Russian foreign policy in the second half of the 17th century. Main directions of foreign policy

In Russian foreign policy the second half of the 19th century V. The main goals were the abolition of the articles of the Treaty of Paris (1856), the restoration of Russia's international authority, and the strengthening of its influence in the Balkans and Central Asia.

The defeat in the Crimean War undermined Russia's international authority and led to the loss of its predominant influence in the Balkans. Neutralization of the Black Sea left the southern maritime boundaries country, hindered the expansion of foreign trade. Therefore, the most important foreign policy task in the 60-70s. began the struggle for the abolition of a number of articles of the Treaty of Paris, the search for allies in Europe. Solving these difficult problems Russian diplomacy associated with the name A.M. Gorchakov, who held the position in the 60-70s. post of Minister of Foreign Affairs.

A serious test of the balance of international forces was the uprising in Poland, Lithuania, and Western Belarus, which broke out in 1863. The rebels demanded independence, civil equality and the allocation of land to the peasants. An agreement was reached between Russia and Prussia on mutual assistance in suppressing the uprising. The Polish crisis increased the mutual alienation between Russia and England and interrupted the rapprochement between Russia and France. There was a noticeable improvement in relations between Russia and Prussia, in which both countries were interested. As a result, the Russian government abandons its traditional course in Central Europe, aimed at preserving a fragmented Germany. And Prussia, which fought for the unification of the country, received Russian neutrality. Based on the alliance with Prussia, taking advantage of the defeat of France in the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871), A.M. Gorchakov announced in 1870 Russia’s refusal to comply with the articles of the Treaty of Paris. In 1871, this decision was approved by the international London Conference. Russia received the right to maintain a fleet at sea and build military arsenals on the Black Sea coast. The price for this foreign policy triumph was the creation of a strong and dangerous neighbor for Russia - a united Germany. Appeared real threat the formation of an Austro-German alliance directed against Russia. Russian diplomacy, in order to prevent this, agreed to conclude an agreement with Germany and Austria-Hungary. In 1873, the “Union of Three Emperors” was created - an agreement between the monarchs of Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary. Despite serious contradictions between the parties, the Union had a significant influence on international relations in the 70s. The conclusion of the “Union” meant Russia’s exit from international isolation. In an effort to maintain the balance of power in Europe, Russia prevented Germany's attempts to completely defeat France.

In the 70s In the 19th century, having largely solved the problems associated with the defeat in the Crimean War, Russia was able to intensify its policy in the eastern direction, especially since by this time the struggle of the European powers around the eastern issue had intensified. Austria-Hungary sought to seize Bosnia and Herzegovina and feared Russian influence in the Balkans. Germany, striving for a dominant position in Europe, fueled Austro-Russian contradictions. England was afraid of Russia's advance towards the Black Sea straits.

In such an international situation in the mid-70s. The Middle East crisis broke out. In 1875, an uprising broke out in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in 1876 in Bulgaria against the oppression of the Ottoman Empire. While Russia was trying to resolve the conflict diplomatically, a movement began within the country in defense of the Slavic peoples: volunteer detachments were formed, funds were collected to help the Slavic peoples fighting against the Turkish yoke.

In March 1877, European powers demanded that Turkey carry out reforms in favor of the Balkan peoples (providing them with autonomy and religious freedom for Christians). Türkiye refused. In April 1877, Alexander II declared war on her. Montenegro became Russia's ally. A month later, Romania took the side of Russia. All European powers declared their neutrality.

Military operations took place on the Balkan Peninsula and the Caucasus. The successful military operations of the Russian army frightened European countries, which could not allow Russia to gain strength. They began to threaten Russia and demanded a cessation of hostilities. In 1878, in San Stefano, Russia signed an agreement with Turkey. According to it, Serbia, Montenegro and Romania gained independence. Bosnia and Herzegovina received autonomy. A new state was created - the Principality of Bulgaria, which actually meant the independence of the Bulgarians. Russia regained southern Bessarabia and received a number of fortresses in the Caucasus (Batum, Kars, Bayazet). The issue of the straits remained unresolved.

The San Stefano Peace Treaty contributed to the strengthening of Russian influence in the Balkans, which neither England nor Austria-Hungary could allow. Fearing Russia's transformation into a Mediterranean power, they refused to recognize the terms of the Russian-Turkish treaty, threatening Russia with war. Russia was forced to retreat. The diplomatic defeat of Russia was facilitated by the position of Germany, which set a course for rapprochement with Austria-Hungary. At the Berlin Congress in 1878, the terms of the Treaty of San Stefano were revised. Bosnia and Herzegovina were transferred to the temporary possession of Austria-Hungary. England received from Turkey about. Crete, and turned it into a naval base. Part of the territories was returned to Turkey, including the Bayazet fortress, and the amount of indemnities was reduced by 4.5 times. Thus, England and Austria-Hungary, with the help of Germany, achieved the isolation of Russia and significantly infringed on its interests.

The Berlin Congress created a split between Russia, on the one hand, and Austria-Hungary and Germany, on the other. After the Berlin Congress, a rapprochement between Russia and France begins. The reorientation of Russian diplomacy was facilitated by contradictions with Austria-Hungary in the Balkans and active support for Austria-Hungary from Germany, as well as the strengthening of Russia’s economic ties with France. In 1879, Austria-Hungary and Germany secretly entered into an alliance, which Italy joined in 1882. This is how the Triple Alliance arose, directed primarily against France, dangerous for Russia as well. The result of the rapprochement between Russia and France was the defensive agreement concluded between them in 1891 against the countries of the Triple Alliance, and in 1892 the signing of a military convention. It assumed military assistance to each other in the event of an attack by Germany and its allies. The final formalization of the Russian-French alliance took place in January 1894. This led to the formation of two military blocs in Europe, the balance of power of which largely determined politics on the continent.

Second half of the 19th century. became a time of active colonial policy of European states. Growing capitalism was in dire need of sources of raw materials and markets. Russia also actively expanded its possessions.

Having completed Caucasian war(1816-1864), Russia received the opportunity to begin active penetration into Central Asia. Russia was attracted by the cotton supply and markets. The strategic importance of Central Asia was determined by the fact that it opened roads to Iran, Afghanistan and India. However, Russia's interests in this region collided with the interests of England. In Central Asia there were three large states: the Kokand, Khiva khanates and the Bukhara Emirate, in the way of which elements of slavery and feudalism were intertwined. Many settled and nomadic peoples lived here. In 1864, Russian troops began the conquest of Central Asia. In 1865, Tashkent was taken, which became the center of the newly formed Turkestan Governor-General, headed by the governor, General K.P. Kaufman. The Khanate of Kokand and the Emirate of Bukhara recognized themselves as vassals of Russia in 1868, and the Khanate of Khiva in 1873. In general, the annexation of Central Asia was completed after the conquest of the Turkmen tribes in 1891-1895.

The annexation of Central Asia to Russia caused a sharp aggravation of relations with England, which were resolved peacefully. Under the treaty of 1895, England recognized Russia's annexed Central Asian khanates. Russia recognized England's spheres of influence in Afghanistan and Tibet.

With the annexation of Central Asia, borders were strengthened Russian Empire, its military-political positions. In the newly annexed lands, slavery was abolished and large feudal land ownership was limited. Internecine wars stopped. Russian legislation applied to Central Asia. The presence of free land caused a flow of immigrants from Russia and other neighboring countries. Industry, trade, and education were developed.

The annexation of Central Asia strengthened Russia economically and politically. However, this cost Russia dearly: government costs exceeded revenues. Only by the beginning of the 20th century did Central Asia become the main supplier of cotton for Russian industry.

Russian colonization of the Far East proceeded slowly. This region, from the government's point of view, occupied a peripheral position both geographically and politically. In January 1855, an agreement was signed with Japan, according to which the Northern Kuril Islands were recognized as the possession of Russia, Sakhalin was recognized as joint possession.

Relations between Russia and the United States were complex and contradictory. Taking into account the international situation in the Far East, and also thinking about the United States as a possible ally in the fight against England, Russia in 1867 sold Alaska to the United States on extremely unfavorable terms (1.5 million km 2 for 7,200 thousand dollars).

The aggravation of Russian-Japanese relations on the issue of Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands occurred in the early 70s. The conflict was resolved diplomatically. According to the new treaty (1875), all of Sakhalin was recognized as Russian possession, and Japan in return received all of the Kuril Islands.

