Russia in conditions of a national crisis
The authority of the tsarist government was rapidly declining. To a large extent, this was facilitated by rumors about scandals at court, about Rasputin. Their credibility was confirmed by the so-called “ ministerial leapfrog”: in two years of war, four chairmen of the Council of Ministers and six ministers of internal affairs were replaced. The population in the Russian Empire did not have time not only to get acquainted with the political program, but also to see the face of the next prime minister or minister.
As the monarchist wrote V.V. Shulgin about Russian prime ministers, “Goremykin cannot be the head of government due to his callousness and old age.” In January 1916, Nicholas II appointed Stürmer, and V.V. Shulgin writes this: “The fact is that Stürmer is a small, insignificant person, and Russia is waging a world war. The fact is that all powers have mobilized their best forces, and we have a “Yuletide grandfather” as prime minister. And now the whole country is furious.”
Everyone felt the tragedy of the situation. Prices rose, and food shortages began in cities.
The war required enormous expenses. Budget expenditures in 1916 exceeded revenues by 76%. Taxes were sharply increased. The government also resorted to issuing internal loans and went for the mass issue of paper money without gold backing. This led to a fall in the value of the ruble, disruption of the entire financial system in the state, and an extraordinary increase in prices.
Food difficulties that arose as a result of the general collapse of the economy forced the tsarist government in 1916 to introduce forced grain requisitioning. But this attempt did not yield results, since the landowners sabotaged government decrees and hid the grain in order to later sell it at a high price. The peasants also did not want to sell bread for depreciated paper money.
Since the autumn of 1916, food supplies to Petrograd alone accounted for only half of its needs. Due to a lack of fuel in Petrograd, already in December 1916, the work of about 80 enterprises was stopped.
The food crisis that sharply worsened in the fall of 1916, the deterioration of the situation at the fronts, the fear that workers would demonstrate and “are about to burst into the streets,” the inability of the government to lead the country out of the deadlock - all this led to the question of the removal of Prime Minister Stürmer. .
Octobrist leader A.I. Guchkov saw the only way out of the situation in a palace coup. Together with a group of officers, he hatched plans for a dynastic coup (the abdication of Nicholas II in favor of an heir under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich).
Positions of the Cadet Party expressed by P.N. Miliukov, speaking in November 1916 in the IV State Duma with sharp criticism of the economic and military policies of the government, accusing the tsarina’s entourage of preparing a separate treaty with Germany and provocatively pushing the masses to revolutionary uprisings. He repeatedly repeated the question: “What is this - stupidity or treason?” And in response, the deputies shouted: “stupidity,” “treason,” accompanying the speaker’s speech with constant applause. This speech, of course, was prohibited for publication, but, reproduced illegally, it became famous at the front and in the rear.
The most imaginative description of the political situation in Russia on the eve of the impending national catastrophe was given by one of the cadet leaders V.I. Maklakov. He compared Russia to “a car speeding along a steep and narrow road. The driver cannot drive because he does not control the car at all on descents, or he is tired and no longer understands what he is doing.”
In January 1917, Nicholas II, under pressure from public opinion, removed Stürmer, replacing him with the liberal Prince Golitsyn. But this action could not change anything.
February 1917
1917 began in Petrograd with new workers' speeches. The total number of strikers in January 1917 was already more than 350 thousand. For the first time during the war, defense plants (Obukhovsky and Arsenal) went on strike. Since mid-February, revolutionary actions have not stopped: strikes were replaced by rallies, rallies by demonstrations.
On February 9, Chairman of the IV State Duma M.V. Rodzianko arrived in Tsarskoye Selo with a report on the situation in the country. “The revolution will sweep you away,” he told Nicholas II. “Well, God willing,” was the emperor’s answer. “God doesn’t give anything, you and your government have ruined everything, revolution is inevitable,” stated M.V. Rodzianko.
Two weeks later, on February 23, unrest began in Petrograd, on February 25, the strike in Petrograd became general, soldiers began to go over to the side of the demonstrators, and on February 26-27, the autocracy no longer controlled the situation in the capital.
As V.V. wrote Shulgin, “in the entire huge city it was impossible to find a hundred people who would sympathize with the authorities.”
On February 27 - 28, the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was formed. (Chrestomathy T7 No. 13) It was composed of socialists, the majority - Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. The Menshevik N.S. became the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Council. Chkheidze, and his deputies - A.F. Kerensky, one of the most radical speakers of the IV Duma, and M.I. Skobelev.
Almost simultaneously with the formation of the Council, the State Duma, at an unofficial meeting (on February 26, it was dissolved by decree of the Tsar for two months), created a “Temporary Committee for restoring order and for relations with persons and institutions” as the governing body of the country.
The two authorities, born of the revolution, were on the verge of conflict, but, in the name of maintaining unity in the fight against tsarism, they made a mutual compromise. With the sanction of the Executive Committee of the Council, the Duma Provisional Committee formed the Provisional Government on March 1.
The Bolsheviks demanded that a government be formed only from representatives of the parties included in the council. But the Executive Committee rejected this proposal. The Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries who were members of the Executive Committee had a fundamentally different point of view on the composition of the government than the Bolsheviks. They believed that after the victory of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, power should be formed by the bourgeoisie under the control of the Council. The leadership of the Council refused to participate in the government. The support of the Provisional Government from the Executive Committee was accompanied by the main condition - the government would pursue a democratic program approved and supported by the Council.
By the evening of March 2, the composition of the government was determined. Prince G.E. was appointed Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Minister of Internal Affairs. Lvov, cadet, Minister of Foreign Affairs - leader of the Cadet Party P.N. Miliukov, Minister of Finance - M.I. Tereshchenko, cadet, Minister of Military and Naval Affairs - A.I. Konovalov, Octobrist, A.F. Kerensky (representative of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet) took the post of Minister of Justice. Thus, the government was mainly Cadet in composition.
Notified of these events, Nicholas II received a proposal to abdicate in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, and on March 2, he handed over the text of the abdication to two emissaries of the Duma, Guchkov and Shulgin, who arrived in Pskov, where the emperor was. (Reader T 7 No. 14) (Reader T7 No. 15) But this step was already late: Michael, in turn, abdicated the throne. The monarchy in Russia fell.
A dual power actually emerged in the country - the Provisional Government as a body of bourgeois power and the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies as a body of working people.
Political situation in Russia (February - October 1917)
“Dual power” (February - June 1917)
The Provisional Government did not set as its goal to carry out revolutionary changes in the economic and social order. As government representatives themselves stated, all major issues of government structure will be resolved constituent Assembly, but for now it’s “temporary”, it is necessary to maintain order in the country and, most importantly, win the war. There was no talk about reforms.
After the collapse of the monarchy, the opportunity to come to power opened up for all political classes, parties and their political leaders for the first time in Russian history. More than 50 political parties fought for the period from February to October 1917. A particularly noticeable role in politics after February 1917 was played by the Cadets, Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, and Bolsheviks. What were their goals and tactics?
Central place in cadet program were occupied by the ideas of Europeanization of Russia through the creation of a strong state power. They assigned the leading role in this process to the bourgeoisie. The continuation of the war, according to the Cadets, could unite both conservatives and liberals, the State Duma and the commanders-in-chief. The Cadets saw the unity of these forces as the main condition for the development of the revolution.
Mensheviks viewed the February Revolution as a nationwide, nationwide, class-wide one. Therefore, their main political line in the development of events after February was the creation of a government based on a coalition of forces not interested in the restoration of the monarchy.
The views on the nature and tasks of the revolution were similar right socialist revolutionaries(A.F. Kerensky, N.D. Avksentyev), as well as from the leader of the party, who occupied centrist positions, V. Chernov.
February, in their opinion, is the apogee of the revolutionary process and liberation movement in Russia. They saw the essence of the revolution in Russia in achieving civil harmony, reconciling all layers of society, and, first of all, reconciling supporters of war and revolution to implement a program of social reforms.
The position was different left socialist revolutionaries, its leader M.A. Spiridonova who believed that the popular, democratic February in Russia marked the beginning of a political and social world revolution.
Bolsheviks
The Bolsheviks—Russia's most radical party in 1917—saw February as the first stage of the struggle for socialist revolution. This position was formulated by V.I. Lenin in the “April Theses”, where the slogans “No support for the Provisional Government” and “All power to the Soviets” were put forward.
The April Theses also formulated the economic platform of the party: workers' control over social production and distribution of products, the unification of all banks into one national bank and the establishment of control over it by the Soviets, the confiscation of landowners' lands and the nationalization of all land in the country.
The relevance of the theses became more and more obvious as crisis situations in the country grew in connection with the specific policies of the Provisional Government. The mood of the Provisional Government to continue the war and delay the decision on social reforms created a serious source of conflict in the development of the revolution.
First political crisis
During the 8 months the Provisional Government was in power, it was repeatedly in a state of crisis. The first crisis erupted in April When the Provisional Government announced that Russia would continue the war on the side of the Entente, this caused a massive protest of the people. On April 18 (May 1), the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government, Miliukov, sent a note to the Allied Powers, which confirmed that the Provisional Government would comply with all treaties of the tsarist government and continue the war to a victorious end. The note caused indignation among wide sections of the population. Over 100 thousand people took to the streets of Petrograd demanding peace. The result of the crisis was the formation first coalition government, which consisted not only of bourgeois, but also of representatives of socialist (Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries) parties.
Ministers P.N. left the government. Miliukov and A.I. Guchkov, the new coalition government included the leaders of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries V.M. Chernov, A.F. Kerensky, I.G. Tsereteli, M.I. Skobelev.
The power crisis was temporarily eliminated, but the causes of its occurrence were not eliminated.
