Intervention of the Entente countries in northern Russia during the civil war

§ 2. Reasons for the defeat of the invaders

The defeat of the intervention troops was due to a number of reasons:

1. The participants in the intervention had unclear goals, and each of the allies pursued personal interests.

2. The intervention armies were not motivated to fight.

3. In fact, throughout the entire period of intervention, society did not support the actions of the interventionists; there was social protest against the actions of the Entente countries in Russia.

4. Inconsistency of the goals of the interventionists and the White Guards.

The last reason seems to determine the outcome of the events described. Posing themselves as defenders of Russia from Soviet power, the interventionists, however, did not agree to full cooperation with the White Guards, using them exclusively in their own purposes. The so-called allies did not fully trust each other and, accordingly, did not coordinate their actions. The interventionists tried to remain aloof from the events taking place, but at the same time completely control them. Thus causing distrust on the part of the Russians. This can be illustrated by the information about the relationship between whites and the interventionists contained in the essay by B.F. Sokolov (member of the northern white government) "The Fall of the Northern Region." Sokolov writes that what was especially striking was the isolation of the British from the Russian military. Often both of them lived side by side, and, however, there was no relationship between them. Everyone lived own life, own interests. The British kept to their own circle, the Russians to theirs. But still, the British were more or less interested in the Russians, willingly entered into conversations with them, received them and treated them.

The Russian soldiers were filled with some kind of instinctive, unconscious hostility towards them. It is absolutely clear that in this state of affairs, with disunity and even hatred among people who are fighting for the same goal, it is impossible to achieve success.

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Why, after all, despite temporary successes and significant material and military assistance from abroad, the white movement was defeated? First of all, because its leaders failed to offer the people a sufficiently constructive and attractive program. In the territories they controlled, the laws of the Russian Empire were restored, property was returned to its previous owners. And although none of the white governments openly put forward the idea of ​​​​restoring the monarchical order, the popular consciousness perceived them as champions for the old government, for the return of the tsar and landowners. The national policy of the white generals, their fanatical adherence to the slogan of “united and indivisible Russia” was also suicidal. The white movement was unable to become the core consolidating all anti-Bolshevik forces. Moreover, having refused to cooperate with socialist parties, the white generals themselves split the anti-Bolshevik front, turning the Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, anarchists and their supporters into their opponents. And in the white camp itself there was no unity and interaction either in the political or military sphere. There were hostile personal relationships between the leaders. Each of them strived for championship. The recognition of Admiral A.V. Kolchak as the “supreme ruler of Russia” was a purely formal act. The white movement did not have a leader whose authority would be recognized by everyone, who would understand that the civil war is not a battle of armies, but a battle political programs, would be able to maneuver, would not flaunt close ties with foreign troops and governments.

And finally, as the white generals themselves bitterly admitted, one of the reasons for the defeat was the moral decay of the army, the application of measures to the population that did not fit into the white code of honor: robberies, pogroms, punitive expeditions, violence. The white movement was started by “almost saints”, and ended by “almost bandits” - this was the verdict made by one of the ideologists of the white movement, former leader Russian nationalists V.V. Shulgin.

DOCUMENTATION

The White movement in the assessment of N. A. Astrov, member of the Central Committee of the Constitutional Democratic Party

In a broad sense, the white movement is all anti-Bolsheviks: socialists, democrats, liberals, conservatives and even reactionaries. In a closer sense, these are only defenders of the old principles of monarchy and nationalism. The white movement begins in the first sense and ends in the second, gradually narrowing and moving towards the ideals of monarchical restoration... I will immediately point out three reasons for the failure of the white movement: 1) insufficient and untimely assistance from the allies, guided by narrowly selfish considerations, 2) the gradual strengthening of reactionary elements in composition of the movement and 3) as a consequence of the second, the disappointment of the masses in the white movement.

From the order of A.I. Denikin to the Special Meeting

In connection with my order No. 175 this year, I order

The special meeting shall adopt the following provisions as the basis for its activities:

• 1. United, great, indivisible Russia. Defense of faith. Establishing order...
• 2. Fight against Bolshevism to the end.
• 3. Military dictatorship... Any opposition - right and left - must be punished.

The question of the form of government is a matter for the future. The Russian people will elect supreme power no pressure and no imposition...

4. Foreign policy is only national Russian...

For help - not an inch of Russian land.