In the 90s, the economic and political development of the Far East intensified. It's connected with rapid development capitalism, as well as the aspiration of England, Japan and the USA to Korea and Manchuria. In 1891, construction began on the Trans-Siberian railway- The Great Siberian Road with a length of over 7 thousand km. In 1895, Russia for a loan of 150 million rubles. received from China the right to build and operate the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) for 80 years, and in 1889 leased the Liaodong Peninsula from it for 25 years. Russia's position in China has strengthened significantly. But the knot of Russian-Japanese contradictions was tightening. Japan, having won the war of conquest with China (1894-1895), not only became a leading Asian state, but also made annexationist plans.

Thus, in the second half of the 19th century. Russian diplomacy is solving a number of difficult problems: the abolition of restrictive articles Parisian world, strengthening Russia’s position in the Far East and Central Asia, participating in supporting the European balance. The territory of the Russian Empire expanded significantly during this period. The most important event in the life of Russia was the war with Turkey in 1877-1878, which contributed to the strengthening of the independence of the Balkan peoples. Traditional cooperation with Germany gradually changed for Russia with an alliance with France, which was formalized in a series of agreements in 1891-1894.

Russian foreign policy at this time turned out to be very rich in both diplomatic moves and direct military actions and conflicts with its western, southern and eastern neighbors.

Reunification of Ukraine with Russia. The Russian government supported the struggle of the Ukrainian people against the power and oppression of the Polish magnates. In this struggle, Ukrainian politicians often turned their gaze to Moscow, asking for its help. So in 1620 an embassy from the Ukrainian Cossacks was sent to Moscow. In 1621, the Putivl governor reported to Moscow that the Cossacks were ready to liberate the entire Northern Left Bank and Kyiv from the Poles and annex them to Moscow. In 1625, Metropolitan Boretsky of Kiev turned to the Moscow government with a request for the reunification of Ukraine with Russia.

This issue became especially acute during the liberation war of the Ukrainian people in 1648-1654, led by the hetman of the Zaporozhye Cossacks Bogdan Khmelnytsky. During this fierce war against the Polish government, B. Khmelnitsky, on behalf of the Ukrainian people, repeatedly appealed to Alexei Mikhailovich with a request to accept Ukraine into Russia (in 1648, 1649 and other years).

Finally, in October 1653, in response to Khmelnytsky’s new appeal to Moscow for help, a special Zemsky Sobor met on the “Ukrainian question.” The Council agrees to the reunification of two East Slavic peoples: Russian and Ukrainian. The Pereyaslav Rada, held in January 1654, made a historic decision on the reunification of Ukraine with Russia.

Two and a half months later (March 21, 1654), the so-called “March Articles” were adopted and signed by representatives of Moscow, which legally formalized the autonomous position of Ukraine within Russia. They confirmed the election of the hetman; class rights of Ukrainian elders, Cossacks, clergy, townspeople; determined the amount of salary for representatives of the highest military sergeant-major; granted the hetman and foreman the right to receive and release foreign ambassadors (except for the ambassadors of Poland and Turkey). Bohdan Khmelnytsky (1654-1657) was recognized as the first hetman. At the same time, this document provided for Russia’s entry into the war with Poland.

A few days later (March 27), the Russian government supplemented the “March Articles” with letters “On the rights and liberties of the Zaporozhye Army” and on the rights of the Orthodox Ukrainian gentry. Subsequent articles between Russia and Ukraine, which were approved by the Russian government when electing hetmans in the second half of the 17th - early 18th centuries, mainly confirmed the provisions of the “March Articles”. The approval procedure has ceased since the 20s. XVIII century, when the reduction of autonomous rights of Left Bank Ukraine began. The hetmanate (Ukrainian autonomy) was finally destroyed in 1764.

The beginning of the war with Poland. The war was caused by a positive decision on the issue of reunification of Ukraine with Russia at the Zemsky Sobor in October 1653. It was declared on October 23, 1653, began in May of the following year, 1654, and continued until total 13 years (1654-1667).

The war began very successfully for the Russian army. Already in the campaign of 1654, 33 cities were taken, including Nevel (June), Polotsk (July), Smolensk (September), Vitebsk (November), Gomel, etc. By the end of 1654, Russian troops occupied a large territory in the upper reaches of the Dnieper and Western Dvina.

In the campaign of 1655, the successes were consolidated. Almost all of Belarus was cleared of Polish-Lithuanian troops. Minsk (July), Vilna (the tsar made a ceremonial entry into the city on July 30), Kovno (August), Grodno (August), and others were occupied. The troops approached Lvov. The Polish king John II Casimir fled to Silesia and was ready to give up the throne.

The defeat of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was used by the Swedish king Charles X Gustav. He invaded Poland and captured a significant part of its territory, including Warsaw (September 1655), Poznan, Krakow. Poland already by the autumn of 1655 began to seek peace with the Russian government. Alexey Mikhailovich returned victorious in November 1655 to Moscow.

Negotiations with the Polish government dragged on until the fall of 1656, when the Vilna Agreement was signed on October 24. The parties agreed that all controversial issues between the two states remain open, and they begin joint actions against Sweden.

On May 17, 1656 (even before the signing of the Vilna Agreement), Russia declared war on Sweden, and on July 15, the tsar, at the head of the army, set out on a campaign to Livonia.

Russian-Swedish War 1656-1658 The blow was made in three directions: to Riga, to Dorpat and to Karelia (Izhora land). From the very first weeks, great successes of the Russian army were determined. Nyenschantz (at the mouth of the Neva), Noteburg (at the source of the Neva), Dinaburg (the middle reaches of the Western Dvina, July 31), Dorpat (Yuryev, October 12), Marienburg (the center of Livonia), Kokenhausen (Kokies, August 14) and etc. At the end of August, Russian troops besieged Riga, but were unable to capture it due to the lack of a fleet (the siege was lifted in October 1656). After occupying Dorpat (October 12), the tsar retreated to Polotsk and here he waited for the formalization of the truce concluded with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth on October 24, 1656 (Vilna Agreement).

Further successes were prevented by unstable relations with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Poland did not want to give up Ukrainian and Belarusian lands.

The Russian government faced an acute question about the direction of foreign policy. A.L. Ordin-Nashchokin continued to consider access to the Baltic Sea a priority task (for this he was even ready to abandon Ukraine). But they didn’t agree with him.

The complicated situation in Ukraine also prevented the continuation of the war with Sweden. On July 27, 1657, Bohdan Khmelnytsky died. The new hetman Ivan Evstafievich Vygovsky (1657-1659) in September 1658 concluded an agreement with Poland on the renunciation of Russian citizenship (Treaty of Gadyach).

The Truce of Valiesar was signed with Sweden in 1658 (in the village of Valiesar near Narva) for three years. According to the terms of this document, the territory occupied by Russian troops remains with Russia.

Two and a half years later, on June 21, 1661, the Russian-Swedish Peace of Kardis was signed on the terms of restoring pre-war borders (that is, the return of all acquisitions in Livonia to Sweden). The reason for such a difficult and unprofitable peace was the difficult domestic and foreign political situation, in which by the beginning of the 60s. turned out to be Russia.

Continuation of the war with Poland. Military operations with Poland were resumed in October 1658. During the first winter campaign of 1658-1659. The Polish-Lithuanian army was completely defeated near Vilna. In August 1659, the Russian army defeated the army of Hetman Ivan Vygovsky. The Pereyaslav Articles of 1659 again confirmed the agreement with Russia of March 1654. Vygovsky himself was forced to resign as hetman. The son of Bohdan Khmelnitsky, Yuri Khmelnytsky, was proclaimed hetman.

But the international situation was not in Russia's favor. In the spring of 1660, Poland concluded a peace treaty with Sweden (Treaty of Oliva). Yuri Khmelnitsky came under the influence of a pro-Polish Cossack elder; as a result, the Slobodishchensky Treaty was adopted (1660), which again tore Ukraine away from Russia and again subordinated it to Poland. At the same time, Russian troops began to suffer defeats (in particular, near Chudnov in 1660, the Russian army of governor Sheremetev surrendered).

Poland at the end of 1663 resumed military operations against Russia. Their pretext was the refusal of the Polish king John Casimir to recognize Alexei Mikhailovich as the legal heir to the Russian throne. However, the difficult situations that developed at this time in Poland and Russia lead to the fact that military actions acquire a positional character, and the war itself takes a protracted form. As a result, both sides are looking for ways to reach a truce. Long and difficult negotiations begin (1664-1667), which ended with the signing in August 1667. Truce of Andrusovo(in the village of Andrusovo near Smolensk).

