only in the first months of the revolution. Subsequently, a sharp stratification occurs among the ruling and leadership circles. A sharp line was drawn between the three main institutions: the Provisional Government, the Council (Central Executive Committee) and the Supreme Command. As a result of the government crisis caused by the Bolshevik uprising on July 3 - 5, the defeat at the front and the intransigent position taken by liberal democracy; The Council relieved the Socialist ministers of responsibility and gave Kerensky the right to single-handedly form the government. The composition of the third government included socialists who were either uninfluential or ignorant of the affairs of their department. The High Command took a negative position in relation to both the Council and the Government. The post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief at that time was held by General Kornilov. He sought to return power in the army to the military leaders and introduce military-judicial repression throughout the country that would be directed against the Soviets, especially their left sector. The Council and the Executive Committee demanded that the government change the Supreme Commander-in-Chief and destroy the Headquarters - the “counter-revolutionary nest”. Kerensky concentrated all government power in his hands. And he understood that only the measures proposed by Kornilov could still save the army, free the government from Soviet dependence and establish internal order in the country. But the adoption of these measures would cause a break with revolutionary democracy, which gave Kerensky position and power, and which served as his only support. The center of influence would move from socialist to liberal democracy, the collapse of social-revolutionary politics and the loss of predominant influence on the course of events. The relationship between Kerensky and Kornilov was also affected by personal antipathy and they became irreconcilable enemies. The split was not limited to the heights of power: it went deeper and wider, affecting its organs with impotence.
The triumvirate "independently resolved all the most important issues outside the government, and sometimes did not even report their decisions to the latter." Savinkov's War Ministry aroused the sympathy of the liberal, the socialist opposition and the irritation of the Triumvirate. Savinkov, having broken with the party and the Soviets, strongly supported Kornilov’s measures. But Savinkov did not go all the way with Kornilov. He defended broad rights to military revolutionary institutions (commissars and committees). He hoped that after coming to power, “faithful” people could be appointed as commissars and the committees could be taken into their own hands. Savinkov went with Kornilov against Kerensky and with Kerensky against Kornilov, calling his goal the Salvation of Russia. Kornilov and Kerensky considered his goal to be his personal desire for power. There was also disorder among the people: the country's defense was falling, the productivity of the military industry fell by approximately 60%; In the second half of August, a general railway strike was brewing, cases of lynching and disobedience in the army became more frequent, provinces and cities broke administrative ties with the center. Interest in political issues waned, and social struggle flared up, taking on cruel, non-state forms. Against the background of this devastation, a new shock was approaching - the impending Bolshevik uprising. The country was faced with an alternative: without a fight, in a very short time, to fall under the rule of the Bolsheviks, or to put forward a force willing and able to enter into a decisive struggle with them. Kornilov did not have a specific political program. But by the autumn of 1917 (the collapse of the Russian public and the confusion of political trends) it seemed that only such a neutral force, given favorable conditions, could have a chance of success. Kornilov - soldier and commander. And a very proud man. He sought to cleanse power of non-state elements and carry out this power until the “expression of the people's will.” Kornilov could not accept the fact that “the future of the people is in weak, weak-willed hands,” that the army was disintegrating, and the country was going into the abyss. Kerensky was chained to the Soviets (the resolution of August 17 on the abolition of the death penalty), and Kornilov was supported by the bourgeoisie, liberal democracy and the “sea” of Russian inhabitants. Kornilov was not interested in political issues and the class struggle; he saw in dictatorship the only way out of the situation created by the spiritual and political prostration of power. Dictatorship came to the fore as a result of a painful search for the best and most painless solution to the crisis of power. But Kornilov did not set dictatorship as an end in itself, placing great importance on legal succession. Kornilov was removed from the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief, but he did not comply. There was a presentiment of something not good. Kornilov did not receive support from the “marshals”. The allies offered to act as mediators.