• 6. Continue the development of agrarian and labor laws...
• 7. Improve the health of the front and military rear - by the work of specially appointed generals with great powers, the composition of the field court and the use of extreme repression.

About the reprisal against the villages that rebelled against Kolchak’s followers

I. In every village in the region of the uprising, search in detail those captured with weapons in their hands, and shoot enemies on the spot.

II. Arrest based on evidence local residents all agitators, members of the Soviet of Deputies, who helped the uprising, deserters, accomplices and concealers and betray court-martial.

III. Send the unreliable and vicious element to the Berezovsky and Nerchinsky regions, handing them over to the police.

IV. Local authorities who did not provide adequate resistance to the bandits, carried out their orders and did not take all measures to eliminate the Reds with their own means, be brought before a military court, the punishment increased up to and including the death penalty.

V. Villages that have rebelled again will be liquidated with double severity, up to the destruction of the entire village.

Questions and tasks

1. How was Soviet power established in October 1917 - June 1918? In which areas of Russia was resistance to the Soviets significant? Why? 2. What was the significance of military intervention in unleashing civil war? Why did the Entente governments not undertake a large-scale invasion of Russia? 3. Describe the political platform of the leaders of the white movement A.I. Denikin and A.V. Kolchak. 4. What were the strengths and weaknesses of the white movement? Why did it fail?

Expanding vocabulary

Civil War -- organized armed struggle for power between citizens of the same state.

Directory -- management, leadership, collective executive body.

People's Socialists(Enesy) - members of one of the neo-populist parties (People's Socialist Party), which was formed from the right wing of the AKP in 1906.

Vladimir Ilyich Lenin: the genius of the Russian breakthrough of humanity to socialism Subetto Alexander Ivanovich

12.4. 1919 is the peak of the civil war. Lenin at the head of military and defense construction. Reasons for the defeat of the interventionist forces of the Entente and the White armies

12.4.1. Creation of the Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense. Personnel strengthening of the Red Army

In order to mobilize all forces and resources On November 30, 1918, the Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense was created, headed by Lenin. It was an emergency organ of the dictatorship of the working class and poor peasantry brought to life by wartime conditions.

The intensity of the work of this body is evidenced by the fact that from December 1, 1918 to February 27, 1920, the Council of Workers' and Peasants' Defense held more than 100 meetings. All meetings, with the exception of 2, were chaired by Lenin.

In October 1918 Vladimir Ilyich put forward the task - create an army of 3 million in a short period of time. He systematically monitored the progress of mobilization and showed great concern for the armament and equipment of the divisions being created, and paid serious attention to the preparation of reserves for the Red Army through a system of universal military training.

May 11, 1918 Lenin took part in the oath taking military units in the Zamoskvoretsky district of Moscow and spoke before the Red Army soldiers who took the oath short speech. On behalf of the government, he congratulated the fighters on taking the oath of allegiance to the revolution and Soviet power and wished them success in the fight against the enemies of the socialist homeland.

Special attention Vladimir Ilyich paid attention to providing the Army with command personnel. A system of military academies and officer courses was created to train Red commanders. November 24 was declared Red Officer Day. Speaking to the cadets after receiving the parade, the head of the first Soviet state said: " Only Red officers will have authority among the soldiers and will be able to strengthen socialism in our army. Such an army will be invincible" .

From the ranks of the Communist Party, from the workers and peasants, came remarkable commanders and heroes of the civil war: V.A. Antonov-Ovseenko, V.K. Blucher, S.M. Budyonny, K.E. Voroshilov, S.S. Vostretsov, O.I. Gorodovikov, P.E. Dybenko, G.I. Kotovsky, S.G. Lazo, A.Ya. Parkhomenko, I.P. Uborevich, J.F. Fabritsius, I.F. Fedko, M.V. Frunze, V.I. Chapaev, N.A. Shchors, R. P. Eideman, I. E. Yakir and many others.

Most personnel of the Red Army amounted to former officers royal army. Among them stood out such major military leaders of the Red Army as V.I. Vatsetis, V.M. Gittis, A.I. Egorov, S.S. Kamenev, D.M. Karbyshev, A.I. Kork, P.P. Lebedev, A.P. Nikolaev, A. V. Stankevich, M.N. Tukhachevsky, B.M. Shaposhnikov.

Lenin took a personal part in the selection of major military specialists and in their promotion to various responsible positions in the Red Army.