The truce was concluded for 13 and a half years (until June 1680) following conditions: Smolensk region, Seversk land (with Chernigov), Left Bank Ukraine and Kyiv (the latter only for two years) go to Russia; the border between the two states is established along the Dnieper; both sides declare mutual (joint) actions against Turkish aggression.

Thus, the most important result of the long Russian-Polish war was the official recognition of the division of Ukraine into two parts and the transfer of its Left Bank to Russia. In general, the results of the war determined Russia's dominant position in Eastern Europe. This war practically marked the beginning of the political decline of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which ended 128 years later with its collapse.

Exacerbation of contradictions with Turkey. Most of all, people were dissatisfied with the results of the war in Ukraine, both in its Left Bank part and on the Right Bank (the reason was the division of Ukraine into two parts). The Right Bank Cossacks protested. Petro Doroshenko refused to obey the Polish government and announced the adoption of Turkish citizenship. The Left Bank Cossacks, also dissatisfied with the Andrusovo truce, in the person of Hetman Ivan Bryukhovetsky, also turned to Turkey for help. Thus, in 1668, a temporary unification of Ukraine took place under the auspices of Turkey.

However, part of the Cossack elders refused to obey the Turkish Sultan, united around Ivan Samoilovich, who was looking for rapprochement with Moscow, and in 1672 elected him hetman of the Left Bank. In the same 1672, an agreement on mutual assistance against Turkey was signed between Russia and Poland. A few years later, in 1676, Russia opposed Peter Doroshenko, who accepted Turkish citizenship. Doroshenko was defeated and captured by the Russian army.

Russian-Turkish War 1677-1681 In 1677, the first war in Russian history with Turkey began. The reason was Ivan Samoilovich’s attempts to unite all of Ukraine in his hands under the auspices of Russia. Military actions were carried out essentially for the possession of the capital Right Bank Ukraine- Chigirin (therefore, in history this war is often called the “Chigirin Campaigns”). Chigirin at this time was in the hands of the hetman of the Left Bank of Ukraine Ivan Samoilovich. Turkey's goal was to assert its power over the Right Bank and transfer Chigirin into the hands of its protege Yuri Khmelnitsky.

Russian-Turkish confrontation in this war was expressed in two Turkish campaigns against Chigirin. In 1677, a huge Turkish army (about 120 thousand people) moved to Chigirin under the command of Ibrahim Pasha and the Crimean Khan Selim Giray. The siege of Chigirin lasted three weeks (from the beginning of August to August 28). Russian army(60 thousand people) led by Prince Romodanovsky and Samoilovich defeated the Turkish army in the battle on August 28. The Turks were forced to lift the siege, losing about 20 thousand people in the battle. In the summer of 1678, a new Turkish-Tatar army of 200 thousand people moved towards Chigirin. After a month-long siege, she captured the city (August 12, 1678), but abandoned it eight days later (August 20). The reasons for this are unclear; perhaps some kind of epidemic began in the troops. In subsequent times (1679-1680), military operations were carried out only in the form of raids and minor skirmishes.

On January 13, 1681, the Bakhchisarai Peace Treaty was signed. Terms of the agreement: a truce is established for 20 years (until 1701); the Sultan recognizes Russia's right to Kyiv; Transdnieper (Right Bank Ukraine) - Southern Kiev region, Bratslav region, Podolia - remained under the rule of the Sultan, Yuri Khmelnitsky became hetman here; Türkiye promised to stop the Crimean raids on Russia. Thus, Russia’s main achievement in this war was Turkey’s recognition of the transition of Left Bank Ukraine (together with Kiev) to Russia.

« Eternal Peace" with Poland. After finishing Russian-Turkish war 1677-1681 hostilities resumed between Poland and Turkey (1781-1683). By 1683, the Poles regained Right Bank Ukraine. But Polish-Turkish relations were very unstable, and the Polish government sought to strengthen the alliance with Russia. As a result, Russia's relations with Poland are increasingly strengthened.

Even during the Russian-Turkish war of 1677-1681. An agreement was concluded with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (in 1678) to extend the Truce of Andrusovo for another 13 years (its term expired in mid-1680). In addition, Poland handed over Kyiv to Russia. As compensation for it, Russia ceded to Poland the cities of Nevel, Sebezh, Velizh with counties and paid 300 thousand rubles.

In 1684, ambassadorial negotiations began on concluding peace between Russia and Poland, which were very difficult. Only in May 1686 the so-called “Eternal Peace” (Moscow Peace Treaty) was signed in Moscow. Its conditions: Poland finally renounces Kyiv; Zaporozhye is declared a possession of Russia; Russia enters into an alliance against Turkey (Austria, Venice, Poland). This leads to the Crimean campaigns of 1687 and 1689.

Crimean campaigns. They took place in 1687 and 1689. during the reign of Sofia Alekseevna. Their leader as a military commander was V.V. Golitsyn.

The first campaign took place in the summer of 1687. The Russian army consisted of 150 thousand soldiers and 150 thousand Ukrainian Cossacks. It moved in three columns: the Don Cossacks were on the left flank, the Zaporozhye Cossacks were on the right, and the troops under the command of Prince Golitsyn were in the center. The campaign, which began in May, resulted in heavy losses. The Crimean Tatars burned out the steppe, and they had to move on completely lifeless soil. With great difficulty, the troops reached the Konskie Vody River and turned back without meeting the enemy. With this campaign, the Russian command apparently intended to show that it was fulfilling the agreement with Poland, but did not have a serious intention of getting involved in a big war with Turkey.

In 1689, a second campaign to Crimea was organized (again under the command of Prince V.V. Golitsyn). This time, troops in the amount of 112 thousand people moved in early spring and reached the isthmus connecting Crimean peninsula with the mainland. Fierce fighting took place near Perekop (started on May 20). Their outcome is unclear, but Russian troops did not dare to enter the Crimean steppes and returned to Moscow.

Thus, these campaigns did not produce real results, but there was a change in Russia’s foreign policy orientation. Russian-Polish cooperation strengthened, and Russia’s main task became the fight against Turkish expansion.

Nerchinsk Treaty. In the second half of the 17th century, in addition to the Western European one, the Far Eastern aspect of Russian foreign policy emerged. In the 60-80s. There was an active development of the Amur basin in its middle reaches (Daurian land): in 1665 the Albazin fortress was built, in 1683 - Aigun.

The Chinese rulers tried to prevent the Russians from strengthening on the Amur. In China at this time (since 1644), the Qing dynasty of Manchu origin ruled, which by 1683 managed to restore the borders of the heyday of the previous Ming dynasty. Since 1682, the Chinese began to displace the Russians from the left bank of the Amur in its lower reaches and from the Zeya River basin (the left tributary of the Amur). In 1685 they destroyed Albazin, and after its rapid restoration they blocked it. Events of 1685-1689 sometimes called the war with China (more precisely, they are the Russian-Chinese confrontation).

The Moscow government sent an embassy to negotiate with the Chinese government. The embassy left Moscow in January 1686 and arrived in Nerchinsk in 1687. But the Chinese ambassadors appeared only in 1689, accompanied by a 10,000-strong army.

The result of the negotiations was the signing by both parties of an agreement known as the Nerchinsk Treaty of 1689. According to this agreement, the borders of both states were recognized as the Argun River, the Gorbitsa River, which flows into the Shilka, and the Stanovoy Range (that is, Russia abandoned the Amur region; middle and lower The current of the Amur went to China). The Russians renounced any claims to the Mongols, and China renounced its claims to the coast of the Sea of Okhotsk. Russian representatives pledged to raze the Albazin fortress to the ground. Criminals and defectors must be extradited to the state from which they fled.

The Nerchinsk Treaty was a valid treaty until the middle of the 19th century, and its terms were revised only by the Aigun Treaty of 1858 and the Beijing Treaty of 1860.

Results of foreign policy. The main result of the foreign policy activities of the Russian government in the second half of the 17th century. was the activation of Russia in the international arena, preparation for solving large-scale tasks implemented in the next century.

It should also be noted the development of cultural and trade contacts with Western Europe. The government of Mikhail Fedorovich also established close ties with Western European states, as has already been mentioned. The government of Alexei Mikhailovich continued this line. More and more specialists (masters) from a number of foreign countries are appearing in Moscow, especially close cultural contacts are being established with the German principalities.

Trade relations with both Western Europe and the East are actively developing. Founded back in 1584, Arkhangelsk becomes one of the largest ports in Europe. Since the 50s of the 17th century. The government of Alexei Mikhailovich is pursuing a targeted protectionist policy of providing advantages to Russian merchants and restricting the activities of foreign traders within Russia. The revival of trade through Astrakhan led to strengthening ties with Persia and the establishment of trade relations with the states of Central Asia.