The Russian public suddenly “disappeared without a trace.” The officers could only provide moral support. Hopes were pinned on the armed forces of General Krymov, about the concentration of whose units nothing was known. In Petrograd at that time there were no troops loyal to the Provisional Government; complete collapse reigned there. And it was not difficult to take possession of Petrograd with insignificant forces. On August 29, Krymov’s troops were given the order to move the third cavalry corps to Petrograd. On the same day, Kerensky issued a decree expelling General Kornilov and his associates from office and transferring them to court “for rebellion.” There was languor, indecision and helplessness in Krymov’s troops. As a result of the loss of time, by the thirtieth Petrograd had only one brigade of Krymov’s Caucasian horsemen. On September 1, General Kornilov decided to submit to fate. General Krymov committed suicide. On September 1, all GHQ officials involved in the performance voluntarily submitted to arrest by General Alekseev, the chief of staff. Alekseev demanded from Kerensky a pardon for “the best Russian people and generals.” With the liquidation of Headquarters, the role of General Alekseev was over and he left. General Dukhonin was appointed in his place. The revolutionary term “Kornilovism” is a protest against the existing regime, against “Kerenism”. According to General Denikin, Kerensky's victory meant a Soviet victory. Kerensky finally alienated liberal circles and officers from himself and from the Provisional Government.
These phenomena created a storm of excitement in the upper political strata and in the army. The people in whose name power was built, fought, and overthrown were not stirred by Kornilov’s speech. The peasantry reacted indifferently to this speech. By October 2, the following were in prison: generals Kornilov, Denikin (ten people in total), three lieutenant colonels, three captains, a captain and others. These people were alien to politics, and were brought to prison for complicity or sympathy with the Kornilov movement. Romanovsky said: “Kornilovism” is love for the Motherland, the desire to save Russia." Kerensky won. In military terms, the army was left without leaders, and in the state - leaders without an army. The figure of Kerensky stood alone in the center. Revolutionary democracy in the person of the Petrograd Soviet demanded the transfer power into the hands of the “revolutionary proletariat and peasantry". The composition of the Presidium of the Council changed: the new one included Bolsheviks and left social revolutionaries. Bronstein (Trotsky) was elected Chairman. As a result of lengthy disputes, the government developed a program whose tasks were exactly the same as in " Kornilov program." The Petrograd Soviet, headed by Bronstein, responded to this, declaring: "The bourgeois government resign! "This struggle did not find any response among the masses. The people wanted bread and peace. And they did not believe that Kornilov or Kerensky, or Lenin could immediately give them bread and peace. Anarchy, riots, pogroms, lynchings reigned in the country. In the villages there was land was taken and divided long ago. Landowners' estates were burning down, breeding livestock were being slaughtered, and equipment was being torn down. There was a massive closure of industrial establishments, throwing hundreds of thousands of hungry, embittered people into the streets, ready-made cadres of the future Red Army. The external situation of Russia remained increasingly grave and humiliating. The Germans sent troops to Petrograd. They occupied the Moonzud archipelago. For the Germans, this opened the way to the Gulf of Riga, sea routes to Riga. The reasons for non-resistance to the reign of Bolshevism were: fatigue from war and unrest, general dissatisfaction with the existing situation, the slavish psychology of the masses, captivating slogans - “Power to the proletariat! Land for the peasants! Enterprises to workers! Instant peace! “Power was falling from the hands of the Provisional Government; in the entire country there was no force, except the Bolsheviks, that could lay claim to their grave heritage fully armed with real force. This fact in October 1917 pronounced a verdict on the country, the people, the revolution. The process of seizing power took place clearly and openly.