12.4.2. Assassination attempt on Lenin by Socialist-Revolutionary Kaplan

On August 30, 1918, a new attempt was made on Lenin. A Socialist-Revolutionary terrorist shot Kaplan (shot several times) during the performance Vladimir Ilyich in front of workers at the former factory. Mikhelson (now a plant named after Vladimir Ilyich).

V.I.Lenin was on the verge of death. One bullet broke his left shoulder, the other pierced the top of his left lung. He lost a lot of blood, at times his pulse disappeared, and his heart shifted somewhat. The fight for his life began. Strong body Ilyich quickly dealt with the injury. Just a week after the injury Lenin has already begun to become involved in the leadership process, sending telegrams with instructions on military issues.

In response to the aggravated summer of 1918 white terror, part of which was the assassination attempt Lenin, The Soviet state declared Red Terror. The Red Terror was stopped by a resolution of the VI All-Russian Congress of Soviets on November 6, 1918; in fact, in most regions it was completed in September-October.

Was the Red Terror legitimate as a political action? Answer: no. Many agree that the Red Terror prompted the expansion of the civil war. But the answer “no” itself can be disputed. One should agree with the wise reflection on this topic S.G. Kara-Murza:“Apparently, at all the fatal “crossroads” at which he ( To the Soviet state, S.A.) had to make a choice from a very small set of options, the Soviet state did not make difficult ones, much less obvious then errors. The cause of Russia's national catastrophe is a combination of massive, fundamental factors. The question of whether the Soviet government could have prevented civil war through a more subtle and precise policy is of purely academic interest. Most likely, the resources for this new government wasn't enough" .

To this we should only add once again that the civil war was a secondary phenomenon and it was fueled by the plans of Western and American imperialism to dismember Russia, for which imperialism used the White movement, keeping it completely under its control and management.

12.4.3. White movement as a “second echelon” for foreign intervention. Reasons for the defeat of the White armies in the Civil War

The most difficult year was 1919. Main dangers: from the south - the army Denikina, from the east - the army Kolchak, from the west - the army Yudenich.

The miracle of 1919 is that the Soviet Republic survived and the Red Army defeated the White Guard troops when it seemed (summer 1919) they were one step away from victory.

What are the reasons for the defeat of the Whites?

1. While the Soviet government led by Lenin, Stalin as a leader People's Commissariat By national affairs(Narkomnats), carried out an effective national policy, in which the friendship of peoples was strengthened through socialism and proletarian internationalism. The White movement and its “leaders” ignored the national meaning in the system of the ongoing social conflict in Russia. They followed the liberal-bourgeois ideal and the struggle for a “united and indivisible Russia.”

2. The white movement arose as a “second echelon” behind foreign intervention. The author has already pointed this out above. The same conclusion is well-reasoned S.G. Kara-Murza . This factor alone led to the fact that whites did not have widespread popular support, since they began to be seen as the second echelon of intervention. The war began to take on the character of a patriotic war. This is also evidenced by the ratio of recruits to the White and Red Armies. In 1920, the number of recruits to the White and Red Army was in the ratio 1:5. This means that the White movement did not have popular support. " As the Whites advanced, uprisings broke out in their rear (in the words of a White Army historian, “a wave of rebel lower classes”).” . By the way, uprisings in the rear of the army Kolchak, especially in Siberia, in the Novosibirsk province, Altai region, in the Urals, in the Orenburg province played the role of one of the powerful factors in the defeat of this army by the fall of 1919.

3. " The Bolsheviks were able to establish stricter discipline in the Red Army than in the White Army . The point here is both in ideology, which emphasizes solidarity, and in the philosophical guidelines themselves - not to indulge the “Hun”"(emphasis added by me, S.A.) – writes S.G. Kara-Murza. S.G. Kara-Murza correctly emphasizes that in The Red Army had a flexible and varied system of training soldiers and the principle applied mutual responsibility(general responsibility of the unit for the misconduct of the Red Army, especially in relation to the population). " White Army had neither the strength, nor ideas, nor moral authority for this - disciplinary mechanisms old army stopped working. M.M. Prishvin, dreaming of the arrival of the whites, on June 4, 1920, wrote in his diary: “The returned captive of the whites told about the atrocities that were happening in the army Denikina, and we were all overcome with a feeling of joy that we had spent time with the Reds." .