In the foreign policy of Russia in the second half of the 19th century. the main goals were: the abolition of the articles of the Treaty of Paris (1856), the restoration of Russia's international authority, and the strengthening of its influence in the Balkans and Central Asia.

The defeat in the Crimean War undermined Russia's international authority and led to the loss of its predominant influence in the Balkans. Neutralization of the Black Sea made the country's southern maritime borders defenseless and prevented the expansion of foreign trade. Therefore, the most important foreign policy task in the 60-70s. began the struggle for the abolition of a number of articles of the Treaty of Paris, the search for allies in Europe. The solution to these difficult tasks of Russian diplomacy is associated with the name of A.M. Gorchakov, who held the position in the 60-70s. post of Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Based on the alliance with Prussia, taking advantage of the defeat of France in the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871), A.M. Gorchakov announced in 1870 Russia’s refusal to comply with the articles of the Treaty of Paris. In 1871, this decision was approved by the international London Conference. Russia received the right to maintain a fleet at sea and build military arsenals on the Black Sea coast. The price for this foreign policy triumph was the creation of a strong and dangerous neighbor for Russia - a united Germany. There was a real threat of the formation of an Austro-German alliance directed against Russia.

Russian diplomacy, in order to prevent this, agreed to conclude an agreement with Germany and Austria-Hungary. In 1873, the “Union of Three Emperors” was created - an agreement between the monarchs of Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary. Despite serious contradictions between the parties, the Union had a significant influence on international relations in the 70s. The conclusion of the “Union” meant Russia’s exit from international isolation. In an effort to maintain the balance of power in Europe, Russia prevented Germany's attempts to completely defeat France.

In the 70s XIX century, having largely solved the problems associated with the defeat in the Crimean War, Russia was able to intensify its policy in the eastern direction, especially since by this time the struggle of the European powers around the eastern issue had intensified. Austria-Hungary sought to seize Bosnia and Herzegovina and feared Russian influence in the Balkans. Germany, striving for a dominant position in Europe, fueled Austro-Russian contradictions. England was afraid of Russia's advance towards the Black Sea straits.

Military operations took place on the Balkan Peninsula and the Caucasus. The successes of the Russian army frightened European countries, which could not allow Russia to gain strength. They began to threaten Russia and demanded a cessation of hostilities. In 1878, in San Stefano, Russia signed an agreement with Turkey. According to it, Serbia, Montenegro and Romania gained independence. Bosnia and Herzegovina - autonomy. A new state was created - the Principality of Bulgaria, which actually meant the independence of the Bulgarians. Russia regained southern Bessarabia and received a number of fortresses in the Caucasus (Batum, Kars, Bayazet). The issue of the straits remained unresolved.

At the Berlin Congress in 1878, the terms of the Treaty of San Stefano were revised. Bosnia and Herzegovina was transferred to the temporary possession of Austria-Hungary. England received from Turkey about. Crete and turned it into a naval base. Part of the territories was returned to Turkey, including the Bayazet fortress, and the amount of indemnities was reduced by 4.5 times.

The Berlin Congress created a split between Russia, on the one hand, and Austria-Hungary and Germany, on the other. After the Berlin Congress, a rapprochement between Russia and France begins. In 1879, Austria-Hungary and Germany secretly entered into an alliance, which Italy joined in 1882. This is how the Triple Alliance arose, directed primarily against France, dangerous for Russia as well. The result of the rapprochement between Russia and France was a defensive agreement concluded between them in 1891, and in 1892 the signing of a military convention.

It assumed military assistance to each other in the event of an attack by Germany and its allies. The final formalization of the Russian-French alliance took place in January 1894. This led to the formation of two military blocs in Europe, the balance of power of which largely determined politics on the continent.

Having completed the Caucasian War (1816-1864), Russia had the opportunity to begin active penetration into Central Asia. Russia was attracted by the cotton supply and markets. The strategic importance of Central Asia was determined by the fact that it opened roads to Iran, Afghanistan and India. However, Russia's interests in this region collided with the interests of England. There were three large states in Central Asia: the Kokand, Khiva Khanates and the Bukhara Emirate, in the way of which elements of slavery and feudalism were intertwined.

Many settled and nomadic peoples lived here. In 1864, Russian troops began the conquest of Central Asia. In 1865, Tashkent was taken, which became the center of the newly formed Turkestan Governor-General, headed by the governor, General K.P. Kaufman. The Khanate of Kokand and the Emirate of Bukhara recognized themselves as vassals of Russia in 1868, and the Khanate of Khiva in 1873. In general, the annexation of Central Asia was completed after the conquest of the Turkmen tribes in 1891-1895. The annexation of Central Asia to Russia caused aggravation of relations with England.

With the annexation of Central Asia, the borders of the Russian Empire and its military-political positions were strengthened. In the newly annexed lands, slavery was abolished and large feudal land ownership was limited. Internecine wars stopped. Russian legislation applied to Central Asia. The presence of free land caused a flow of immigrants from Russia and other neighboring countries. Industry, trade, and education were developed.

According to the Aigun (1858) and Beijing (1860) treaties with China, Russia acquired the Ussuri region. Vladivostok was founded in Peter the Great Gulf, which soon became the most important economic and political point of the Russian state in the Far East. Relations between Russia and the United States were complex and contradictory. Taking into account the international situation in the Far East, and also thinking about the United States as a possible ally in the fight against England, Russia sold Alaska to the United States in 1867.

In the 90s, the economic and political development of the Far East intensified. This is due to the rapid development of capitalism, as well as the desire of England, Japan and the USA to Korea and Manchuria. In 1891, construction began on the Trans-Siberian Railway - the Great Siberian Road with a length of over 7 thousand km. In 1895, Russia for a loan of 150 million rubles. received from China the right to build and operate the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) for 80 years, and in 1889 leased the Liaodong Peninsula from it for 25 years. Russia's position in China was strengthened, but the knot of Russian-Japanese contradictions was tightening.

Under Alexander II, foreign policy had several goals, which were successfully implemented by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, headed since 1856 by the brilliant diplomat A.M. Gorchakov (1798-1883). First, the restoration of Russia's international prestige and status great power after the defeat in the Crimean War, as well as the abolition of the humiliating articles of the Paris Peace Treaty for the country, which prohibited having a fleet and military fortifications on the Black Sea. Secondly, maintaining Russian influence in the Balkans and supporting the national liberation movement of the Slavic peoples against Turkey. Thirdly, the expansion of Russian territory and the annexation of Central Asia. Fourthly, the normalization of relations with China and Japan, as well as the sale by Russia of the Alaska Peninsula to the United States.

European policy of Russia. In 1870-1871, taking advantage of the situation in Europe, primarily the strengthening of contradictions between the main European powers and the conduct of the Franco-Prussian War, Russia declared itself not bound by an obligation prohibiting it from maintaining a navy in the Black Sea. This was consolidated in March 1871 by the London International Conference, which became a major diplomatic success for Russia.

During this period, Russia became closer to Germany and Austria-Hungary. As a result, in 1873, the Alliance of Three Emperors arose, which lasted until 1878. For Russia, this alliance meant the restoration of its influence on European politics.

Among the factors that determined the direction of Russian foreign policy in the second half of the 19th century, we should highlight, first of all, shifts in the socio-economic development of the country and significant changes in the international situation.

The defeat in the Crimean War had a heavy impact on the international position of Russia, which, although it remained a great power, was noticeably losing its influence on international affairs. Russian authority in Europe was undermined. In the Middle East, the influence of France and especially England increased, which achieved a monopoly in world trade and strengthened its maritime hegemony. Russia's foreign policy in post-war Europe was restrained; at the same time, the government tried, at least in part, to compensate for failures with successes in Asia.

It should be borne in mind that with the development of capitalist relations in the country, foreign policy gradually took on a bourgeois character, objectively reflecting the interests of both the landowners and the developing bourgeoisie.

Considering the foreign policy of post-reform Russia, it is necessary to distinguish two periods: the first - from the defeat in Crimea to the Franco-Prussian war and the abolition of the restrictive articles of the Treaty of Paris (1870-1871) and the second - from the early 70s to the formation of the Russian-French alliance (1891 -1894).