Second political crisis
The offensive at the front undertaken in June 1917 also did not meet with the support of the popular masses, who increasingly actively supported the Bolshevik slogans about the Soviets taking power and ending the war. It was already second political crisis Provisional Government. Workers and soldiers took part in demonstrations under the slogans “Down with 10 capitalist ministers”, “Bread, peace, freedom”, “All power to the Soviets” in Petrograd, Moscow, Tver, Ivanovo-Voznesensk and other cities.
Third political crisis
And a few days later a new (July) political crisis in Russia broke out in Petrograd. It was already third political crisis, which became a new stage on the path to a national crisis. The reason was the unsuccessful offensive of Russian troops at the front and the disbandment of revolutionary military units. As a result, on July 2 (15), the Cadets left the Provisional Government.
By this time, the socio-economic situation, especially the food situation, had deteriorated sharply. Neither the creation of land committees, nor the introduction of a state monopoly on bread, nor regulation of food supplies, nor even meat allocation with a double increase in purchase prices for basic food products could alleviate the difficult food situation. Imported purchases of meat, fish and other products did not help. About half a million prisoners of war, as well as soldiers from rear garrisons, were sent to agricultural work. To forcibly confiscate grain, the government sent armed military detachments to the village. However, all the measures taken did not produce the expected results. People stood in queues at night. For Russia, the summer and early autumn of 1917 was characterized by the collapse of the economy, closing enterprises, unemployment, and inflation. The differentiation of Russian society has sharply increased. Conflicting opinions clashed on the problems of war, peace, power, and bread. There was only one consensus: the war must be ended as soon as possible.
Under the current conditions, the Provisional Government was unable to maintain the level of political dialogue and July 4 - 5, 1917. turned to violence against the workers' and soldiers' demonstration in Petrograd. A peaceful demonstration in Petrograd was shot and dispersed by the armed forces of the Provisional Government. Following the shooting and dispersal of the peaceful demonstration, there was a government order granting the Minister of War and the Minister of Internal Affairs broad powers, giving the right to prohibit meetings and congresses, and to impose brutal censorship.
The newspapers Trud and Pravda were banned; The editorial office of the newspaper “Pravda” was destroyed, and on July 7 an order was issued for the arrest of V.I. Lenin and G.E. Zinoviev - Bolshevik leaders. However, the leadership of the Soviets did not interfere with the actions of the government, fearing the increased political influence of the Bolsheviks on the masses.
If it did not resolve the economic, political and class contradictions in the country, it was a prerequisite for the February Revolution of 1917. The participation of Tsarist Russia in the First World War showed the inability of its economy to carry out military tasks. Many factories stopped operating, the army experienced a shortage of equipment, weapons, and food. The country's transport system is absolutely not adapted to martial law, agriculture has lost ground. Economic difficulties increased Russia's external debt to enormous proportions.
Intending to extract maximum benefits from the war, the Russian bourgeoisie began to create unions and committees on issues of raw materials, fuel, food, etc.
True to the principle of proletarian internationalism, the Bolshevik Party revealed the imperialist nature of the war, which was waged in the interests of the exploiting classes, its aggressive, predatory essence. The party sought to channel the discontent of the masses into the mainstream of the revolutionary struggle for the collapse of the autocracy.
In August 1915, the “Progressive Bloc” was formed, which planned to force Nicholas II to abdicate in favor of his brother Mikhail. Thus, the opposition bourgeoisie hoped to prevent revolution and at the same time preserve the monarchy. But such a scheme did not ensure bourgeois-democratic transformations in the country.
The reasons for the February Revolution of 1917 were anti-war sentiment, the plight of workers and peasants, political lack of rights, the decline in the authority of the autocratic government and its inability to carry out reforms.
The driving force in the struggle was the working class, led by the revolutionary Bolshevik Party. The allies of the workers were the peasants, demanding the redistribution of land. The Bolsheviks explained to the soldiers the goals and objectives of the struggle.
The main events of the February revolution happened quickly. Over the course of several days, a wave of strikes took place in Petrograd, Moscow and other cities with the slogans “Down with the tsarist government!”, “Down with the war!” On February 25 the political strike became general. Executions and arrests were unable to stop the revolutionary onslaught of the masses. Government troops were put on alert, the city of Petrograd was turned into a military camp.
February 26, 1917 marked the beginning of the February Revolution. On February 27, soldiers of the Pavlovsky, Preobrazhensky and Volynsky regiments went over to the side of the workers. This decided the outcome of the struggle: on February 28, the government was overthrown.
The outstanding significance of the February Revolution is that it was the first popular revolution in history of the era of imperialism, which ended in victory.
During the February Revolution of 1917, Tsar Nicholas II abdicated the throne.
Dual power arose in Russia, which became a kind of result of the February revolution of 1917. On the one hand, the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies is a body of people's power, on the other hand, the Provisional Government is an organ of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie headed by Prince G.E. Lvov. In organizational matters, the bourgeoisie was more prepared for power, but was unable to establish autocracy.
The provisional government pursued an anti-people, imperialist policy: the land issue was not resolved, factories remained in the hands of the bourgeoisie, agriculture and industry were in dire need, and there was not enough fuel for railway transport. The dictatorship of the bourgeoisie only deepened economic and political problems.
After the February revolution, Russia experienced an acute political crisis. Therefore, there was a growing need for the bourgeois-democratic revolution to develop into a socialist one, which was supposed to lead to the power of the proletariat.
One of the consequences of the February revolution is the October revolution under the slogan “All power to the Soviets!”
History message.
"February" revolution of 1917
Dual power.
University: Moscow State University of Economics and Economics.
Faculty student: IE
Groups I-14
Tseytin Georgy Stanislavovich.
INTRODUCTION
In this essay I tried to reveal the topic “The February Revolution of 1917. Dual power."
In my work I decided:
Reflect the reasons that led to the February revolution;
Show a brief course of events taking place during the days of the revolution and after it;
To lead to an understanding of dual power in Russia, the disagreement of which, along with other reasons, led Russia to the bloody October Revolution.
The main source that helped me in realizing my goals was the book by V.P. Ostrovsky. and Utkina A.I. "Russian history. XX century".
Let me start with the fact that in the period from 1907 to 1917, two processes developed in Russia that were mutually exclusive.
First is a process of modernization of society, the goals of which were:
Expanding the economic freedom of the individual,
Development of the free market,
Creation of market infrastructure.
During this period, along with large-scale entrepreneurship, a middle class of wealthy owners was formed; civil society developed naturally; principles of law were introduced into real life. In other words, there was a transformation of the state, the state power of which could gradually become a strong observer monitoring the implementation of laws. This process was actually broken.
Second process- this is the state’s desire for greater control over economic life, limiting the number of owners and their rights. This process was intensified and accelerated by the First World War, which began in August 1914. This war also strengthened the tendency of public consciousness towards revolutionary changes and rapid change.
All this led to the revolutions of 1917, in particular to the February Revolution, which is considered bloodless, but led to significant changes in the political and socio-economic development of Russia.
Reasons that led to the February Revolution of 1917
On August 1, 1914, the First World War began in Russia, which lasted until November 11, 1918, the cause of which was the struggle for spheres of influence in conditions where a unified European market and legal mechanism had not been created.
Russia was the defending party in this war. And although the patriotism and heroism of the soldiers and officers was great, there was no single will, no serious plans for waging war, no sufficient supply of ammunition, uniforms and food. This filled the army with uncertainty. She lost her soldiers and suffered defeats. The Minister of War was put on trial and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief was removed from his post. Nicholas II himself became Commander-in-Chief. But the situation has not improved. Despite continuous economic growth (coal and oil production, the production of shells, guns and other types of weapons increased, huge reserves were accumulated in case of a prolonged war), the situation developed in such a way that during the war years Russia found itself without an authoritative government, without an authoritative prime minister. minister, and without an authoritative Headquarters. The officer corps was replenished with educated people, i.e. intelligentsia, which was subject to oppositional sentiments, and daily participation in a war in which there was a shortage of the most necessary things gave rise to doubts.
The growing centralization of economic management, carried out against the backdrop of a growing shortage of raw materials, fuel, transport, and skilled labor, accompanied by the scale of speculation and abuse, led to the fact that the role of state regulation increased along with the growth of negative factors in the economy. Queues appeared in cities, standing in which was a psychological breakdown for hundreds of thousands of workers.
The predominance of military output over civilian production and rising food prices led to a steady increase in prices for all consumer goods. At the same time, wages did not keep pace with rising prices. Discontent grew both in the rear and at the front. And it was directed primarily against the monarch and his government.
If we take into account that from November 1916 to March 1917, three prime ministers, two ministers of internal affairs and two ministers of agriculture were replaced, then the expression of the convinced monarchist V. Shulgin about the situation prevailing in Russia at that time is indeed true: “autocracy without an autocrat” .
Among a number of prominent politicians, in semi-legal organizations and circles, a conspiracy was brewing and plans were being discussed to remove Nicholas II from power. The plan was to seize the Tsar's train between Mogilev and Petrograd and force the monarch to abdicate.
Events of February 1917
Unrest in the army, village unrest, the inability of the political and military leadership to protect the national interests of Russia, which catastrophically aggravated the internal situation of the country, did not alert the tsarist government, therefore, the spontaneous February revolution that began unexpectedly became unexpected for the government and all political parties.
The first unrest began with a strike by workers at the Putilov plant on February 17, whose workers demanded an increase in prices by 50% and the hiring of laid-off workers. The administration did not satisfy the stated demands. As a sign of solidarity with Putilov's workers, many enterprises in Petrograd went on strike. They were supported by the workers of the Narva outpost and the Vyborg side. The crowds of workers were joined by thousands of random people: teenagers, students, small employees, intellectuals. On February 23, a demonstration of women workers in Petrograd took place.