Congresses of Soviets and the Bolshevik press called for an uprising. When armed conflict began in the capital on October 25, there was no armed force on the government’s side. Only a few military and cadet schools entered the battle, and that was because they were aware of the Bolshevik danger. The remaining troops were on the side of the Soviets, they were joined by sailors and several naval vessels who arrived from Kronstadt. Once again, just like eight months ago, armed people and soldiers took to the streets of the capital, but without weapons and with uncertainty in their strength and the rightness of their cause, without anger against the overthrown regime. This was a great tragedy for the Russian people, according to Denikin. Confusion, contradictions, vulgarity with a dirty and bloody touch clothed the first steps of Bolshevism. The situation in the opposite camp was not much better: the attack on Petrograd by Krasnov’s troops, the flight of Kerensky, the dictatorship in Petrograd in the person of the peaceful man Dr. N. M. Kishkin, the paralysis of the headquarters of the Petrograd district. Gatchina became the only center of active struggle against the Bolsheviks. Everyone gathered there (Kerensky, Krasnov, Savinkov, Chernov, Stankevich and others). It all ended on November 1 with the flight of Kerensky and the conclusion of a truce between General Krasnov and sailor Dybenko. The only elements to whom one could turn for help to save the state were the “Kornilov rebels.” Headquarters, depersonalized by the long months of the Keren regime, having missed the time when organization and accumulation of forces were still possible, cannot become the moral organizing center of the struggle. The first days of Bolshevism in the country and in the army: Finland and Ukraine declared their sovereignty, Estonia, Crimea, Bessarabia, Transcaucasia, Siberia declared their autonomy. The Soviets issued decrees: “A truce on all fronts and peace negotiations,” on the transfer of land to volost land committees, control workers in factories, on “the equality and sovereignty of the peoples of Russia,” on the abolition of courts and laws. The Germans withdrew their troops from east to west.
Revolutions, like any phenomenon in the world, are contradictory.
The main contradiction of this revolution lies in the discrepancy between its ideals, goals, and slogans and the historical possibility of their implementation. The people who carried it out were guided by lofty ideals and the purest motives; otherwise, the revolution would never have acquired a nationwide character. Its enduring significance lies in the fact that it inspired tens of millions of previously powerless oppressed people to active creative activity.
On November 19, General Dukhonin released General Kornilov and his supporters from custody. The generals gathered on the Don, in Novocherkassk: Kornilov, Denikin, Alekseev, Romanovsky and Colonel Lebedev. Officers, cadets, cadets, soldiers, alone and in whole groups, marched to the Don. The Volunteer Army was formed on the Don. Goals of the Volunteer Army:
1. The creation of an organized military force that could be opposed to the impending anarchy and the German-Bolshevik invasion. The volunteer movement must be universal.
2. The main goal is to resist an armed attack on the South and South-East of Russia.
3. The army is the active force that will enable Russian citizens to carry out the work of state building of a Free Russia. It must stand guard over civil freedom when the owner of the Russian land is its people, and reveal its sovereign will through the Constituent Assembly. This appeal was responded to by officers, cadets, students and very few “urban and zemstvo” Russian people. The “national militia” did not work out. The army acquired a class character. Under such conditions, the Volunteer Army could not fulfill its tasks on an all-Russian scale. The army was replenished on a volunteer basis. Each volunteer signed a subscription to serve for four months and unquestioningly obey the command.
The volunteers were alien to politics, loyal to the idea of saving the country, brave in battle and loyal to Kornilov. In the village of Olginskaya, Kornilov reorganized the army. The new army included:
1. First officer regiment (under the command of General Markov).
2. Junker battalion (General Borovsky).
3. Kornilovsky shock regiment (Colonel Nezhentsev).
4. Partisan regiment (General Bogaevsky).
5. Artillery division (Colonel Ikishev).
6. Czechoslovakian engineering battalion (Captain Nemetchik).
7. Horse units. .
At the military council it was decided to go on a campaign.