4. The population also went to the side of the Reds because the Russian Revolution “created a powerful socio-political organism that prevented the collapse of this great power in the manner of Austria-Hungary or Ottoman Empire" (emphasis added by me, S.A.).

To this it should be added that the moral face of the leading figures of the White movement, to whom the current “liberal democrats” sing hosannas, consisted of colors not of patriotism, but of comprodor-treasonous ones.

Anton Ivanovich Denikin was under unconditional subordination to Western imperialism. Biographer A.I.Denikina D.Lekhovich " defined his political platform as "liberalism", based on the belief that" the cadet party... will be able to lead Russia... to constitutional monarchy British type"; respectively, " idea of ​​loyalty to allies (Great Britain, France, USA - V.K.) acquired the character of a symbol of faith" . V. Kozhinov notices that Denikin was in unconditional subordination to the West and obediently recognized the “supremacy” A.V. Kolchak.

The latter meant a certain Entente vertical of power in the white movement, at the top of which was Kolchak, and who completely considered himself a “condottiere” of US imperialism.

V.A.Kozhinov writes: " Alexander Vasilyevich Kolchak was, without a doubt, a protege of the West and that is why he ended up " Supreme ruler". In a period of life Kolchak from June 1917, when he went abroad, and until his arrival in Omsk in November 1918, there is a lot that is unclear, but the documented facts are quite expressive. " June 17 (30),– the admiral informed the person closest to him A.V. Timireva, - I had a top secret and important conspiracy with US Ambassador Ruth and admiral Glennon... I'm leaving for New York in the near future. So, I found myself in a position close to a “condottiere”, that is, a hired military leader... At the beginning of August(my note: 1917, S.A.) Kolchak, who had just been promoted to admiral (“full”) by the Provisional Government, secretly arrived in London, where he met with the British Navy Minister and discussed with him the issue of “saving” Russia. Then he again secretly went to the USA, where he conferred not only with the ministers of war and navy (which was natural for an admiral), but also with the minister of foreign affairs, and also - which is suggestive ( my remark: keeping in mind Wilson’s 14 points, S.A.) – with the then US President himself Woodrow Wilson" . Having received notification of the October Uprising, the admiral arrived « ...in the service of His Majesty the King of Great Britain" (emphasis added by me, S.A.) .

In March 1918 he is on orders from the head of the British military intelligence, which indicated his " secret presence in Manchuria", those. on the Chinese-Russian border, ended up in Harbin. In his diary, the admiral, the future "Supreme Ruler" of Russia, writes that he must " receive instructions and information from the allied ambassadors" and what's his " the mission is secret" although he guesses" about its tasks and goals" . "In the end, - notices V.A. Kozhinov, - in November 1918 Kolchak to carry out this “mission” (my remark : and this mission consisted of dismembering Russia according to the Anglo-American plan, S.A.) was proclaimed the Supreme Ruler of Russia in Omsk. The West supplied him much more generously than Denikina, About a million rifles, several thousand machine guns, hundreds of guns and cars, dozens of aircraft, about half a million sets of uniforms, etc. were delivered to him. Of course, “the pragmatic West delivered all this as collateral in the form of thirds of the gold reserve Russia..."

In confirmation that leaders of the White movement - generals (the other figures look neither cleaner nor more moral) were colonizers of Russia from the West, says confession P.N.Malyukova , a direct employee of German counterintelligence, who on January 4, 1920, in a letter from London to his associate, the famous countess S.V.Panina, who was then in the White Army on the Don, wrote: " Now extends(in the West - V.K.) in a cruder and more frank form, the idea of ​​​​exploiting Russia as a colony... for the sake of its wealth and the need for raw materials for Europe"(emphasis added by me, S.A.).

From what has already been stated, it is clear who Kolchak is, and from whom the modern comprador capitalocracy in Russia makes heroes beginning of the XXI centuries! And how similar the West’s claims to the colonization of Russia are with its current claims, demonstrated quite openly.

12.4.4. Lenin is at the head of the plan for realizing the unity of the army and the rear. "War Communism"

Vladimir Ilyich Lenin headed the plan to ensure the unity of the army and the rear. " To wage war for real, - he taught, A strong, organized rear is needed. The most best army", the people most devoted to the cause of the revolution will be immediately exterminated by the enemy if they are not sufficiently armed, supplied with food, and trained" .