The main goal of Russian diplomacy in the 50-70s was the abolition of the restrictive articles of the Paris Peace, which humiliated the national dignity of Russia and contradicted its economic and political interests. Russian diplomats, led by A.M. Gorchakov, who headed the Foreign Ministry, solved this problem using the contradictions between England, France and Austria. However, it was impossible to achieve success alone.

Initially, it seemed that France, which did not receive territorial benefits in the Crimean War and dreamed of expanding its borders by annexing the left bank of the Rhine, Nice and Savoy, could become Russia's ally. During the meeting between Napoleon III and Alexander II in Stuttgart (1857), cooperation between the two countries in Italy and the Balkans began.

Relations between Russia and France, however, clearly deteriorated during the Polish uprising of 1863. Modern historians have convincingly shown that Napoleon III's short-sighted policy towards Russia in resolving the Eastern and Polish questions subsequently led to the isolation of France during the Franco-Prussian conflict.

In the second half of the 60s - early 70s of the XIX century. In Europe, the process of German unification is being completed. Its fate was decided in an open military conflict between Prussia and Austria. In 1866, Austria was defeated, and in 1867 the North German Confederation was created, with the Prussian king becoming its president.

Development German events soon began to cause concern to neighboring France, which was trying to stop Prussia's territorial claims. In July 1870, the Franco-Prussian War began, which a few months later (in September of the same year) ended with the brutal defeat of the French near Sedan.

In 1870, Russia managed to take advantage of the circumstances caused by the defeat of France in the war, which essentially destroyed the foundations of the “Crimean system”. In a circular dated October 19, 1870, Russian Foreign Minister A.M. Gorchakov informed the governments of all states that signed the Treaty of Paris about the cancellation of the neutralization of the Black Sea. After a diplomatic struggle, the London Conference of 1871 legitimized this decision.

The rapprochement that began with the German Empire formed after the Franco-Prussian War continued in subsequent years and ultimately led to the emergence in 1873 of the Alliance of the Three Emperors" (Russia, Germany, Austria). This alliance was not durable, as it was rather determined fear of mutual strengthening rather than common interests.During the new aggravation of Franco-German relations (1875), Russia made it clear that it would not allow the defeat of France.

It should be noted that the question of the reasons for the increased aggressiveness of Prussia, previously interpreted by a number of foreign historians primarily as a consequence of Russia’s benevolent neutrality, is very important. In modern Russian historiography, among such reasons, the policy of Napoleon III towards Russia is indicated, aimed at preserving the articles of the Paris Peace, underestimation by France military force Prussia, England's attitude towards Prussia (as a possible counterweight to the strong European countries on the continent), the interest of conservative circles in Europe in Prussia (as a support against the revolutionary movement).

Central Asia and Kazakhstan in the middle of the 19th century. Annexation of Central Asia to Russia

In the middle of the 19th century. in Central Asia there were the Kokand, Bukhara and Khiva khanates, which were feudal formations with remnants of slavery. Political fragmentation led to endless military clashes, complicated by intense class struggle. The situation was also aggravated by England's increasing attempts to strengthen its influence in the region.

For the Russian government, Central Asia was an important strategic area adjacent to the Indian possessions of England; transit routes intersected here trade routes. The role of the region as a raw material base also increased due to the cessation of the supply of cotton from the United States during the civil war between North and South (which began in April 1861). In modern historiography, the prevailing opinion is that in pursuing an active foreign policy in Central Asia, political motives related to the need to weaken the influence of England were decisive for Russian diplomacy.

In the 60s of the XIX century. The annexation of Kazakh lands to Russia was completed. In 1864, Russian troops entered the Kokandek Khanate and took Tashkent (1865). Attempts by the Emir of Bukhara to intervene in events led to his defeat and the occupation of Samarkand (1868). The Bukhara Emirate fell into vassal dependence on Russia. In 1873 Khiva capitulated.

The advance of Russian troops in Turkmenistan met stubborn resistance from the local population, incited by the British. Only in 1881 was Ashgabat occupied. The annexation of Central Asia to Russia was finally completed in 1885.

The tsarist government pursued a colonial policy in Central Asia, which led to severe double oppression of the common people. At the same time, this accession also had a certain positive value. Slavery was destroyed, bloody feudal wars stopped.

Russian industrial goods and equipment began to penetrate into Central Asia on an increasingly large scale, and railways began to be built in the early 1980s. The Transcaspian Railway (Krasnovodsk-Samarkand, 1883) played a particularly important role, and local industry gradually began to emerge.

The cultures of the peoples of the Russian Empire were mutually enriched. Already in the 60s of the XIX century. The first Russian-Kazakh schools were opened, and in the 70-80s, primary educational institutions appeared in other annexed territories. Russian scientists studied the nature of the region (weather stations were created, geographical and geological research was carried out), folklore, and the history of the Central Asian peoples. The expulsion of revolutionaries from the central provinces of Russia to the region contributed to the spread of revolutionary democratic ideas here.

The result of the annexation of Kazakhstan and Central Asia to the Russian Empire was the creation of a new military administrative department. Some of the regions became part of the Turkestan Governor-General created in 1867. The control of the tsarist administration was established over the reduced borders of the nominally independent Khiva Khanate and the Bukhara Emirate.

Russian policy in the Far East. Selling Alaska.

In the middle of the 19th century. The territory of the Far East with its rich natural resources attracted close attention from the United States and Western European countries. During the Crimean War, this led to a direct military conflict with England, which tried to capture Petropavlovsk. There was a need to clearly define the borders of China and Russia, which were largely undefined by that time. This border was established as a result of the signing of the Aigun (1858), Tianjin (1858) and Beijing (1860) treaties, according to which Primorye and the Amur region were transferred to Russia. The politics of Russia neither in the 18th nor in the 19th centuries. in the Far East was not of an aggressive nature, and the agreements concluded were not imposed by military force and were voluntary.

In 1855, an agreement was concluded with Japan, according to which the Kuril Islands were recognized as Russian territory, and joint ownership was established on Sakhalin Island. In 1875, according to a new treaty, the Kuril Islands completely ceded to Japan, and Sakhalin Island to Russia.

However, Russia's position in this region was not yet strong enough, which led to the sale of Russian possessions in America to the United States (1867). In 1875, under an agreement with Japan, Fr. Sakhalin. Subsequently, in connection with the foundation of the harbor in Vladivostok in 1860, the settlement of the banks of the Amur and Ussuri (the construction of the cities of Khabarovsk, Blagoveshchensk, Mariinsk), and the commissioning of the Siberian Railway in the 90s, Russia’s position in the Far East significantly strengthened.

The sale of the Alaska Peninsula took place under Alexander II in 1867 during the period of his reforms. There was no visible threat to Alaska. Relations between Russia and the United States during this period were friendly. But a potential threat to Alaska remained. Firstly, it consisted in the fact that the Indian tribes were not conquered. English and American traders supplied them with weapons and incited them to rebel. In 1847, the British established a trading post in the Upper Yukon. The coastal waters of Alaska were teeming with whaling ships from different countries. And the colony could not cope with all this. Secondly, the vast territory was practically undeveloped. To avoid clashes with the Indians, colonists were prohibited from penetrating into the interior of the continent. The total Russian population here ranged from 600 to 800 people. The economic situation of the territory was fragile and continued to deteriorate. State subsidies were needed to maintain Alaska. The consequences of the Crimean War, which exhausted Russia morally and materially, forced the Tsar and his diplomats to change the course of their foreign policy. Thirdly, Russia was unable to protect Alaska in the event of war.

Thus, the fate of the territory was decided. On December 28, 1866, Alexander II signed a document on the sale of the Alaska Peninsula. All this was done in secret.

The news of the decision to buy Alaska was received very favorably in American government circles, and the formalities were quickly settled. And on March 30, 1867, the agreement was signed. The purchase price was announced to be 7 million 200 thousand dollars. This payment was insignificant for a huge acquisition. Alaska was sold for next to nothing. Gold alone was mined in it for an amount two and a half thousand times greater than what the buyer paid.

But the most interesting thing in this whole story is that Russia was never able to bring money for Alaska to the country. A significant part of the 7.2 million dollars was paid in gold, which was loaded onto the ship Orkney, which headed for St. Petersburg. In the Baltic Sea, a group of conspirators tried to seize gold, but failed. For some reason, the ship sank along with its precious cargo.

Eastern crisis of the 70s of the XIX century. Russian-Turkish War 1877-1879

In the 1870s. The eastern question became aggravated again. Russia by that time had strengthened its international position and felt very confident, so it actively supported the national liberation struggle of the peoples of the Balkan Peninsula against the Ottoman Empire.