Demonstrations that began in Petrograd demanding bread escalated into clashes with the police, who were taken by surprise by the events. Part of the Pavlovsk regiment also spoke out against the police.
The government did not give an order to open fire on the demonstrators. The Cossacks were not given whips. In various areas of the city, police officers were disarmed and dozens of revolvers and sabers were taken away. Finally the police stopped opposing the demonstrators, and the city was in their hands.
According to estimates, the number of strikers was about 300 thousand! In fact it was a general strike. The main slogans of these events were: “Down with autocracy!”, “Down with war!”, “Down with the Tsar!”, “Down with Nicholas!”, “Bread and Peace!”.
On the evening of February 25, Nicholas II gave the order to stop the unrest in the capital. The State Duma was dissolved. The secret police handed over dozens of addresses of active figures of all parties to the police for their immediate arrest. A total of 171 people were arrested overnight. On February 26, gun shots were fired into the unarmed crowd, which managed to disperse huge crowds of people. Only the 4th company of the Pavlovsk Regiment, stationed in the buildings of the Stable Department, refused to act against the people.
On the night of February 26-27, rebel soldiers joined the workers; on the morning of February 27, the district court was burned down and the pretrial detention house was seized; prisoners were released from prison, among whom were many members of revolutionary parties who had been arrested in recent days.
On February 27, the Arsenal and the Winter Palace were captured. The autocracy was overthrown. On the same day, the Executive Committee of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of Petrograd was formed, and members of the Progressive Bloc created the Provisional Committee of the Duma, which took the initiative to “restoration of state and public order.” Almost simultaneously with this, several people from among the left-wing intelligentsia called themselves the Provisional Executive Committee of the Council of Workers' Deputies.
On March 2, 1917, having learned of the opinion of the commanders of all fronts that he should leave, Nicholas II signed the abdication of the throne, making the following entry in his diary: “There is treason, cowardice, and deception all around.”
On the same day, at the request of the Chairman of the Provisional Committee of the Duma M.V. Rodzianko and with the consent of Nicholas II, L.G. was appointed temporary commander of the Petrograd District. Kornilov
Arriving in Petrograd on March 5, Kornilov, finding himself in such a high position in an extremely politicized city, showed his qualities as a politician. Demonstrative measures - the arrest of Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and the royal children, the presentation of the Order of St. George to warrant officer Kirpichnikov, the organizer of the performance of the Volyn regiment in February, the purge of officers and artillery units, cadets and Cossacks, the most loyal to the government, as well as the development of a project for the Petrograd Front, in which was supposed to pour in the Petrograd garrison, demoralized and revolutionary, for ostensibly military purposes - the real steps of the district commander to calm the revolutionary city.
Dual power.
With the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne, the legal system that had developed since 1906 ceased to exist. No other legal system was created to regulate the activities of the state.
Now the fate of the country depended on political forces, the activity and responsibility of political leaders, and their ability to control the behavior of the masses.
The structure of state power after the February events of 1917
Several political groups have emerged in the country, proclaiming themselves the government of Russia:
1) A temporary committee of members of the State Duma formed a Provisional Government, whose main task was to win the trust of the population. The Provisional Government declared itself legislative and executive powers, in which the following disputes immediately arose:
About what the future Russia should be: parliamentary or presidential;
On ways to resolve the national question, land issues, etc.;
On the electoral law;
On elections to the Constituent Assembly.
At the same time, the time to solve current, fundamental problems was inevitably lost.
2) Organizations of persons who declared themselves authorities. The largest of them was the Petrograd Council, which consisted of moderate left-wing politicians and proposed that workers and soldiers delegate their representatives to the Council.
The Council declared itself the guarantor against a return to the past, against the restoration of the monarchy and the suppression of political freedoms.
The Council also supported the steps of the Provisional Government to strengthen democracy in Russia.
3) In addition to the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet, other local bodies of actual power were formed: factory committees, district councils, national associations, new authorities on the “national outskirts”, for example, in Kyiv - the Ukrainian Rada.”
The current political situation began to be called “dual power,” although in practice it was multiple power, developing into anarchic anarchy. Monarchist and Black Hundred organizations in Russia were banned and dissolved. In the new Russia, two political forces remained: liberal-bourgeois and left-wing socialist, but in which there were disagreements.
In addition, there was powerful pressure from the grassroots:
Hoping for a socio-economic improvement in life, the workers demanded an immediate increase in wages, the introduction of an eight-hour working day, guarantees against unemployment and social security.
The peasants advocated the redistribution of neglected lands,
The soldiers insisted on easing discipline.
The disagreements of the “dual power”, its constant reform, the continuation of the war, etc. led to a new revolution - the October Revolution of 1917.
CONCLUSION.
So, the result of the February revolution of 1917 was the overthrow of the autocracy, the abdication of the tsar, the emergence of dual power in the country: the dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie represented by the Provisional Government and the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, which represented the revolutionary-democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry.
The victory of the February revolution was a victory of all active strata of the population over the medieval autocracy, a breakthrough that put Russia on par with advanced countries in the sense of proclaiming democratic and political freedoms.
The February Revolution of 1917 became the first victorious revolution in Russia and turned Russia, thanks to the overthrow of tsarism, into one of the most democratic countries. Originated in March 1917. dual power was a reflection of the fact that the era of imperialism and the world war unusually accelerated the course of the country's historical development and the transition to more radical transformations. The international significance of the February bourgeois-democratic revolution is also extremely great. Under its influence, the strike movement of the proletariat intensified in many warring countries.
The main event of this revolution for Russia itself was the need to carry out long-overdue reforms based on compromises and coalitions, and the renunciation of violence in politics.
The first steps towards this were taken in February 1917. But only the first...
List of used literature:
1. Vyrubova-Taneeva A. The Royal Family during the Revolution // February Revolution.
2. Denikin A.I. “The campaign and death of General Kornilov.”
3. Nolde B. “From the history of the Russian catastrophe.”
4. Ostrovsky V.P., Utkin A.I. Russian history. XX century.
5. Spiridovich A.I. The Great War and the February Revolution of 1914–1917.
Causes and nature of the February Revolution.Uprising in Petrograd on February 27, 1917
The February Revolution of 1917 in Russia was caused by the same reasons, had the same character, solved the same problems and had the same alignment of opposing forces as the revolution of 1905 - 1907. After the revolution of 1905 - 1907 The tasks of democratizing the country continued to remain - the overthrow of the autocracy, the introduction of democratic freedoms, the solution of burning issues - agrarian, labor, national. These were the tasks of the bourgeois-democratic transformation of the country, therefore the February Revolution, like the 1905-1907 revolution, was bourgeois-democratic in nature.
Although the revolution of 1905 - 1907 and did not solve the fundamental tasks of democratizing the country that faced it and was defeated, however, it served as a political school for all parties and classes and thereby was an important prerequisite for the February Revolution and the subsequent October Revolution of 1917.
But the February Revolution of 1917 took place in a different environment than the revolution of 1905 - 1907. On the eve of the February Revolution, social and political contradictions sharply worsened, aggravated by the hardships of a long and exhausting war into which Russia was drawn. The economic devastation generated by the war and, as a consequence, the exacerbation of the needs and misfortunes of the masses, caused acute social tension in the country, the growth of anti-war sentiment and general dissatisfaction not only with the left and opposition, but also with a significant part of the right forces with the policies of the autocracy. The authority of autocratic power and its bearer, the reigning emperor, dropped noticeably in the eyes of all layers of society. The war, unprecedented in its scale, seriously shook the moral foundations of society and brought unprecedented bitterness into the consciousness of people’s behavior. Millions of front-line soldiers, who saw blood and death every day, easily succumbed to revolutionary propaganda and were ready to take the most extreme measures. They longed for peace, a return to the land, and the slogan "Down with war!" was especially popular at that time. The end of the war was inevitably associated with the liquidation of the political regime that dragged the people into the war. So the monarchy lost its support in the army.
By the end of 1916, the country found itself in a state of deep social, political and moral crisis. Did the ruling circles realize the danger threatening them? Reports of the security department for the end of 1917 - beginning of 1917. full of anxiety in anticipation of a threatening social explosion. They foresaw a social danger for the Russian monarchy abroad. Grand Duke Mikhail Mikhailovich, the Tsar’s cousin, wrote to him in mid-November 1916 from London: “Intelligence Service [British intelligence service] agents, usually well informed, are predicting a revolution in Russia. I sincerely hope Nicky that you will find it possible to satisfy the just the demands of the people before it is too late." Those close to Nicholas II told him in despair: “There will be a revolution, we will all be hanged, but on which lantern it doesn’t matter.” However, Nicholas II stubbornly refused to see this danger, hoping for the mercy of Providence. A curious conversation took place shortly before the events of February 1917 between the Tsar and the Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko. "Rodzianko: - I warn you that in less than three weeks a revolution will break out that will sweep you away, and you will no longer reign. Nicholas II: - Well, God willing. Rodzianko: - God will not give anything, the revolution is inevitable." .
Although the factors that prepared the revolutionary explosion in February 1917 had been taking shape for a long time, politicians and publicists, right and left, predicted its inevitability; the revolution was neither “prepared” nor “organized”; it broke out spontaneously and suddenly for all parties and the government. Not a single political party showed itself to be the organizer and leader of the revolution, which took them by surprise.
The immediate cause of the revolutionary explosion was the following events that occurred in the second half of February 1917 in Petrograd. In mid-February, the capital's food supply, especially bread, deteriorated. There was bread in the country in sufficient quantity, but due to the devastation of transport and the sluggishness of the authorities responsible for supply, it could not be delivered to the cities in a timely manner. A card system was introduced, but it did not solve the problem. Long queues appeared at bakeries, which caused growing discontent among the population. In this situation, any act of the authorities or owners of industrial enterprises that irritated the population could serve as a detonator for a social explosion.