Not limited to nationalizations large industry, government Lenin carried out the nationalization of medium-sized and a significant part of small enterprises. A food distribution was introduced - mandatory delivery by peasants of all surplus agricultural products. At the end of 1918, universal labor conscription was established. Private trade was prohibited and a card system was introduced. Basic products were distributed to the population according to strict established standards, By class principle. We had to temporarily move away from the socialist principle of distribution according to work and generally take the path of equal distribution.

The so-called “war communism” arose as a military-economic necessity to mobilize forces to defeat the interventionists and the White Guards. This was the only possible policy of the Soviet state, which made it possible to mobilize and correctly distribute all the then very limited material resources countries, to supply the fronts with everything necessary. Later Lenin wrote that The policy of “war communism” fulfilled its historical purpose - it saved the dictatorship of the working class and the poor peasantry in a country devastated by its enemies.

"War communism" itself Vladimir Ilyich considered as a temporary measure caused by war and ruin. After the war, a new economic policy was introduced.

The Defense Council, under the leadership of Lenin, organized the production of weapons, ammunition, military equipment while simultaneously providing food for the Red Army and industrial centers countries, took measures to improve performance railways and the fight against fuel hunger. On the initiative Lenin Important decisions were made on the production of machine guns and rifles, cartridges and shells, the collection of spent cartridges, the repair of weapons, and the work of Tula, Izhevsk and other defense enterprises.

Under personal control Vladimir Ilyich a rear security system was in place, measures were taken to increase the actions of the Cheka against sabotage, conspiracies, counter-revolutionary actions, and to suppress the actions of White military intelligence and foreign intelligence services that supported the activities of interventionist troops.

It should be noted that socialist, Soviet ideology sharply raised the consciousness of the working masses, their understanding that they were defending their society - the society of Labor. Often the working peasantry took the initiative to send food in excess of the appropriation norms. Thus, in January 1919, the Second Congress of Soviets of the Sarapul district of the Vyatka province decided to collect and send 80 thousand pounds of bread as a gift to Moscow and Petrograd. Lenin, having received the congress delegates accompanying the train, he wrote: " This is such a remarkable feat that well deserves a special salute." .

Simultaneously Lenin paid attention to strengthening the ranks of the party. In the fall of 1919, during one of the most dangerous moments of the civil war, during party week, 200 thousand new members joined the party. " The mass of workers is for us, - he wrote. – This is our strength" .

12.4.5. Lenin as an outstanding organizer of the defense of the Republic of Soviets

By the spring of 1919, the armies of the White Guards and interventionists numbered more than a million people. The High Command of the Allied Armies (Entente) decided to carry out an intervention with a coordinated strike by anti-Soviet forces and accepted it as necessary " to undertake a general offensive, launched from all the borders of Russia and directed concentrically to the very heart of Bolshevism - to Moscow" .

Repeatedly, the troops of the White Guards, well armed by the Entente, approached vital important center Soviet republic, creating a mortal threat to the Russian socialist revolution.

In April 1919, the army Kolchak were located 85–100 kilometers from Kazan, Simbirsk, Samara. In the first half of October the troops Denikin captured Orel and entered the Tula province, creating an immediate danger for the capital Soviet state- Moscow. General Yudenich twice, in May and October, he broke through to the approaches to Petrograd.

Republic of Soviets, according to catchphrase Lenin, became a battle camp.

During this difficult period for the country, Lenin appears as an outstanding organizer of the entire defense of the country.

He wrote the most important party documents, which were a combat program for mobilizing the forces of the party and people to defeat the enemy:

? « Theses of the Central Committee of the RCP(b) in connection with the situation on the Eastern Front »;

? letter from the Central Committee of the RCP(b) to all party organizations “Everyone to fight Denikin !"

and others.

The task was set of the complete mobilization of workers in the front-line areas, the task of maximizing assistance in supplying the Red Army.

Vladimir Ilyich was in daily contact with the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic and the main command. He directed and controlled their activities, monitored the implementation of strategic guidelines and military directives of the Central Committee and the Soviet government, and dealt with the preparation of the most important military operations.