In Russia itself, a powerful political movement arose - Pan-Slavism, which called for the unification of the Slavic peoples under the leadership of the Russian state. Slavic committees were formed throughout the country, advocating all possible (including military) assistance to their Slavic brothers. Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary repeatedly approached Turkey with demands for reforms establishing equal rights for the Slavic population, but the Turkish government rejected them.

Under these conditions, in order not to lose his influence in the Balkans, as well as under the enormous influence of the Russian public within the country, Alexander II decided on April 12, 1877 to declare war on Turkey. Fighting began to unfold in the Balkans and Transcaucasia. The Russian army entered the territory of Bulgaria, where the main battles with the Turkish army took place.

By the mid-70s, a new aggravation of the eastern crisis was observed. The Turkish government continued to pursue a policy of economic and political pressure on the Christian peoples of the Balkan Peninsula. In turn, in Bulgaria, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the national liberation movement of the Slavic peoples against the Ottoman yoke grew stronger. In the spring of 1875, a popular uprising broke out in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the reason for which was another increase in taxes. The conflict in the Balkans, which was seizing more and more new territories, threatened to develop into an international crisis. Russia in these years was not ready for war (Russian diplomats feared diplomatic isolation, military reforms were not completed, the rearmament of the army was not completed, virtually nothing was done to strengthen the Russian fleet after neutralization in the Black Sea was cancelled, the economic and political situation in country). As a result, Russian diplomats tried to resolve the conflict peacefully and persuade Turkey to make concessions to the Slavic population. However, the diplomatic demarche undertaken by Russia together with Germany and Austria-Hungary in order to peacefully end the military conflict was not successful.

In April 1876, a new uprising rocked Bulgaria. Turkish troops suppressed it with incredible cruelty, which in turn led to Serbia and Montenegro entering the war with Turkey. The weak Serbian army alone, without outside support, was unable to resist the Turkish units, it suffered defeats and soon there was a real threat of losing Belgrade. Under these conditions, Russia, in the form of an ultimatum, demanded that Turkey cease hostilities. The Sultan was forced to accept Russian conditions and agreed to convening a conference of European powers in Constantinople. The participants in this conference (September - November 1876) prepared a draft agreement, but Turkey, confident of England's support, actually refused to accept these proposals. The new demarche of European states (the so-called London Protocol, March 1877, which proposed reforms in favor of Christians) was rejected by Turkey and was regarded by it as interference in internal affairs. The Ottoman Empire hastily prepared for a war that had virtually become inevitable. On April 12 (24), 1877, Alexander II signed a manifesto on the beginning of the Russian-Turkish war.

By the beginning of the war, some of the consequences of military reforms were already being felt in the Russian army, but they were still far from being completed. The Russian troops did not have well-trained reserves; in terms of the quality of small arms they were inferior to the Turkish army (armed with the help of England and the USA), the Russian fleet was inferior in number to the Turkish one. However, Russian artillery was superior to Turkish, Russian ships used mines, and Russian soldiers and sailors were far superior to Turkish ones in both training and high morale.

The Tsar's brother, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, who held conservative views on methods of warfare, was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Danube Army. The army's senior command staff did not understand the peculiarities of modern warfare and acted indecisively, making gross miscalculations. At the same time, already during the war, a galaxy of talented generals emerged - supporters of reforms in the army (I.V. Gurko, M.I. Dragomirov, M.D. Skobelev, N.G. Stoletov, F.F. Radetsky), they found support in the person of Minister of War D.A. Milyutin. Increasingly, rifle chains, dashes, and self-entrenchment of soldiers began to be used.

The Turkish army as a whole was inferior to the Russian one; it was not ready for offensive actions and preferred defensive battles.

Plans for waging war on the part of the Russian command were prepared by N.N. Obruchev and D.A. Milyutin. They envisioned a quick breakthrough through the Balkans and further movement in the direction of Constantinople, through the territories where the Bulgarian population sympathizing with the Russians lived. Political purpose The liberation of the Balkan Peninsula from Turkish rule was aimed at.

The Turkish command intended to drag the Russians into a grueling war, not to let them go further than the well-fortified fortresses of Varna, Rushchuk, Silistria and Shumla and, by gaining time, to gain support from European countries.

Active military operations began in June 1877 with the crossing of the Danube (in the Zimnitsa-Sistov area). Having crossed the Danube, the Russian army launched an offensive in three directions: the western detachment (under the command of N.P. Kridener), having captured the Nikopol fortress, moved to Plevna; The eastern “Rushchuk” detachment (under the command of the heir to the throne, Alexander Alexandrovich) marched towards Rushuk. The main blow was delivered in the center, in the southern direction, by the forces of I.V. Gurko’s detachment. Gurko’s detachment, together with Radetzky’s combined strike, knocked out the Turks from the Shipka Pass and began moving towards Southern Bulgaria. However, due to limited forces, Gurko’s detachment was unable to hold the cities of Southern Bulgaria he had taken and, under pressure from the superior forces of Suleiman Pasha, retreated beyond the Balkans in mid-August, leaving behind the strategically important Shipka Pass. For 3 days, a small Russian-Bulgarian detachment heroically held Shipka until the arrival of Radetsky's brigade and Dragomirov's division. Shipka remained in the hands of the Russian army.

The most tense situation developed during the war in westward. Kridener's slowness led to the fact that a large Turkish detachment under the command of the only talented Turkish commander Osman Pasha managed to approach the well-fortified Plevna before the Russians. The first attempt to take Plevna by storm (July 8 (20), 1877) was not prepared and failed. On July 18 (30), the second assault on Plevna began. The Russian columns directed against the field fortifications suffered heavy losses and retreated again. The third assault (August 30 (September 11)), which was timed to coincide with the royal name day, also turned out to be unsuccessful. The largest authority in the Russian army on engineering issues, E.I. Gotleben (one of the heroes of the defense of Sevastopol during the Crimean War) and D.A. Milyutin, who arrived near Plevna, insisted on changing tactics. Russian troops proceeded to besiege Plevna, and Turkish troops, lacking food, were forced to capitulate on November 28 (December 11) after an unsuccessful breakout attempt.

The successes at Plevna radically changed the course of the war. The possibility of an attack on the flank of the Russian army was eliminated, large units were freed up, which could now go on the offensive in the main direction.

At the end of December, a detachment under the command of Gurko moved along the icy passes to Sofia and captured it in early January. Huge warehouses fell into the hands of the advancing Russian army Turkish troops.

A few days later, the battle of Shipka - Sheinovo took place, in which Russian troops under the command of F.F. Radetsky and M.D. Skobelev surrounded and forced to capitulate Turkish army under the command of Wessel Pasha. Thus the road to Constantinople was open. In the battle of Plovdiv, the Turkish army was finally defeated, Russian troops took Adrianople without a fight, and the Russian cavalry pursuing the Turks reached the coast of the Sea of Marmara.

Military operations were also carried out in the Caucasian theater, where the Russian army achieved remarkable victories. In October - November 1877, the well-defended Kars fortress, which was considered impregnable, was taken by night assault (after a siege). Even earlier, the territory of Abkhazia was cleared of Turks.

The successes of the Russian army in the Balkans forced the Turkish government to propose starting negotiations. On January 19 (31), 1878, a truce was signed in Adrianople, and on February 19 (March 3) a peace treaty was signed in San Stefano, according to which Montenegro, Serbia and Romania received full independence, and Bosnia and Herzegovina became autonomous. Especially important point The agreement became the creation of a large autonomous Bulgarian state. Fortresses on Bulgarian territory were destroyed and Turkish troops were withdrawn.

Russia was to receive significant territorial gains. Southern Bessarabia, lost after the Crimean War, was returned to it; in the Caucasus, Ardahan, Kars, Bayazet and Batum went to Russia, Turkey paid an indemnity of 310 million rubles.

The decisions taken in San Stefano did not suit England and Austria-Hungary, who did not participate in the war, but wanted to increase their territories and weaken Russia. At the insistence of these powers, the St. Petersburg cabinet, which was not in a position to wage a new war with strong European states, was forced to agree to the convening of an international congress in Berlin, where the peace treaty was revised. In fact, in Berlin, Russia found itself in diplomatic isolation. Germany, on whose help the tsarist government was counting, did not formally intervene in the debate and not only did not provide real assistance, but also supported Russia’s opponents. The new Berlin Treaty of 1878 significantly infringed on the interests of Russia and the Slavic countries.