On February 18, workers at one of the largest factories in Petrograd, Putilovsky, began a strike, demanding an increase in wages due to rising costs. On February 20, the plant administration, under the pretext of interruptions in the supply of raw materials, fired the strikers and announced the closure of some workshops for an indefinite period. The Putilovites were supported by workers from other city enterprises. On February 23 (New Style March 8 - International Women's Day) it was decided to start a general strike. Opposition figures in the Duma also decided to take advantage of the day of February 23; as early as February 14, from the rostrum of the State Duma, they sharply criticized the incompetent ministers and demanded their resignation. Duma figures - Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze and Trudovik A.F. Kerensky - established contact with illegal organizations and created a committee to hold a demonstration on February 23.
On that day, 128 thousand workers from 50 enterprises went on strike - a third of the capital's workers. A demonstration also took place, which was peaceful. A rally was held in the city center. The authorities, in order to reassure the people, announced that there was enough food in the city and there was no reason to worry.
The next day, 214 thousand workers were already on strike. The strikes were accompanied by demonstrations: columns of demonstrators with red flags and singing the Marseillaise rushed to the city center. Women took an active part in them and took to the streets with the slogans “Bread”!, “Peace”!, “Freedom!”, “Bring back our husbands!”.
Authorities initially treated them as spontaneous food riots. However, events grew stronger every day and became threatening for the authorities. On February 25, strikes covered over 300 thousand people. (80% of city workers). The demonstrators were already speaking with political slogans: “Down with the monarchy!”, “Long live the republic!”, rushing to the central squares and avenues of the city. They managed to overcome police and military barriers and break through to Znamenskaya Square near the Moskovsky Station, where a spontaneous rally began at the monument to Alexander III. Rallies and demonstrations took place in the main squares, avenues and streets of the city. The Cossack squads sent against them refused to disperse them. Demonstrators threw stones and logs at the mounted policemen. The authorities have already seen that the “unrest” is taking on a political nature.
On the morning of February 25, columns of workers again rushed to the city center, and on the Vyborg side they were already destroying police stations. A rally began again on Znamenskaya Square. Demonstrators clashed with police, resulting in several demonstrators being killed and injured. On the same day, Nicholas II received from the commander of the Petrograd Military District, General S.S. Khabalov’s report about the outbreak of unrest in Petrograd, and at 9 o’clock in the evening Khabalov received a telegram from him: “I command you to stop the riots in the capital tomorrow, which are unacceptable in the difficult times of the war with Germany and Austria.” Khabalov immediately ordered the police and reserve unit commanders to use weapons against the demonstrators. On the night of February 26, the police arrested about a hundred of the most active figures of the left parties.
February 26 was a Sunday. Factories and factories did not work. Masses of demonstrators with red banners and singing revolutionary songs again rushed to the central streets and squares of the city. There were continuous rallies on Znamenskaya Square and near the Kazan Cathedral. By order of Khabalov, the police, who sat on the roofs of houses, opened fire with machine guns on demonstrators and protesters. On Znamenskaya Square, 40 people were killed and the same number were wounded. Police fired at demonstrators on Sadovaya Street, Liteiny and Vladimirsky Avenues. On the night of February 27, new arrests were made: this time 170 people were captured.
The outcome of any revolution depends on whose side the army is on. Defeat of the revolution 1905 - 1907 was largely due to the fact that despite a series of uprisings in the army and navy, on the whole the army remained loyal to the government and was used by it to suppress peasant and worker revolts. In February 1917, there was a garrison of up to 180 thousand soldiers in Petrograd. These were mainly spare parts that were to be sent to the front. There were quite a few recruits here from regular workers, mobilized for participation in strikes, and quite a few front-line soldiers who had recovered from injuries. The concentration of a mass of soldiers in the capital, who were easily influenced by revolutionary propaganda, was a major mistake by the authorities.
The shooting of demonstrators on February 26 caused strong indignation among the soldiers of the capital's garrison and had a decisive influence on their transition to the side of the revolution. On the afternoon of February 26, the 4th company of the reserve battalion of the Pavlovsky regiment refused to take the place assigned to it at the outpost and even opened fire on a platoon of mounted police. The company was disarmed, 19 of its “ringleaders” were sent to the Peter and Paul Fortress. Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko telegraphed to the Tsar that day: “The situation is serious. There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed. There is indiscriminate shooting in the streets. Units of troops are shooting at each other.” In conclusion, he asked the king: “Immediately entrust a person who enjoys the trust of the country to form a new government. You cannot hesitate. Any delay is like death.”
Even on the eve of the tsar's departure to Headquarters, two versions of his decree on the State Duma were prepared - the first on its dissolution, the second on the interruption of its sessions. In response to Rodzianko's telegram, the tsar sent a second version of the decree - on the break of the Duma from February 26 to April 1917. At 11 o'clock in the morning on February 27, deputies of the State Duma gathered in the White Hall of the Tauride Palace and silently listened to the tsar's decree on the break of the Duma session. The tsar's decree put the Duma members in a difficult position: on the one hand, they did not dare not fulfill the will of the tsar, on the other, they could not help but take into account the threatening unfolding of revolutionary events in the capital. Deputies from the left parties proposed not to obey the tsar’s decree and, in an “address to the people,” declare themselves the Constituent Assembly, but the majority was against such an action. In the Semicircular Hall of the Tauride Palace, they opened a “private meeting”, at which a decision was made, in fulfillment of the tsar’s order, not to hold official meetings of the Duma, but the deputies did not disperse and remained in their places. By half past three in the afternoon on February 27, crowds of demonstrators approached the Tauride Palace, some of them entered the palace. Then the Duma decided to form from its members a “Provisional Committee of the State Duma to restore order in Petrograd and to communicate with institutions and individuals.” On the same day, a Committee of 12 people, chaired by Rodzianko, was formed. At first, the Provisional Committee was afraid to take power into its own hands and sought an agreement with the tsar. On the evening of February 27, Rodzianko sent a new telegram to the Tsar, in which he invited him to make concessions - to instruct the Duma to form a ministry responsible to it.
But events unfolded rapidly. On that day, strikes covered almost all enterprises in the capital, and in fact an uprising had already begun. The troops of the capital's garrison began to go over to the side of the rebels. On the morning of February 27, a training team consisting of 600 people from the reserve battalion of the Volyn regiment rebelled. The team leader was killed. Non-commissioned officer T.I., who led the uprising. Kirpichnikov raised the entire regiment, which moved towards the Lithuanian and Preobrazhensky regiments and carried them along with him.
If on the morning of February 27, 10 thousand soldiers went over to the side of the rebels, then in the evening of the same day - 67 thousand. On the same day, Khabalov telegraphed to the tsar that “the troops refuse to go out against the rebels.” On February 28, 127 thousand soldiers were on the side of the rebels, and on March 1 - already 170 thousand soldiers. On February 28, the Winter Palace and the Peter and Paul Fortress were captured, the arsenal was captured, from which 40 thousand rifles and 30 thousand revolvers were distributed to the working detachments. On Liteiny Prospekt, the building of the District Court and the House of Pre-trial Detention were destroyed and set on fire. Police stations were burning. The gendarmerie and secret police were liquidated. Many policemen and gendarmes were arrested (later the Provisional Government released them and sent them to the front). Prisoners were released from prisons. On March 1, after negotiations, the remnants of the garrison, who had settled in the Admiralty together with Khabalov, surrendered. The Mariinsky Palace was taken and the tsar's ministers and senior dignitaries who were in it were arrested. They were brought or brought to the Tauride Palace. Minister of Internal Affairs A.D. Protopopov voluntarily came under arrest. Ministers and generals from the Tauride Palace were escorted to the Peter and Paul Fortress, the rest - to places of detention prepared for them.
Military units from Peterhof and Strelna who had gone over to the side of the revolution arrived in Petrograd through the Baltic Station and along the Peterhof Highway. On March 1, the sailors of the Kronstadt port rebelled. Commander of the Kronstadt port and military governor of Kronstadt, Rear Admiral R.N. Viren and several senior officers were shot by the sailors. Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich (cousin of Nicholas II) brought the guards crew sailors entrusted to him to the Tauride Palace at the disposal of the revolutionary power.
On the evening of February 28, in the conditions of the already victorious revolution, Rodzianko proposed to announce that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma would take over government functions. On the night of February 28, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma addressed the people of Russia with an appeal that it was taking upon itself the initiative to “restore state and public order” and create a new government. As a first measure, he sent commissioners from members of the Duma to the ministries. In order to take control of the situation in the capital and stop the further development of revolutionary events, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma tried in vain to return the soldiers to the barracks. But this attempt showed that he was unable to take control of the situation in the capital.
The soviets, revived during the revolution, became more effective revolutionary power. As early as February 26, a number of members of the Union of Workers' Cooperatives of Petrograd, the Social Democratic faction of the State Duma and other working groups put forward the idea of forming Soviets of Workers' Deputies along the lines of 1905. This idea was also supported by the Bolsheviks. On February 27, representatives of working groups, together with a group of Duma deputies and representatives of the left-wing intelligentsia, gathered in the Tauride Palace and announced the creation of the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council of Working People's Deputies. The Committee appealed to immediately elect deputies to the Council - one deputy from 1 thousand workers, and one from a company of soldiers. 250 deputies were elected and gathered in the Tauride Palace. They, in turn, elected the Executive Committee of the Council, the chairman of which was the leader of the Social Democratic faction of the State Duma, Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze, and his deputies were Trudovik A.F. Kerensky and Menshevik M.I. Skobelev. The majority in the Executive Committee and in the Council itself belonged to the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries - at that time the most numerous and influential left-wing parties in Russia. On February 28, the first issue of Izvestia of the Council of Workers' Deputies was published (editor: Menshevik F.I. Dan).