When did it arise on the Eastern Front? critical situation, associated with the possibility of connecting the Northern and Eastern fronts by the white armies, Lenin sends a commission consisting of Stalin and Dzerzhinsky to Perm in January 1919. By this time, the 3rd Army had surrendered Perm. Stalin and Dzerzhinsky gave a harsh assessment of the situation, largely blaming the Revolutionary Military Council and personally Trotsky. The commission's report raised the question of transforming the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic. Lenin and the majority of the Central Committee did not accept this proposal, so as not to aggravate the already tense relations between Stalin and Trotsky . However, the rest of the commission's recommendations Stalin – Dzerzhinsky were accepted, her work turned out to be fruitful: " The situation on the Eastern Front gradually improved: units and formations were reorganized, the supply of weapons and food was improved, discipline was strengthened, and significant changes were made in the deployment command staff etc. Ultimately, the Red Army was soon able to go on the offensive on the Eastern Front and the main forces of the admiral Kolchak were defeated, as a result of which vast territories of the Urals and Siberia were liberated" .

The second example is when Stalin acts as extraordinary representative Lenin, is a situation of a serious threat to Petrograd from the troops Yudenich in the spring of 1919. Facts of direct treason were discovered among the troops of the Petrograd Front. Some Red Army regiments went over to the enemy's side. The garrisons of the naval forts "Krasnaya Gorka" and "Grey Horse" openly opposed Soviet power. The threat to Petrograd has assumed tangible proportions. By recommendation Lenin The Party Central Committee in May 1919 decides to send Stalin to Petrograd. " The mandate of the Defense Council dated May 17, 1919 stated that I.V.Stalin sent to the Petrograd region and other areas western front"to take all necessary emergency measures in connection with the situation created on the western front" .

Stalin inspected the state of affairs, visited a number of sectors of the front, visited Kronstadt, where he got acquainted with the state Baltic Fleet. He also went to the headquarters of the Western Front, located in Staraya Russa. He regularly informs Lenin about the situation in Petrograd and the measures taken, in particular, asks for reinforcements: “... the point, of course, is not in quantity, but in the quality of units. We only need three infantry regiment, of course, combat-ready, and at least one cavalry regiment in order to drive the entire pack beyond Narva. If you could have fulfilled this small request in a timely manner, you would have been driven away yesterday. However, there is no need to worry, since the situation at the front has become stable, the front line has strengthened, and in some places our people are already advancing." . Under the direction of Stalin were accepted effective measures to capture the rebel naval forts. At the same time, he regularly keeps in touch with Lenin, consults and reports on every success.

The third example is the role Stalin in turning the situation on the Southern Front. One of the main reasons for the failure is the strategic illiteracy of the actions of the Revolutionary Military Forces of the Republic, headed by Trotsky. Without naming personally Trotsky, with a feeling of anger Lenin writes to a member of the RVS To S.I. Gusev: " Comrade Gusev! Delving into the letter Sklyansky (about the state of affairs 15/IX) and as a result of the reports, I am convinced that our RVSR is not working well. Calming and reassuring is a bad tactic. It turns out to be a "game of calm." But in reality, we have stagnation - almost collapse. ...It's a shame! And they started beating us! We will make the RVSR responsible for this if vigorous action is not taken. Letting go of victory is a shame. ...Apparently, our RVSR “commands” without being interested in or unable to monitor execution. If this is our common sin, then in military affairs it is downright ruinous." .

A harsh assessment of the activities of the RVSR and its chairman Trotsky from the outside Lenin led to the decision of the Central Committee on September 26, 1919 on the appointment Stalin member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern Front. Thanks to the activity Stalin managed not only to stabilize the situation on the Southern Front, but also to create the preconditions for organizing the defeat Denikin.

All three cases are given by me only to show examples of methods by which Lenin neutralized critical moments using strengths their comrades, in this case Stalin.

Lenin was not a military specialist, but he thoroughly studied the literature on the art of war, knew the history of wars very well, even professional military men were amazed at how well Lenin navigated the most complex and special issues military science.

Developing revolutionary theory in relation to the era of imperialism, Vladimir Ilyich made a great contribution to the Marxist teaching on war and the army. He laid the foundations of Soviet military science and Soviet military art, which were included in the foundations theoretical foundations victory of the Soviet Armed Forces and Soviet people, under the direction of communist party, over the German invader in 1945, 65 years ago. Lenin priority in developing questions about the nature of wars in the era of imperialism, the importance of socio-economic and moral factors and decisive role of the masses in modern war, about the methods and forms of armed struggle of the working class, about the defense of the socialist fatherland, about the construction of the armed forces of the Soviet socialist state and others.