Although the independence of Romania, Serbia and Montenegro was confirmed, Bulgaria found itself divided into two parts (its border was the Balkans). The Northern Bulgarian Principality received autonomy, and the southern part, the so-called Eastern Rumelia, remained under Turkish rule (formally an autonomous Turkish province with a Christian governor). At the same time, Bosnia and Herzegovina found themselves in the zone of occupation of Austria-Hungary. In the Caucasus, Russia retained Kars and Ardagan, Batum became a port free for trade.

For its assistance to Turkey, England, which entered into a secret agreement with the Sultan, received Cyprus.

The victory in the Russian-Turkish War was the country's greatest military success in the second half of the 19th century. and strengthened Russia's influence in the Balkans and in the world.

The decisions of the Berlin Congress were perceived in Russia as a defeat for Russian diplomacy. However, the results of the Russian-Turkish war played a crucial role in the national liberation of the Slavic states in the Balkans, the development of capitalist relations there, and the consolidation of national forces. At the same time, the results of the congress led to a noticeable cooling of Russian-Austrian and Russian-German relations, which subsequently led to a change in the balance of power in the European arena.

The war in the Balkans was for Russia one of the reasons for the aggravation of the internal political crisis on the eve of revolutionary situation late 70s - early 80s of the XIX century. The government's hopes that a victorious war would dampen the momentum of a new democratic upsurge did not materialize.

Foreign policy of Russia in the 80-90s of the XIX century.

Russian foreign policy in the 1880-1890s

At the end of the 19th century. once again there is an aggravation of contradictions between the great European powers: Russia, England, France, Germany and Austria-Hungary. And although Russia, especially during the reign of Emperor Alexander III, tried to play the role of a peacemaker, there was a search for allies to form military-political blocs. The first such alliance was concluded in 1882 by Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy.

Gradually, due to its influence in the Balkans, Russia’s relations with Austria-Hungary, and then with Germany, began to worsen due to the customs war that began in 1890. As a result of this, Russia began to reconsider its traditional orientation towards the Central European powers and began an active political and military rapprochement with France. Russia also began to regularly receive French loans. In 1892, the Russian-French alliance was finally formalized and took on an anti-German orientation.

In the Asian foreign policy direction, the annexation of Central Asia was completed (the Turkmen tribes were conquered and in 1882 the Trans-Caspian region was formed with its center in Ashgabat). Clear borders with Afghanistan were established.

At the end of the 19th century. Russia as a whole has managed to maintain its status as a great power and maintain peace on its borders.

Under the leadership of Nicholas II (1894-1917) and his ministers, Russia entered the 20th century.

In the first post-war years in Russia there was no consensus on further paths development of foreign policy. Pro-German sentiments were still strong (encouraged by the new Minister of Foreign Affairs N.K. Girs), supported by landowner circles associated with trade relations with Germany. At the same time, representatives of the large commercial and industrial bourgeoisie preferred to establish close contacts with France. A number of major officials, diplomats, and publicists spoke in favor of this rapprochement (D.A. Milyutin, N.N. Obruchev, N.P. Ignatiev, M.N. Katkov, etc.). However, Russia has so far adopted a cautious wait-and-see policy.

Meanwhile, the contradictions in Russian-German and Russian-Austrian relations, both politically and economic spheres gradually worsened. The dynastic union of the three emperors increasingly contradicted the national interests of Russia. By the end of the 70s, Germany was beginning to put together the foundations of a military-political bloc in Europe (a secret agreement with Austria-Hungary in 1879), but at that time it had not yet made a break with Russia, fearing a Russian-French rapprochement. In 1882, Italy joined the Austro-German bloc.

In the second half of the 80s, in response to Russia’s refusal to support Germany against France, Berlin took measures of an economic nature (Russian-German customs war), but when Russian securities were thrown onto the German money market in 1887, they were bought up by Parisian bankers. What followed in 1888-1889 the placement of Russian loans in France strengthened Russian-French economic ties, which became one of the prerequisites for the formation of the future union (1893 convention).

Economic difficulties experienced by Russia and the regrouping of European powers did not allow Russian diplomacy to use its popularity in the Balkans to strengthen its positions here. After the Bulgarian crisis of 1885-1887. Russia has practically lost its political gains in the region, and an Austro-German orientation is being established in Bulgaria.

In 1885-1895 As a result of the work of a special commission, the borders of Russia in Central Asia were determined, which softened the conflict that was brewing in relations between Russia and England, which was increasing its influence on the Asian continent.

In general, by the mid-90s of the XIX century. The regrouping of the forces of the European powers was almost completed.

Russian foreign policy in the second half of the 90s - early 900s. Russo-Japanese War

At the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. Contradictions between the leading powers, which by this time had largely completed the territorial division of the world, intensified. The presence of “new” people in the international arena became increasingly noticeable, developing countries- Germany, Japan, the USA, who purposefully sought the redistribution of colonies and spheres of influence. In the global rivalry of the great powers, Anglo-German antagonism gradually came to the fore. It was in this complex environment, saturated with international crises, that Russian diplomacy operated at the turn of the century.

The basis of the autocracy’s foreign policy was the Franco-Russian alliance, which guaranteed the western borders of the empire from the German threat and played the role of one of essential elements political balance, neutralizing the influence and military power of the Triple Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy) on the European continent. Strengthening contacts with France, the main creditor of the tsarist government, was of significant importance for the autocracy for financial and economic reasons.

The arms race, which progressed as the contradictions between the great powers intensified, overstrained Russia's forces, which forced Russian diplomacy to look for a way out of the current situation. Russia initiated the convening of the Hague “Peace Conference”, held in 1899. True, the wishes regarding arms limitation adopted at the conference did not actually oblige its participants to anything. They concluded a convention on the peaceful resolution of international disputes and signed a number of conventions and declarations regulating the rules of warfare.

At the same time, the autocracy took an active part in the struggle of the great powers for colonies and spheres of influence. In the Middle East, in Turkey, he increasingly had to deal with Germany, which chose this region as a zone of its economic expansion. In Persia, the interests of Russia collided with the interests of England. The most important object of the struggle for the final division of the world at the end of the 19th century. China was economically backward and militarily weak. It is to the Far East that, since the mid-90s, the center of gravity of the autocracy's foreign policy activity has shifted. The tsarist government's close interest in the affairs of this region was largely determined by the “appearance” here by the end of the 19th century. a strong and very aggressive neighbor in the person of Japan, which has embarked on the path of expansion.

After the victory in the war with China in 1894-1895. Japan acquired the Liaodong Peninsula under a peace treaty; Russia, acting as a united front with France and Germany, forced Japan to abandon this part Chinese territory. In 1896, a Russian-Chinese treaty was concluded on a defensive alliance against Japan. China granted Russia a concession to build a railway from Chita to Vladivostok through Manchuria (Northeast China). The Russian-Chinese Bank received the right to build and operate the road. The course towards the “peaceful” economic conquest of Manchuria was carried out in accordance with the line of S.Yu. Witte (it was he who largely determined the policy of the autocracy in the Far East) to seize foreign markets for the developing domestic industry. Great success Russian diplomacy also achieved in Korea. Japan, which established its influence in this country after the war with China, was forced in 1896 to agree to the establishment of a joint Russian-Japanese protectorate over Korea with the actual predominance of Russia. The victories of Russian diplomacy in the Far East caused growing irritation in Japan, England and the United States.

Soon, however, the situation in this region began to change. Pushed by Germany and following its example, Russia captured Port Arthur and in 1898 received it on lease from China, along with some parts of the Liaodong Peninsula, to establish a naval base. Attempts by S.Yu. Witte to prevent this action, which he considered as contrary to the spirit of the Russian-Chinese treaty of 1896, were unsuccessful. The capture of Port Arthur undermined the influence of Russian diplomacy in Beijing and weakened Russia's position in the Far East, forcing, in particular, the tsarist government to make concessions to Japan on the Korean issue. The Russo-Japanese Agreement of 1898 actually sanctioned the takeover of Korea by Japanese capital.

In 1899, a powerful popular uprising (“Boxer Rebellion”) began in China, directed against foreigners who shamelessly ruled the state. Russia, together with other powers, took part in suppressing this movement and occupied Manchuria during military operations. Russo-Japanese contradictions escalated again. Supported by England and the USA, Japan sought to oust Russia from Manchuria. In 1902, the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was concluded. Under these conditions, Russia reached an agreement with China and pledged to withdraw troops from Manchuria within a year and a half.