The first Kuban campaign ("Ice") - Anabasikh. The Volunteer Army set out on February 9 and returned on April 30, 1918, having spent 80 days on the campaign. The Volunteer Army covered 1,050 versts along the main route. Out of 80 days, 44 days were fought. It left with 4 thousand people, returned with 5 thousand, replenished with Kuban people. She started the campaign with 600-700 shells, having 150-200 rounds per person; returned with the same thing: all supplies for the war were obtained at the cost of blood. In the Kuban steppes she left the graves of the leader and up to 400 commanders and warriors; took out more than 1.5 thousand wounded, many of them remained in service, many were wounded several times.
The death of the leader dealt the final blow to the morally and physically tired army, plunging it into despair. Kornilov was a man who loved Russia more than himself and could not bear its shame.
“In the days of great upheaval, when recent slaves bowed before the new rulers, he told them proudly and boldly: “Go away, you are destroying the Russian land. “He deeply and painfully loved the people who betrayed him, crucified him. Without sparing his life, with a handful of troops devoted to him, he began the fight against the elemental madness that gripped the country, and fell defeated, but betrayed his duty to the Motherland. Years will pass, and "Thousands of people will flock to the high bank of the Kuban to worship the ashes of the martyr and creator of the idea of the revival of Russia. His executioners will come. And he will forgive the executioners..." Anton Ivanovich Denikin was appointed commander of the Volunteer Army. In memory of the First Kuban Campaign, a sign was erected: a sword in a crown of thorns. From Romania, new fighters, kindred in spirit, came to the aid of the Volunteer Army. In June 1918, the Second Kuban Campaign of the Volunteer Army began. In the summer of 1918, the White Army conquered part of the North Caucasus (Kuban). The size of the army with the Kuban Cossacks was 35 thousand bayonets and sabers. The backbone of the army of the formation under the command of General Kutapov. This division is made up of the “famous” regiments: Alekseevsky, Kornilovsky, Markovsky and Drozdovsky. Since the summer of 1919, the center of the white movement again moved south, to where Denikin established himself throughout the North Caucasus. In June 1919, the Volunteer Army began its offensive against Moscow.
In the campaign against Moscow, the army operates in the main strategic direction: Kursk-Orel-Tula-Moscow. Denikin gave the order to march on Moscow in Tsaritsyn on June 19, 1919. The armies of the Supreme Ruler of Russia, Admiral Kolchak, are already retreating to the Urals. “Moscow” directive: “The armed forces of the South of Russia, having defeated the enemy armies, captured Tsaritsyn, cleared the Don region, Crimea and a significant part of the provinces: Voronezh, Yekaterinoslav and Kharkov. With the ultimate goal of capturing the heart of Russia, Moscow, I order:
1. General Wrangel... to continue the attack on Penza, Ruzaevka, Arzamas and further Nizhny Novgorod, Vladimir and Moscow...
2. General Sidorin... go to the Kamyshin-Bolashov front.
The rest of the units should develop an attack on Moscow.
3. General May-Maevsky to attack Moscow in the directions of Kursk, Orel, Tula...
Tsaritsyn, June 20, 1919, Lieutenant General Denikin, Chief of Staff, Lieutenant General Romanovsky. ".
This directive was simultaneously a death sentence for the armies of Southern Russia. All principles of strategy were forgotten. Each corps was simply given a route to Moscow. The armed forces of Southern Russia launched a campaign against Moscow, when the fate of the Eastern Front was decided, Admiral Kolchak was retreating. This inconsistency lies in all the underestimation of the Red Army, all the arrogance and contempt of the white generals. The Volunteer Army stretched across a vast front.
There were no reserves, the units were exhausted. After the failure of the campaign against Moscow, eight months before the final collapse of the white movement, a meeting of generals in Sevastopol named General Wrangel as the new Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Southern Russia. Their struggle lasted eight months. Fate scattered those few who survived it around the world: some in the ranks of regiments that found shelter in the Slavic lands, others behind the barbed wire of prison camps erected by recent allies, others - hungry and homeless - in dirty dosshouses in the cities of old and new. Sveta. Everyone is in a foreign land, everyone is “without a homeland.” "... When peace reigns over our poor country, and all-healing time turns the bloody reality into the distant past, the Russian people will remember those who were the first to rise to defend Russia from the red scourge..."