The Petrograd Soviet began to act as a body of revolutionary power, making a number of important decisions. On February 28, on his initiative, district council committees were created. He formed military and food commissions, armed militia, and established control over printing houses and railways. By decision of the Petrograd Council, the financial resources of the tsarist government were seized and control was established over their spending. Commissars from the Council were sent to the districts of the capital to establish people's power in them.
On March 1, 1917, the Council issued the famous “Order No. 1,” which provided for the creation of elected soldiers’ committees in military units, abolished the titles of officers and the giving of honor to them outside of service, but most importantly, it removed the Petrograd garrison from subordination to the old command. This order in our literature is usually regarded as a deeply democratic act. In fact, by subordinating unit commanders to soldier committees with little competence in military matters, he violated the principle of unity of command necessary for any army and thereby contributed to the decline of military discipline.
The number of victims in Petrograd in the February days of 1917 was about 300 people. killed and up to 1200 wounded.
Formation of the Provisional Government
With the formation of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma on February 27, dual power actually began to emerge. Until March 1, 1917, the Council and the Duma Committee acted independently of each other. On the night of March 1–2, negotiations began between representatives of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma on the formation of the Provisional Government. Representatives of the Soviets set the condition that the Provisional Government immediately proclaim civil liberties, amnesty for political prisoners and announce the convening of the Constituent Assembly. If the Provisional Government fulfilled this condition, the Council decided to support it. The formation of the composition of the Provisional Government was entrusted to the Provisional Committee of the State Duma.
On March 2 it was formed, and on March 3 its composition was made public. The Provisional Government included 12 people - 10 ministers and 2 chief managers of central departments equal to ministers. 9 ministers were deputies of the State Duma.
The Chairman of the Provisional Government and at the same time the Minister of Internal Affairs became a large landowner, chairman of the All-Russian Zemstvo Union, cadet, Prince G.E. Lvov, ministers: foreign affairs - leader of the Cadet Party P.N. Miliukov, military and naval - leader of the Octobrist party A.I. Guchkov, trade and industry - large manufacturer, progressive, A.I. Konovalov, communications - “left” cadet N.V. Nekrasov, public education - close to the cadets, professor of law A.A. Manuilov, agriculture - zemstvo doctor, cadet, A.I. Shingarev, Justice - Trudovik (since March 3, Socialist Revolutionary, the only socialist in the government) A.F. Kerensky, for Finnish affairs - cadet V.I. Rodichev, chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod - Octobrist V.N. Lvov, state controller - Octobrist I.V. Godnev. Thus, 7 ministerial posts, the most important ones, ended up in the hands of the Cadets, 3 ministerial posts were received by the Octobrists and 2 representatives of other parties. This was the “finest hour” of the cadets, who found themselves in power for a short time (two months). The assumption of office by the ministers of the Provisional Government took place on March 3-5. The Provisional Government declared itself for a transitional period (until the convening of the Constituent Assembly) of the supreme legislative and executive power in the country.
On March 3, the program of activities of the Provisional Government, agreed upon with the Petrograd Soviet, was also published: 1) complete and immediate amnesty for all political and religious affairs; 2) freedom of speech, press, assembly and strikes; 3) abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions; 4) immediate preparations for elections on the basis of universal, equal, secret and direct voting to the Constituent Assembly; 5) replacing the police with a people's militia with elected authorities subordinate to local government bodies; 6) elections to local government bodies; 7) non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of military units that took part in the uprising on February 27; and 8) providing soldiers with civil rights. The program laid the broad foundations of constitutionalism and democracy in the country.
However, most of the measures declared in the declaration of the Provisional Government on March 3 were implemented even earlier, as soon as the revolution was victorious. So, on February 28, the police were abolished and the people's militia was formed: instead of 6 thousand police officers, 40 thousand people were occupied with maintaining order in Petrograd. people's militia. She took protection of enterprises and city blocks. Detachments of the native militia were soon created in other cities. Subsequently, along with the workers' militia, combat workers' squads (Red Guard) also appeared. The first detachment of the Red Guard was created in early March at the Sestroretsk plant. The gendarmerie and secret police were liquidated.
Hundreds of prisons were destroyed or burned. The press organs of Black Hundred organizations were closed. Trade unions were revived, cultural, educational, women's, youth and other organizations were created. Complete freedom of the press, rallies and demonstrations was won in person. Russia has become the freest country in the world.
The initiative to reduce the working day to 8 hours came from the Petrograd entrepreneurs themselves. On March 10, an agreement was concluded between the Petrograd Soviet and the Petrograd Society of Manufacturers on this. Then, through similar private agreements between workers and entrepreneurs, the 8-hour working day was introduced throughout the country. However, the Provisional Government did not issue a special decree on this. The agrarian question was referred to the decision of the Constituent Assembly for fear that the soldiers, having learned about the “division of the land,” would abandon the front and move to the village. The Provisional Government declared unauthorized seizures of landowner peasants illegal.
In an effort to “get closer to the people,” to study the specific situation in the country on the spot and enlist the support of the population, the ministers of the Provisional Government made frequent trips to cities, army and naval units. At first, they met such support at rallies, meetings, various kinds of meetings, and professional congresses. The ministers often and willingly gave interviews to representatives of the press and held press conferences. The press, in turn, sought to create a favorable public opinion about the Provisional Government.
France and England were the first to recognize the Provisional Government as “the exponent of the true will of the people and the only government of Russia.” In early March, the Provisional Government was recognized by the United States, Italy, Norway, Japan, Belgium, Portugal, Serbia and Iran.
Abdication of Nicholas II
The transition of the troops of the capital's garrison to the side of the rebels forced Headquarters to begin taking decisive measures to suppress the revolution in Petrograd. On February 27, Nicholas II, through the Chief of Staff of General Headquarters, General M.V. Alekseev gave the order to send “reliable” punitive troops to Petrograd. The punitive expedition included the St. George battalion, taken from Mogilev, and several regiments from the Northern, Western and Southwestern fronts. General N.I. was placed at the head of the expedition. Ivanov, who was also appointed instead of Khabalov and commander of the Petrograd Military District with the broadest, dictatorial powers - to the point that all ministers were at his complete disposal. It was planned to concentrate 13 infantry battalions, 16 cavalry squadrons and 4 batteries in the Tsarskoye Selo area by March 1.
Early in the morning of February 28, two letter trains, the Tsar's and the Svitsky, set off from Mogilev through Smolensk, Vyazma, Rzhev, Likhoslavl, Bologoe to Petrograd. Upon their arrival in Bologoye on the night of March 1, news was received that two companies with machine guns had arrived in Lyuban from Petrograd in order not to miss the royal trains to the capital. When the trains arrived at the station. Malaya Vishera (160 km from Petrograd) railway authorities reported that it was impossible to move further, because the next stations Tosno and Lyuban were occupied by revolutionary troops. Nicholas II ordered the trains to be turned to Pskov - to the headquarters of the commander of the Northern Front, General N.V. Ruzsky. The royal trains arrived in Pskov at 7 pm on March 1. Here Nicholas II learned about the victory of the revolution in Petrograd.
At the same time, Chief of Staff of Headquarters General M.V. Alekseev decided to abandon the military expedition to Petrograd. Having secured the support of the commanders-in-chief of the fronts, he ordered Ivanov to refrain from punitive actions. The St. George battalion, which reached Tsarskoye Selo on March 1, retreated back to Vyritsa station. After negotiations between the commander-in-chief of the Northern Front, Ruzsky, and Rodzianko, Nicholas II agreed to the formation of a government responsible to the Duma. On the night of March 2, Ruzsky conveyed this decision to Rodzianko. However, he said that the publication of a manifesto about this was already “late,” because the course of events had set “a certain demand” - the abdication of the tsar. Without waiting for a response from Headquarters, Duma deputies A.I. were sent to Pskov. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin. And at this time, Alekseev and Ruzsky asked all the commanders-in-chief of the fronts and fleets: the Caucasian - Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, the Romanian - General V.V. Sakharov, South-Western - General A.A. Brusilov, Western - General A.E. Evert, commanders of the Baltic fleets - Admiral A.I. Nepenin and Chernomorsky - Admiral A.V. Kolchak. The commanders of the fronts and fleets declared the need for the tsar to abdicate the throne “in the name of saving the homeland and the dynasty, consistent with the statement of the chairman of the State Duma, as the only thing apparently capable of stopping the revolution and saving Russia from the horrors of anarchy.” His uncle Nikolai Nikolaevich addressed Nicholas II from Tiflis with a telegram asking him to abdicate the throne.
On March 2, Nicholas II ordered a manifesto to be drawn up about his abdication of the throne in favor of his son Alexei under the regency of his younger brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. About this decision of the tsar was drawn up in the name of Rodzianko. However, its dispatch was delayed until new messages were received from Petrograd. In addition, the arrival of Guchkov and Shulgin was expected in Pskov, which was reported to Headquarters.
Guchkov and Shulgin arrived in Pskov on the evening of March 2, reported that there was no military unit in Petrograd that could be relied upon, and confirmed the need for the Tsar to abdicate the throne. Nicholas II stated that he had already made such a decision, but now he is changing it and is already renouncing not only for himself, but also for his heir. This act of Nicholas II violated the coronation manifesto of Paul I of April 5, 1797, which provided that the reigning person has the right to abdicate the throne only for himself, and not for his glaciers.