In strategic leadership, Vladimir Ilyich considered the ability to highlight the main military task and concentrate maximum efforts on solving the most important ones.

Lenin monitored situations on all fronts and responded to emerging critical situations in a timely manner.

For example, on August 24, 1919 he writes " Letter to workers and peasants regarding the victory over Kolchak", in which he called Soviet people don't calm down achieved successes, strain all your strength, completely break and destroy the enemy, expel Kolchak, foreign invaders from Siberia. Lenin draws attention to the fact that The Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries were the accomplices of Kolchakism, and set the task of strengthening the alliance of the working class with the working peasantry.

On the initiative Lenin to help underground organizations the party was sent to Siberia large group party workers. By order of the Central Committee partisan detachments merged into large connections who operated in contact with units of the Red Army.

In December 1919, the Red Army dealt crushing blows to the troops Denikina, liberated Kharkov, Kyiv, the Donetsk basin and launched a rapid offensive in the direction of Rostov-on-Don.

December 28th Lenin wrote the famous " Letter to the workers and peasants of Ukraine regarding the victory over Denikin." He called for gathering all forces and completely defeating Denikin’s troops, consolidating complete liberation Ukrainian workers and peasants from landlord and capitalist oppression.

Troop defeat Kolchak, Denikin and Yudenich by the end of 1919 and the beginning of 1920, it meant a turning point in the civil war.

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3. Reasons act of will; reasons of will or motives First we need to give some examples in which something is the cause of a volitional decision in a completely special sense, different from the cases already considered. This is the relationship of cause to volitional decision not interpreted

The defeat of the intervention troops was due to a number of reasons:

1. The participants in the intervention had unclear goals, and each of the allies pursued personal interests.

2. The intervention armies were not motivated to fight.

3. In fact, throughout the entire period of intervention, society did not support the actions of the interventionists; there was social protest against the actions of the Entente countries in Russia.

4. Inconsistency of the goals of the interventionists and the White Guards.

The last reason seems to determine the outcome of the events described. Presenting themselves as defenders of Russia from Soviet power, the interventionists, however, did not fully cooperate with the White Guards, using them exclusively for their own purposes. The so-called allies did not fully trust each other and, accordingly, did not coordinate their actions. The interventionists tried to remain aloof from the events taking place, but at the same time completely control them. Thus causing distrust on the part of the Russians. This can be illustrated by the information about the relationship between the whites and the interventionists contained in the essay by B.F. Sokolov (member of the northern white government) “The Fall of the Northern Region.” Sokolov writes that what was especially striking was the isolation of the British from the Russian military. Often both of them lived side by side, and, however, there was no relationship between them. Everyone lived their own lives, their own interests. The British kept to their own circle, the Russians to theirs. But still, the British were more or less interested in the Russians, willingly entered into conversations with them, received them and treated them.

The Russian soldiers were filled with some kind of instinctive, unconscious hostility towards them. It is absolutely clear that in this state of affairs, with disunity and even hatred among people who are fighting for the same goal, it is impossible to achieve success.

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This is how it happened in historical science, that all the forces acting against the Bolsheviks began to be called White Guard. At the same time, the analysis shows that the camp of the counter-revolution was not so homogeneous, its composition changed over time, former enemies became allies, and allies, on the contrary, became enemies. One of the anti-Soviet forces was foreign military intervention. The German intervention weakened the country, depriving it huge territories, thereby worsening the economic situation. It changed the balance of political forces in the occupied territories, facilitating the rise to power of elements hostile to the Soviets. And this, in turn, pushed the Soviets to intensify repression and terror. Thus, the German intervention contributed to the escalation of violence on both sides, which was the most important factor further outbreak of civil war.

An integral part intervention was military-economic blockade, established by the Entente against Soviet power. The naval blockade, which included the interception of neutral ships, was a gross violation of international law, an essentially terrorist action. The Entente intervention could not be justified either legally or morally.

The corps of interventionists was small. On May 1, 1919, it amounted to approximately 202.5 thousand people, of which 80 thousand (at the end of the war 150 thousand) were Japanese, about 45 thousand were British, 42 thousand were Czechoslovaks, 13.6 thousand were French etc. The interventionists were concentrated mainly in ports, far from the centers where the fate of the country was decided. The Red Army did not conduct military operations against the invaders. Main help Foreign powers provided anti-Soviet forces with weapons, finances, and material support.