White Army. Alekseev, Kolchak, Kornilov, Denikin, Wrangel... Red Army. Trotsky, Frunze, Tukhachevsky, Budyonny, Dumanenko... Two armies of one people. Those who went white seemed to be declaring: “I am against the freedom and happiness of the people.”
After all, Lenin and the Bolsheviks proclaimed peace, freedom and happiness of the people as their goal. This placed the white army in the category of the indigenous enemies of the working people. But the Whites declared the Reds to be traitors who had betrayed the Fatherland to the Germans (Peace of Brest-Litovsk).
Two armies of the same people came together in battle - there was no mercy for anyone. Not our own against our own, but two different worlds - one cannot get along with the other. Two peoples within one people, but incompatible.
Same language, same faces, but completely alien. They engaged in mortal combat. Reds. White. Reconciliation between these worlds (but parts of the whole) was impossible; each one owned some part of the common truth, but together they could not unite. The years of the Civil War appear in a new way. It was then that the Russian future, the real, undistorted development of Russia was ruined, lost. She would always find the strength to overcome any internal discord and misfortune, for her spiritual strength had not yet been undermined. Leninism undermined not only the physical, but above all the spiritual and mental strength of the people. The tragedy of the white movement is that it became mixed up with everything that represented the old life. This wave, which was supposed to bring renewal and revival of Russia, turned out to be captured by what Russia flatly refused. This old thing has sunk to the bottom what is truly worthy, for which the best people of Russia have fought for centuries. White witnesses to the Civil War almost all agreed on one thing: “Were we so viable that, in the event of victory over the Bolsheviks, we could create a new Russia? No, because those who claimed this historical role brought too many remnants of the old with them to the South...” White the army was expected: an impressive, seemingly decisive, success, then a crushing defeat, disorderly flight, collapse and, finally, resettlement into the irrevocable past, or, to be precise, non-existence. Together with the White Army, the colors of the Russian patriotic intelligentsia also departed: they went beyond the cordon. The civil war gave rise to such mutual cruelty, such perverted deceit and such indifference to life, which in Rus' had long been read about only in novels and historical chronicles. Tragic figures of Russian history, or rather the Time of Troubles: Kornilov, Kolchak, Alekseev, Wrangel, Denikin, Markov, Drozdovsky... Fate granted a rather long life to one of the central figures of the Civil War, A. I. Denikin. He will live it mainly in France. There, in France, during the Second World War, he flatly refused to have any dealings with the Nazis. And everyone was waiting for the Red Army to turn its bayonets against the Politburo, the Central Committee and the “great” Stalin. After all, Russian people serve in the army. He especially believed in the uprising of the army against the Bolsheviks and commissars after the defeat of the Germans in the Patriotic War, for the successful completion of which he fervently prayed... In his soul he did not part with his Motherland. Anton Ivonovich and his family will spend the last two years in the USA. They will be poisoned by heart disease.
A few minutes before his death, he will say: “I leave them (my loved ones) ... a name without stains ... Alas, I will not see Russia saved ... " Denikin is buried in the Russian cemetery of St. Vladimir in New Jersey (USA) . Denikin said: “My dreams are to bring Russia to the point where it can make some kind of expression of will. This will determine its future fate and form of government. And then I dream of resigning...” During the entire existence of Soviet power, there was no Nothing like Denikin’s confessions has been written. They are infinitely honest, like confession before God. “Great upheavals do not pass without defeating the moral character of the people...” A wise remark. And it fits in with our days. “From blood, dirt, spiritual and physical poverty, the Russian people will rise in strength and intelligence...” (A.I. Denikin. 1921 Brussels).