The new version of the abdication of Nicholas II from the throne was accepted by Guchkov and Shulgin, who only asked him that before signing the act of abdication, the tsar would approve the decree on the appointment of G.E. Lvov became the Prime Minister of the new government being formed, and Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich again the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.
When Guchkov and Shulgin returned to Petrograd with a manifesto from Nicholas II, who had abdicated the throne, they encountered strong dissatisfaction among the revolutionary masses with this attempt by Duma leaders to preserve the monarchy. The toast in honor of “Emperor Michael,” proclaimed by Guchkov upon his arrival from Pskov at the Warsaw station in Petrograd, aroused such strong indignation among the workers that they threatened to shoot him. At the station, Shulgin was searched, who, however, managed to secretly transfer the text of the manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II to Guchkov. The workers demanded that the text of the manifesto be destroyed, the Tsar be immediately arrested and a republic proclaimed.
On the morning of March 3, members of the Duma Committee and the Provisional Government met with Mikhail in the prince’s mansion. O. Putyatina on Millionnaya. Rodzianko and Kerensky argued for the need for his abdication of the throne. Kerensky said that the indignation of the people was too strong, the new tsar could die from the people’s anger, and with him the Provisional Government would die. However, Miliukov insisted on Mikhail accepting the crown, proving the need for strong power to strengthen the new order, and such power needs support - “a monarchical symbol familiar to the masses.” A provisional government without a monarch, said Miliukov, is “a fragile boat that can sink in the ocean of popular unrest”; it will not live to see the Constituent Assembly, since anarchy will reign in the country. Guchkov, who soon arrived at the meeting, supported Miliukov. Miliukov, in his impatience, even offered to take the cars and go to Moscow, where he would proclaim Mikhail emperor, gather troops under his banner and march on Petrograd. Such a proposal clearly threatened civil war and frightened the rest of those gathered for the meeting. After lengthy discussions, the majority spoke in favor of Michael's abdication. Mikhail agreed with this opinion and at 4 o’clock in the afternoon signed the document drawn up by V.D. Nabokov and Baron B.E. Nolde's manifesto about his renunciation of the crown. The manifesto, published the next day, said that Mikhail “made a firm decision only if such is the will of our great people, who must establish a form of government and new fundamental laws of the state by popular vote through their representatives in the Constituent Assembly Russian". Mikhail appealed to the people to “submit to the Provisional Government, vested with full power.” All members of the royal family also made written statements of support for the Provisional Government and renunciation of claims to the royal throne. On March 3, Nicholas II sent a telegram to Mikhail.
Calling him “Imperial Majesty,” he apologized for not “warning” him about the transfer of the crown to him. The news of Michael's abdication was received by the abdicated king with bewilderment. “God knows who advised him to sign such a nasty thing,” Nikolai wrote in his diary.
The abdicated emperor went to Headquarters in Mogilev. A few hours before signing the act of abdication, Nicholas again appointed Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich to the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army. However, the Provisional Government appointed General A.A. to this position instead. Brusilova. On March 9, Nicholas and his retinue returned to Tsarskoe Selo. By order of the Provisional Government, the royal family was kept under house arrest in Tsarskoe Selo. The Petrograd Soviet demanded a trial of the former tsar and even on March 8 adopted a resolution to imprison him in the Peter and Paul Fortress, but the Provisional Government refused to comply with it.
Due to the growing anti-monarchical sentiments in the country, the deposed tsar asked the Provisional Government to send him and his family to England. The Provisional Government turned to the British Ambassador in Petrograd, George Buchanan, to request the British Cabinet about this. P.N. When meeting with the Tsar, Miliukov assured him that his request would be granted and even advised him to prepare for his departure. Buchanan requested his office. He first agreed to provide refuge in England for the deposed Russian Tsar and his family. However, a wave of protest arose against this in England and Russia, and the English king George V approached his government with a proposal to cancel this decision. The Provisional Government sent a request to the French cabinet to provide asylum to the royal family in France, but was also refused, citing the fact that this would be negatively perceived by French public opinion. Thus, the attempts of the Provisional Government to send the former tsar and his family abroad failed. On August 13, 1917, by order of the Provisional Government, the royal family was sent to Tobolsk.
The essence of dual power
During the transition period - from the moment of the victory of the revolution until the adoption of the constitution and the formation of permanent authorities in accordance with it - the Provisional Revolutionary Government operates, which is entrusted with the responsibility of breaking up the old apparatus of power, consolidating the gains of the revolution by appropriate decrees and convening the Constituent Assembly, which determines the form of the future state structure of the country, approves the decrees issued by the Provisional Government, giving them the force of laws, and adopts a constitution.
The provisional government for the transitional period (until the convening of the Constituent Assembly) has both legislative, administrative and executive functions. This, for example, was the case during the Great French Revolution at the end of the 18th century. The same path of transforming the country after the revolutionary coup was envisaged in their projects by the Decembrists of the Northern Society, putting forward the idea of “Temporary Revolutionary Government” for the transition period, and then the convening of the “Supreme Council” (Constituent Assembly). All Russian revolutionary parties at the beginning of the 20th century, who wrote this down in their programs, envisioned the same way for the revolutionary reorganization of the country, the destruction of the old state machine and the formation of new authorities.
However, the process of formation of state power in Russia as a result of the February Revolution of 1917 followed a different scenario. In Russia, a dual power system, which has no analogues in history, was created - in the person of the Soviets of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies, on the one hand, and the Provisional Government, on the other.
As already mentioned, the emergence of Soviets - bodies of people's power - dates back to the revolution of 1905-1907. and is its important conquest. This tradition was immediately revived after the victory of the uprising in Petrograd on February 27, 1917. In addition to the Petrograd Council, in March 1917, over 600 local Soviets arose, which elected from among themselves permanent authorities - executive committees. These were the elected representatives of the people, who relied on the support of the broad working masses. The councils performed legislative, administrative, executive and even judicial functions. By October 1917, there were already 1,429 councils in the country. They arose spontaneously - it was the spontaneous creativity of the masses. Along with this, local committees of the Provisional Government were created. This created a dual power at the central and local levels.
At that time, the predominant influence in the Soviets, both in Petrograd and in the provincial ones, was held by representatives of the Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary parties, who were focused not on the “victory of socialism,” believing that in backward Russia there were no conditions for this, but on the development and consolidation of it bourgeois-democratic gains. Such a task, they believed, could be carried out during the transition period by a Provisional government, bourgeois in composition, which must be provided with support in carrying out the democratic transformations of the country, and, if necessary, put pressure on it. In fact, even during the period of dual power, real power was in the hands of the Soviets, because the Provisional Government could govern only with their support and carry out its decrees with their sanction.
At first, the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies acted together. They even held their meetings in the same building - the Tauride Palace, which then turned into the center of the country's political life.
During March-April 1917, the Provisional Government, with the support and pressure on it from the Petrograd Soviet, carried out a series of democratic reforms, which were mentioned above. At the same time, it postponed the solution to a number of pressing problems inherited from the old government until the Constituent Assembly, and among them was the agrarian question. Moreover, it issued a number of decrees providing for criminal liability for the unauthorized seizure of landowners', appanage and monastic lands. On the issue of war and peace, it took a defensist position, remaining faithful to the allied obligations accepted by the old government. All this caused growing dissatisfaction among the masses with the policies of the Provisional Government.
Dual power is not a separation of powers, but a confrontation of one power with another, which inevitably leads to conflicts, to the desire of each power to overthrow the opposing one. Ultimately, dual power leads to paralysis of power, to the absence of any power, to anarchy. With dual power, the growth of centrifugal forces is inevitable, which threatens the collapse of the country, especially if this country is multinational.
The dual power lasted no more than four months - until the beginning of July 1917, when, in the context of an unsuccessful offensive by Russian troops on the German front, on July 3-4, the Bolsheviks organized a political demonstration and attempted to overthrow the Provisional Government. The demonstration was shot, and repression fell on the Bolsheviks. After the July days, the Provisional Government managed to subjugate the Soviets, who obediently carried out its will. However, this was a short-term victory for the Provisional Government, whose position was becoming increasingly precarious. Economic devastation in the country deepened: inflation grew rapidly, production fell catastrophically, and the danger of impending famine became real. In the village, mass pogroms of landowners' estates began, peasants seized not only landowners' lands, but also church lands, and information was received about the murders of landowners and even clergy. The soldiers are tired of the war. At the front, fraternization between soldiers of both warring sides became more frequent. The front was essentially falling apart. Desertion increased sharply, entire military units were withdrawn from their positions: soldiers hurried home to be in time for the division of the landowners' lands.
The February Revolution destroyed the old state structures, but failed to create a strong and authoritative government. The provisional government increasingly lost control over the situation in the country and was no longer able to cope with the growing devastation, the complete breakdown of the financial system, and the collapse of the front. The ministers of the Provisional Government, being highly educated intellectuals, brilliant speakers and publicists, turned out to be unimportant politicians and bad administrators, divorced from reality and poorly aware of it.
In a relatively short time, from March to October 1917, four compositions of the Provisional Government changed: its first composition lasted about two months (March-April), the next three (coalition, with “socialist ministers”) - each no more than one and a half months . It experienced two serious power crises (in July and September).
The power of the Provisional Government weakened every day. It increasingly lost control over the situation in the country. In a climate of political instability in the country, deepening economic ruin, and a protracted unpopular war. threats of impending famine, the masses longed for “firm power” that could “restore order.” The contradictory behavior of the Russian peasant also worked - his primordially Russian desire for “firm order” and at the same time primordially Russian hatred of any really existing order, i.e. a paradoxical combination in the peasant mentality of Caesarism (naive monarchism) and anarchism, obedience and rebellion.