The civil war in Russia led to the phenomenal phenomenon when troops opposite sides The officers and generals of the still unified Russian army commanded yesterday.

So, on the one hand there were M.V. Alekseev, L.G. Kornilov, A.I. Denikin, A.V. Kolchak, N.N. Yudenich, and on the other hand - their former fellow soldiers who entered the service of Soviet power : Commanders-in-Chief of the Red Army I.I. Vatsetis, S.S. Kamenev; commanders of the front troops - V.M. Gittis, A.I. Egorov, V.N. Egoriev, P.P. Sytin, M.N. Tukhachevsky, V.I. Shorin; major staff members - P.P. Lebedev, N.N. Petin, N.I. Rattel, B.M. Shaposhnikov; army commanders - M.I.Vasilenko, A.I.Gekker, A.I.Kork, M.K.Levandovsky, I.P.Uborevich, R.P.Eideman and others.

Reasons for the defeat of the white movement during the civil war in Russia were diverse. One of the main ones was the system of political structure in Russia, as it developed since the 14th century. For 700 years government Russia was an extremely tough vertical structure, which held together all spheres of society. As a result, the entire social infrastructure of the country turned out to be distorted, due to the lack of horizontal connections that would connect people with each other, regardless of the state. Cohesion was not created in society, and hence the lack of balance between them and the government.

A major mistake of the whites was their failure to understand the changing nature of the struggle against the Bolsheviks as a result of the end of the First World War. The war from external, with Germany, turned into internal, with the Bolsheviks. Continuing to follow outdated slogans led to the fact that the goals of the struggle were not understood by the population and the white movement, thus, did not receive the necessary support.

The next reason for the defeat of White is the strategic position of the White and Red forces. The Bolsheviks, maintaining power over the industrial heart of Russia with a developed network of railways, skillfully took advantage of this circumstance to concentrate forces and resources in decisive areas.

On the other hand, the scattering of the White armies along the outskirts of Russia, the heterogeneity of leadership, the long path to unification (June 12, 1919) and the impossibility of coordinating actions due to the lack of acceptable communication, did not allow the Whites not only to maneuver their armies, but even to choose the moment of simultaneous transition to offensive

An important reason for the defeat of the whites was the inability of their leaders to rely on their own people in solving their problems. Simplified Approach to Resolution land issue, which consisted in the abolition of the October Decree on Land, turned the peasants against themselves precisely when the peasants were dissatisfied with the surplus appropriation policy of the Bolsheviks. This gave rise to accusations of their supposedly hidden monarchism. Hence the peasant movement in the rear of the whites and, as a result, a break in the supply of combat units and a lack of reinforcements at the front.

Why did the Bolsheviks win? First of all, thanks to the active, purposeful activities of the Bolshevik Party. The importance of their propaganda and organizational work cannot be underestimated.

The revolution and civil war claimed the lives of 9-10 million people. 4 times more than the whole World War. Almost 2 million people, including a significant part of the wealthy and educated elite, fled abroad. The worst famine in decades was approaching the village. Industrial production decreased to 12-16 percent. From the 1912 level

An armed uprising of peasants in Tambov and other places forced the abandonment of the food dictatorship and put an end to the experiment with a non-market economy of planning and distribution. Various opposition groups demanded what prompted the Kronstadt sailors to open disobedience - a partial return to council democracy.

The Civil War left a noticeable imprint on the Bolshevik Party itself. Before the civil war, the party was relatively small (24 thousand in February 1917, about 400 thousand in October of the same year), weak and divided into groups that had different story. Some worked underground, others abroad in exile. The authority and power of the revolutionary intelligentsia in the party was unconditional. But the civil war radically changed the party itself. A new party bureaucracy emerged and became extremely stronger - the “cogs” of the new Stalinist party.

With all the material losses and costs of the civil war that slowed down and hampered the development of the country, there was one circumstance that was extremely important for understanding subsequent history. This is the very fact of the victory of the Republic of Soviets. It is difficult to overestimate its importance. For the first time in history, the exploiters were overthrown. Everything happened as the Marxist-communists predicted and calculated. In other words, the Soviet system received undeniable political and moral support from the majority of the population. The victims and losses received political explanation and justification.