REFERENCES
1. Yu. P. Vlasov. "Fiery Cross". M.: Publishing group "Progress". "Culture". 1993.
Early XIX century The revolutionary innovation of European governance responded to Russia. ... public administration and historical the situation as a whole... As it develops events it became obvious that... the seas. IN 20 - 19th years century Persia (Iran) ...
Development of culture in Russia at the end of 19 beginning 20 century
Abstract >> Culture and artAssociated with the manifestation in beginning 20 century works on history... historical knowledge. At the turn of 19- 20 centuries... Bely and others) began 20 V. symbolism in Russia. Turned into an independent literary... 1898 In 1900 Event production has become a part of theatrical life...
The first years of the formation of Soviet power were extremely difficult. Devastation reigned in the country, supporters of the previous regime did not calm down, former allies in the First World War became enemies and threatened to destroy the nascent state. It was in such difficult conditions that Soviet diplomats, sent to all favorably disposed countries, managed to tip the scales in their favor.
Germany, drained of blood by the war, was the first to respond to calls for peace and cooperation. Following her, France, Italy, England and the United States were forced to recognize the regime change in Russia. The United States refused to recognize the USSR until 1933-1934, which introduced very significant dissonance into international relations and interfered with the work of many government bodies of both countries.
Establishing connections with political opponents was a matter of extreme importance, since both in Soviet Russia and in capitalist America, England and other countries, they were well aware that it was simply impossible to leave behind such an important trade and military partner as Russia was at that time . Understanding all this led to the fact that by the end of the 30s of the last century, Russia was able to restore its influence on the world stage and thereby prepare the ground for the formation of a military alliance, which it needed in the light of the events that foreshadowed the Second World War.
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A Soviet-German temporary trade agreement was signed, in which Berlin recognized the RSFSR as de facto the only legitimate government of the Russian state. Similar agreements were soon concluded with Norway, Austria, Italy, Denmark and Czechoslovakia. |
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A conference on arms reduction was held in Moscow, in which representatives of Latvia took part. Poland, Estonia, Finland and the RSFSR |
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Diplomatic relations are established between Italy and the USSR and an Italian-Soviet treaty on trade and navigation is signed. |
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The USSR and the German Republic signed a non-aggression and neutrality treaty. |
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Autumn - winter 1929 - 1930. |
The party and state leadership is heading towards complete collectivization, towards the elimination of the kulaks as a class. |
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The VIII All-Union Congress of Soviets adopted a new Constitution of the USSR, which legislated the “victory of the socialist system” The Constitution declared: Equality of citizens of the USSR |
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Three major stages can be distinguished: |
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3) 1939 – 1941 |
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In Europe, allied relations with Germany, opposition to “democratic” countries; in the East - advance to China and activation in Afghanistan and Iran. |
Rapprochement with England, France and the USA; the desire to preserve the acquired spheres of influence in the East and avoid direct confrontation with Japan. |
Rapprochement with Germany and Japan, promoting the policies of the countries of the fascist “axis” (Germany, Italy, Japan) in the West and in the East. |
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Summer - autumn 1929 |
Conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway |
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On the Soviet-Manchurian border in the area of Lake Khasan (commander of the Soviet troops G.K. Zhukov), armed clashes occurred between units of the Red Army and the Japanese Kwantung Army. The reasons for these clashes were the growing tension between the two countries and the desire of each side to strengthen and improve their border line. |
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In November 1933 |
Establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and the USA |
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Admission of the USSR to the League of Nations |
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In 1936 - 1939. |
Civil War and German and Italian intervention in Spain |
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In March 1938 |
Accession of Germany and Austria |
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In September 1938 |
Munich Agreement |
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Moscow actively supported the idea of creating a collective security system |
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September 1938 |
The culmination of this course was the agreement in Munich |
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A non-aggression pact was signed with Germany |
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The beginning of World War II and Germany's preparation for an attack on the USSR |
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