By the fall of 1917, the power of the Provisional Government was virtually paralyzed: its decrees were not implemented or were completely ignored. There was virtual anarchy on the ground. There were fewer and fewer supporters and defenders of the Provisional Government. This largely explains the ease with which it was overthrown by the Bolsheviks on October 25, 1917. They not only easily overthrew the virtually powerless Provisional Government, but also received powerful support from the broad masses of the people, promulgating the most important decrees the very next day after the October Revolution - about earth and peace. It was not abstract socialist ideas, incomprehensible to the masses, that attracted them to the Bolsheviks, but the hope that they would actually stop the hated war and give the peasants the coveted land.
“V.A. Fedorov. History of Russia 1861-1917".
Library "Self-Self" http://society.polbu.ru/fedorov_rushistory/ch84_i.html
Although revolution 1905 - 1907 gg. and did not solve the fundamental tasks of democratizing the country that faced it and was defeated, however, it served as a political school for all parties and classes and thereby was an important prerequisite for the February Revolution and the subsequent October Revolution of 1917.
But February Revolution of 1917 took place in a different environment than the revolution of 1905 - 1907. On the eve of the February Revolution, social and political contradictions sharply worsened, aggravated by the hardships of a long and exhausting war into which Russia was drawn. The economic devastation generated by the war and, as a consequence, the exacerbation of the needs and misfortunes of the masses, caused acute social tension in the country, the growth of anti-war sentiment and general dissatisfaction not only with the left and opposition, but also with a significant part of the right forces with the policies of the autocracy. The authority of autocratic power and its bearer, the reigning emperor, dropped noticeably in the eyes of all layers of society. The war, unprecedented in its scale, seriously shook the moral foundations of society and brought unprecedented bitterness into the consciousness of people’s behavior. Millions of front-line soldiers, who saw blood and death every day, easily succumbed to revolutionary propaganda and were ready to take the most extreme measures. They longed for peace, a return to the land, and the slogan "Down with war!" was especially popular at that time. The end of the war was inevitably associated with the liquidation of the political regime that dragged the people into the war. So the monarchy lost its support in the army.
By the end of 1916. the country found itself in a state of deep social, political and moral crisis. Did the ruling circles realize the danger threatening them? Reports of the security department for the end of 1917 - beginning of 1917. full of anxiety in anticipation of a threatening social explosion. They foresaw a social danger for the Russian monarchy abroad. Grand Duke Mikhail Mikhailovich, the king's cousin, wrote to him in the middle November 1916. from London: " Agents Intelligence Service[British intelligence service] Usually well-informed, they predict a revolution in Russia. I sincerely hope Niki that you will find it possible to satisfy the just demands of the people before it is too late.". Those close to Nicholas II told him in despair: “There will be a revolution, we will all be hanged, but it doesn’t matter on which lantern”. However, he stubbornly refused to see this danger, hoping for the mercy of Providence. A curious conversation took place shortly before the events of February 1917 between the Tsar and the Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko. "Rodzianko: - I warn you that in less than three weeks a revolution will break out that will sweep you away, and you will no longer reign. Nicholas II: - Well, God willing. Rodzianko: “God won’t give anything, revolution is inevitable”. Although the factors that prepared the revolutionary explosion in February 1917 had been taking shape for a long time, politicians and publicists, right and left, predicted its inevitability; the revolution was neither “prepared” nor “organized”; it broke out spontaneously and suddenly for all parties and the government. Not a single political party showed itself to be the organizer and leader of the revolution, which took them by surprise.
The immediate cause of the revolutionary explosion was the following events that took place: in the second half of February 1917 in Petrograd. In mid-February, the capital's food supply, especially bread, deteriorated. There was bread in the country in sufficient quantity, but due to the devastation of transport and the sluggishness of the authorities responsible for supply, it could not be delivered to the cities in a timely manner. A card system was introduced, but it did not solve the problem. Long queues appeared at bakeries, which caused growing discontent among the population. In this situation, any act of the authorities or owners of industrial enterprises that irritated the population could serve as a detonator for a social explosion.
18th of Febuary workers at one of the largest factories in Petrograd, Putilovsky, went on strike, demanding an increase in wages due to rising costs. February 20th The plant administration, under the pretext of interruptions in the supply of raw materials, fired the strikers and announced the closure of some workshops for an indefinite period. The Putilovites were supported by workers from other city enterprises. February 23(according to the new style, March 8 - International Women's Day), it was decided to start a general strike. Opposition figures in the Duma also decided to take advantage of the day of February 23; as early as February 14, from the rostrum of the State Duma, they sharply criticized the incompetent ministers and demanded their resignation. Duma figures - Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze and Trudovik A.F. Kerensky- established contact with illegal organizations and created a committee to hold a demonstration on February 23. There was a strike that day 128 thousand workers 50 enterprises- a third of the capital's workers. A demonstration also took place, which was peaceful. A rally was held in the city center. The authorities, in order to reassure the people, announced that there was enough food in the city and there was no reason to worry. The next day there was already a strike 214 thousand workers. The strikes were accompanied by demonstrations: columns of demonstrators with red flags and singing "Marseillaise" rushed to the city center. Women took an active part in them and took to the streets with slogans “Bread”!, “Peace”!, “Freedom!”, “Bring back our husbands!”. Authorities initially treated them as spontaneous food riots. However, events grew stronger every day and became threatening for the authorities. 25 February strikes covered over 300 thousand people. (80% of city workers). The demonstrators were already speaking with political slogans: "Down with the monarchy!", "Long live the republic!", rushing towards the central squares and avenues of the city. They managed to overcome police and military barriers and break through to Znamenskaya Square near the Moskovsky Station, where a spontaneous rally began at the monument to Alexander III. Rallies and demonstrations took place in the main squares, avenues and streets of the city. The Cossack squads sent against them refused to disperse them. Demonstrators threw stones and logs at the mounted policemen. The authorities have already seen that "disorder" take on a political character.
On the morning of February 25 Columns of workers again rushed to the city center, and on the Vyborg side they were already destroying police stations. A rally began again on Znamenskaya Square. Demonstrators clashed with police, resulting in several demonstrators being killed and injured. On the same day, Nicholas II received from the commander of the Petrograd Military District, General S.S. Khabalov’s report about the outbreak of unrest in Petrograd, and at 9 o’clock in the evening Khabalov received a telegram from him: “I command you to stop the riots in the capital tomorrow, which are unacceptable during the difficult times of the war with Germany and Austria.”. Khabalov immediately ordered the police and reserve unit commanders to use weapons against the demonstrators. On the night of February 26 the police arrested about a hundred of the most active figures of the left parties.
February 26 was a Sunday. Factories and factories did not work. Masses of demonstrators with red banners and singing revolutionary songs again rushed to the central streets and squares of the city. There were continuous rallies on Znamenskaya Square and near the Kazan Cathedral. By order of Khabalov, the police, who sat on the roofs of houses, opened fire with machine guns on demonstrators and protesters. On Znamenskaya Square, 40 people were killed and the same number were wounded. Police fired at demonstrators on Sadovaya Street, Liteiny and Vladimirsky Avenues. On the night of February 27, new arrests were made: this time it was captured 170 people.
The outcome of any revolution depends on whose side the army is on. Defeat of the revolution 1905 - 1907 was largely due to the fact that despite a series of uprisings in the army and navy, on the whole the army remained loyal to the government and was used by it to suppress peasant and worker revolts. In February 1917, there was a garrison of up to 180 thousand soldiers in Petrograd. These were mainly spare parts that were to be sent to the front. There were quite a few recruits here from regular workers, mobilized for participation in strikes, and quite a few front-line soldiers who had recovered from injuries. The concentration of a mass of soldiers in the capital, who were easily influenced by revolutionary propaganda, was a major mistake by the authorities. (
) The shooting of demonstrators on February 26 caused strong indignation among the soldiers of the capital's garrison and had a decisive influence on their transition to the side of the revolution. On the afternoon of February 26, the 4th company of the reserve battalion The Pavlovsk regiment refused to take the place indicated to it at the outpost and even opened fire on a platoon of mounted police. The company was disarmed, 19 of it "instigators" were sent to the Peter and Paul Fortress. Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko telegraphed to the Tsar that day: "The situation is serious. There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed. There is indiscriminate shooting in the streets. Units of troops are shooting at each other.". In conclusion, he asked the king: “Immediately entrust a person who enjoys the country’s confidence to form a new government. There is no time to delay. Any delay is like death.”
Even on the eve of the tsar's departure to Headquarters, two versions of his decree on the State Duma were prepared - the first on its dissolution, the second on the interruption of its sessions. In response to Rodzianko’s telegram, the tsar sent a second version of the decree - on the break of the Duma from February 26 to April 1917. At 11 a.m. on February 27, deputies of the State Duma gathered in the White Hall of the Tauride Palace and silently listened to the tsar's decree on the break of the Duma session. The tsar's decree put the Duma members in a difficult position: on the one hand, they did not dare not fulfill the will of the tsar, on the other, they could not help but take into account the threatening unfolding of revolutionary events in the capital. Deputies from the left parties proposed not to obey the tsar’s decree and, in an “address to the people,” declare themselves the Constituent Assembly, but the majority was against such an action. In the Semicircular Hall of the Tauride Palace, they opened a “private meeting”, at which a decision was made, in fulfillment of the tsar’s order, not to hold official meetings of the Duma, but the deputies did not disperse and remained in their places. By half past three in the afternoon February 27 Crowds of demonstrators approached the Tauride Palace, some of them entered the palace. Then the Duma decided to form from its members "Provisional Committee of the State Duma for establishing order in Petrograd and for relations with institutions and individuals"
. On the same day, the Committee consisting of 12 people chaired by Rodzianko was formed. At first, the Provisional Committee was afraid to take power into its own hands and sought an agreement with the tsar. On the evening of February 27 Rodzianko sent a new telegram to the tsar, in which he invited him to make concessions - to instruct the Duma to form a ministry responsible to it. But events unfolded rapidly. On that day, strikes covered almost all enterprises in the capital, and in fact an uprising had already begun. The troops of the capital's garrison began to go over to the side of the rebels. On the morning of February 27 The training team, consisting of 600 people from the reserve battalion of the Volyn regiment, rebelled. The team leader was killed. The non-commissioned officer who led the uprising T.I. Kirpichnikov raised the entire regiment, which moved towards the Lithuanian and Preobrazhensky regiments and carried them along.
If on the morning of February 27 10 thousand soldiers went over to the side of the rebels, then in the evening of the same day - 67 thousand. On the same day, Khabalov telegraphed to the tsar that "troops refuse to go out against the rioters". 28th of February were on the side of the rebels 127 thousand soldiers, and on March 1 - already 170 thousand soldiers. 28th of February The Winter Palace and the Peter and Paul Fortress were taken, the arsenal was captured, from which it was distributed to working detachments 40 thousand rifles and 30 thousand revolvers. On Liteiny Prospekt, the building of the District Court and the House of Pre-trial Detention were destroyed and set on fire. Police stations were burning. The gendarmerie and secret police were liquidated. Many policemen and gendarmes were arrested (later the Provisional Government released them and sent them to the front). Prisoners were released from prisons. On March 1, after negotiations, the remnants of the garrison, who had settled in the Admiralty together with Khabalov, surrendered. The Mariinsky Palace was taken and the tsar's ministers and senior dignitaries who were in it were arrested. They were brought or brought to the Tauride Palace. Minister of Internal Affairs A.D. Protopopov voluntarily came under arrest. Ministers and generals from the Tauride Palace were escorted to the Peter and Paul Fortress, the rest - to places of detention prepared for them..
Military units from Peterhof and Strelna who had gone over to the side of the revolution arrived in Petrograd through the Baltic Station and along the Peterhof Highway. March 1 The sailors of the Kronstadt port rebelled. Commander of the Kronstadt port and military governor of Kronstadt, Rear Admiral R.N. Viren and several senior officers were shot by the sailors. Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich(cousin of Nicholas II) brought the sailors of the guards crew entrusted to him to the Tauride Palace at the disposal of the revolutionary power.
On the evening of February 28, in the conditions of the already victorious revolution, Rodzianko proposed to announce that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma would take over government functions. On the night of February 28, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma addressed the people of Russia with an appeal that he was taking the initiative "restoration of state and public order" and the creation of a new government. As a first measure, he sent commissioners from members of the Duma to the ministries. In order to take control of the situation in the capital and stop the further development of revolutionary events, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma tried in vain to return the soldiers to the barracks. But this attempt showed that he was unable to take control of the situation in the capital. Those who were revived during the revolution became more effective revolutionary authorities. adviсe. 2 more On February 6, a number of members of the Union of Workers' Cooperatives of Petrograd, the Social Democratic faction of the State Duma and other working groups put forward the idea of forming Soviets of Workers' Deputies along the lines of 1905. This idea was also supported by the Bolsheviks. On February 27, representatives of working groups, together with a group of Duma deputies and representatives of the left-wing intelligentsia, gathered in the Tauride Palace and announced the creation of the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council of Working People's Deputies. The Committee appealed to immediately elect deputies to the Council - one deputy from 1 thousand workers, and one from a company of soldiers. 250 deputies were elected and gathered in the Tauride Palace.
They, in turn, elected the Executive Committee of the Council, the chairman of which was the leader of the Social Democratic faction of the State Duma, the Menshevik N.S. Chkheidze, and his deputies are Trudovik A.F. Kerensky and Menshevik M.I. Skobelev. The majority in the Executive Committee and in the Council itself belonged to the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries - at that time the most numerous and influential left-wing parties in Russia. 28th of February the first issue came out" Izvestia of the Council of Workers' Deputies"(editor: Menshevik F.I. Dan).
The Petrograd Soviet began to act as a body of revolutionary power, making a number of important decisions. 28th of February On his initiative, district council committees were created. He formed military and food commissions, armed militia, and established control over printing houses and railways. By decision of the Petrograd Council, the financial resources of the tsarist government were seized and control was established over their spending. Commissars from the Council were sent to the districts of the capital to establish people's power in them. (
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March 1, 1917. The advice was issued by the famous "Order No. 1", which provided for the creation of elected soldiers' committees in military units, abolished the titles of officers and the giving of honor to them outside of service, but most importantly, it removed the Petrograd garrison from subordination to the old command. This order in our literature is usually regarded as a deeply democratic act. In fact, By subordinating unit commanders to soldier committees with little competence in military affairs, he violated the principle of unity of command necessary for any army and thereby contributed to the decline of military discipline.
Number of victims in Petrograd in the February days of 1917 was about 300 people killed and up to 1200 wounded
With education February 27 Between the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, dual power actually began to emerge. Before March 1, 1917. The Council and the Duma Committee acted independently of each other. IN night from 1 to 2 March Negotiations began between representatives of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Committee of the State Duma on the formation of the Provisional Government. Representatives of the Soviets set the condition that the Provisional Government immediately proclaim civil liberties, amnesty for political prisoners and announce the convening of the Constituent Assembly. If the Provisional Government fulfilled this condition, the Council decided to support it. The formation of the composition of the Provisional Government was entrusted to the Provisional Committee of the State Duma.
2nd of March it was formed and March, 3rd its composition has also been made public. The Provisional Government included 1 2 people - 10 ministers and 2 equivalent to ministers chief managers of central departments. 9 ministers were deputies of the State Duma.
A large landowner, chairman of the All-Russian Zemstvo Union, cadet, prince became the Chairman of the Provisional Government and at the same time the Minister of Internal Affairs G.E. Lviv, Ministers: Foreign Affairs - Leader of the Kadet Party P.N. Miliukov, (German spy and English what is known as a fact) military and naval - leader of the Octobrist party A.I. Guchkov, (the only Freemasonry of which is in question) trade and industry - a large manufacturer, a progressive, A.I. Konovalov, communication routes - "left" cadet N.V. Nekrasov, public education - close to the cadets, professor of law A.A. Manuilov, agriculture - zemstvo doctor, cadet, A.I. Shingarev, Justice - Trudovik (since March 3, Socialist Revolutionary, the only socialist in the government) A.F. Kerensky, Finnish affairs - cadet IN AND. Rodichev, Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod - Octobrist V.N. Lviv, State Comptroller - Octobrist I.V. Godnev. Thus, 7 ministerial posts, the most important ones, ended up in the hands of the Cadets, 3 ministerial posts were received by the Octobrists and 2 by representatives of other parties. It was "finest hour" cadets, who found themselves in power for a short time (two months). The inauguration of the ministers of the Provisional Government took place on March 3-5. The Provisional Government declared itself for a transitional period (until the convening of the Constituent Assembly) of the supreme legislative and executive power in the country.
March, 3rd The program of activities of the Provisional Government, agreed upon with the Petrograd Soviet, was also published: 1) complete and immediate amnesty for all political and religious affairs; 2) freedom of speech, press, assembly and strikes; 3) abolition of all class, religious and national restrictions; 4) immediate preparations for elections on the basis of universal, equal, secret and direct voting to the Constituent Assembly; 5) replacing the police with a people's militia with elected authorities subordinate to local government bodies; 6) elections to local government bodies; 7) non-disarmament and non-withdrawal from Petrograd of military units that took part in the uprising on February 27; and 8) providing soldiers with civil rights. The program laid the broad foundations of constitutionalism and democracy in the country. However, most of the measures declared in the declaration of the Provisional Government on March 3 were implemented even earlier, as soon as the revolution was victorious. Yes, still 28th of February The police were abolished and a people's militia was formed: instead of 6 thousand police officers, 40 thousand people were employed to maintain order in Petrograd. people's militia. She took protection of enterprises and city blocks. Detachments of the native militia were soon created in other cities. Subsequently, along with the workers' militia, combat workers' squads (Red Guard) also appeared. The first detachment of the Red Guard was created in early March at the Sestroretsk plant. The gendarmerie and secret police were liquidated.
Hundreds of prisons were destroyed or burned. The press organs of Black Hundred organizations were closed. Trade unions were revived, cultural, educational, women's, youth and other organizations were created. Complete freedom of the press, rallies and demonstrations was won in person. Russia has become the freest country in the world.
The initiative to reduce the working day to 8 hours came from the Petrograd entrepreneurs themselves. On March 10, an agreement was concluded between the Petrograd Soviet and the Petrograd Society of Manufacturers on this. Then, through similar private agreements between workers and entrepreneurs, the 8-hour working day was introduced throughout the country. However, the Provisional Government did not issue a special decree on this. The agrarian question was referred to the decision of the Constituent Assembly for fear that the soldiers, having learned about "dividing the land", will abandon the front and move to the village. The Provisional Government declared unauthorized seizures of landowner peasants illegal.
Striving "get closer to the people" In order to study the specific situation in the country on the spot and enlist the support of the population, the ministers of the Provisional Government made frequent trips to cities, army and naval units. At first, they met such support at rallies, meetings, various kinds of meetings, and professional congresses. The ministers often and willingly gave interviews to representatives of the press and held press conferences. The press, in turn, sought to create a favorable public opinion about the Provisional Government. The first to admit and the Provisional Government, as "the exponent of the true will of the people and the only government of Russia" France and England. In early March, the Provisional Government was recognized by the USA, Italy, Norway, Japan, Belgium, Portugal, Serbia and Iran.....