Meanwhile, Japan, which was very belligerent, led to an escalation of the conflict with Russia. There was no unity in the ruling circles of Russia on issues of Far Eastern policy. S.Yu. Witte with his program of economic expansion (which, however, still pitted Russia against Japan) was opposed by the “Bezobrazov gang” led by A.M. Bezobrazov, who advocated direct military takeovers. The views of this group were also shared by Nicholas II, who dismissed S.Yu. Witte from the post of Minister of Finance. The Bezobrazovites underestimated the strength of Japan. Some ruling circles viewed success in the war with their Far Eastern neighbor as the most important means of overcoming the internal political crisis.

Japan, for its part, was actively preparing for an armed conflict with Russia. True, in the summer of 1903, Russian-Japanese negotiations on Manchuria and Korea began, but the Japanese war machine, which had received direct support from the United States and England, was already launched. On January 24, 1904, the Japanese ambassador handed the Russian Foreign Minister V.N. Lamzdorf a note about the severance of diplomatic relations, and on the evening of January 26, the Japanese fleet attacked the Port Arthur squadron without declaring war. Thus began the Russo-Japanese War.

The balance of forces in the theater of military operations was not in favor of Russia, which was determined both by the difficulties of concentrating troops on the remote outskirts of the empire, and by the clumsiness of the military and naval departments, and gross miscalculations in assessing the enemy’s capabilities. From the very beginning of the war, the Russian Pacific squadron suffered serious losses. Having attacked ships in Port Arthur, the Japanese attacked those in the Korean port Chemulpo cruiser"Varyag" and the gunboat "Korean". After an unequal battle with 6 enemy cruisers and 8 destroyers, Russian sailors destroyed their ships so that they would not fall to the enemy. A heavy blow for Russia was the death of the commander of the Pacific Squadron, the outstanding naval commander S.O. Makarov. The Japanese managed to gain supremacy at sea and, having landed large forces on the continent, launched an offensive against Russian troops in Manchuria and Port Arthur. The commander of the Manchurian Army, General A.N. Kuropatkin, acted extremely indecisively. The bloody battle of Liaoyang, during which the Japanese suffered huge losses, was not used by him to go on the offensive (which the enemy was extremely afraid of) and ended with the withdrawal of Russian troops. In July 1904, the Japanese besieged Port Arthur. The defense of the fortress, which lasted five months, became one of the brightest pages of Russian military history. The hero of the Port Arthur epic was General R.I. Kondratenko, who died at the end of the siege. The capture of Port Arthur was costly for the Japanese, who lost more than 100 thousand people under its walls. At the same time, having taken the fortress, the enemy was able to strengthen his troops operating in Manchuria. The squadron stationed in Port Arthur was actually destroyed in the summer of 1904 during unsuccessful attempts break through to Vladivostok.

In February 1905, the Battle of Mukden took place, which took place on a more than 100-kilometer front and lasted three weeks. More than 550 thousand people with 2,500 guns took part in it on both sides. In the battles near Mukden, the Russian army suffered a heavy defeat. After this, the war on land began to subside. The number of Russian troops in Manchuria was constantly increasing, but the morale of the army was undermined, which was greatly facilitated by the revolution that had begun in the country. The Japanese, who had suffered huge losses, were also inactive.

On May 14-15, 1905, in the Battle of Tsushima, the Japanese fleet destroyed the Russian squadron transferred to the Far East from the Baltic. This squadron was commanded by Z.P. Rozhestvensky. The Battle of Tsushima decided the outcome of the war. The autocracy, busy suppressing the revolutionary movement, could no longer continue the struggle. Japan was also extremely exhausted by the war. On July 27, 1905, peace negotiations began in Portsmouth (USA) with the mediation of the Americans. The Russian delegation, headed by S.Yu. Witte, managed to achieve relatively “decent” conditions for the peace treaty. Russia lost to Japan southern part Sakhalin, its lease rights to the Liaodong Peninsula and the South Manchurian Railway, which connected Port Arthur with the Chinese Eastern Railway. The Russo-Japanese War ended with the defeat of the autocracy. Having undermined the authority of the authorities within the country, it at the same time weakened Russia’s position in the international arena.

Russian foreign policy in 1905-1914.

Russo-Japanese War and Revolution 1905-1907. significantly complicated the situation in which tsarist diplomacy had to act. The army was demoralized and ineffective. Essentially, the entire fleet was lost during the war with Japan. Finances were in dire straits. All this, as well as the most serious internal political problems that arose before the autocracy both during the revolution and after its suppression, forced tsarist diplomacy to pursue a course that would allow the country to avoid participation in international conflicts. It is no coincidence that P.A. Stolypin considered “twenty years of internal and external peace” as the most important condition for the success of all his endeavors.

The situation in the international arena was, however, such that Russia had very little chance of twenty years of peaceful development. The rivalry between the great powers became increasingly acute. Anglo-German antagonism came to the fore among interstate contradictions. Germany had already surpassed England in economic power, and German goods were crowding out English ones in foreign markets. The construction of the German navy proceeded at such a pace that England faced the real prospect of losing its status as “mistress of the seas.”

Under these conditions, back in 1904, England agreed to an agreement with France on the division of spheres of influence. This is how the Anglo-French Entente took shape, opposing Germany. Russia, an ally of France, was in no hurry to get closer to England, which was considered a traditional enemy that openly supported Japan during the war of 1904-1905.

The actions of tsarist diplomacy, however, were strongly influenced by the increased financial dependence on France after the shocks the country experienced in the early years of the 20th century and the progressive aggravation of Russian-German and Russian-Austrian contradictions. Germany successfully conquered the markets of the Near and Middle East. German capital competed with Russian capital in Persia. The strengthening of Germany's position in Turkey led to the undermining of Russian influence in the Balkans and threatened Russia's strategic interests in the Black Sea region, making the problem of the straits especially acute. The trade agreement of 1904, which Germany imposed on Russia, taking advantage of the Russo-Japanese War, put Russian industry at a very disadvantageous position and Agriculture. Russian-Austrian interests collided in the Balkans.

Foreign policy problems were the object of intense struggle in the ruling circles of the Russian Empire. Extreme right-wing court-bureaucratic groups and parties were supporters of rapprochement with Germany. The family ties that connected the Russian imperial house with the German monarchs, the similarity of the political regimes that existed in both states - all this determined the pro-German sentiment of the ultra-right circles. An alliance with Germany, in their opinion, could “contain” Austria-Hungary in the Balkans and provide Russia with a calm rear for revenge in the Far East. The moderate right, the Octobrists, and the Cadets advocated orientation toward the Anglo-French Entente. There were also adherents of this course in bureaucratic circles.

It should be noted that Germany actively sought to draw Russia into the wake of its policy and split the Franco-Russian alliance. In 1905, during a meeting between Nicholas II and Wilhelm II in Bjerke, the Kaiser persuaded the Tsar to sign (in secret from the then Foreign Minister V.N. Lamzdorf) an agreement containing obligations of Russia and Germany on mutual assistance in the event of an attack on one of the contracting parties any European power. Despite the extreme indignation of William II, the Bjork Agreement, which was in conflict with the alliance treaty with France, did not have any practical results and already in the fall of 1905 it was essentially annulled by Russia.

The logic of the development of international relations ultimately pushed the autocracy towards the Entente. Russia's transition to the camp of Germany's opponents did not appear immediately, however. Appointed in 1906 as Minister of Foreign Affairs A.P. Izvolsky sought to achieve rapprochement with England without a break with Germany. To do this, he planned to conclude agreements on the most controversial issues with both Germany and Austria-Hungary, and with England. At the same time A.P. Izvolsky intended to regulate relations with Japan. This policy allowed Russia to gain the respite necessary to resolve internal problems and restoration of military potential, and was supposed to provide it with an advantageous position as the “third rejoicing” in the approaching Anglo-German conflict.

In 1907, a Russian-Japanese agreement on political issues was signed. The parties agreed to maintain the “status quo” in the Far East. Northern Manchuria and Outer Mongolia were recognized as the sphere of influence of Russia, while Southern Manchuria and Korea were recognized as the sphere of influence of Japan. In 1907, Russian-English conventions on Persia, Afghanistan and Tibet were concluded. Persia was divided into three zones: northern (Russian sphere of influence), southeastern (English sphere of influence) and central (neutral). Afghanistan was recognized as England's sphere of influence. Regarding Tibet, the parties undertook to respect its territorial integrity and communicate with the Tibetan authorities only through the Chinese government. These agreements, having softened Russian-British rivalry in Asia, ultimately became important stage in the process of forming an anti-German coalition. Their significance was all the greater since the negotiations between Russia, on the one hand, and Germany and Austria-Hungary, on the other, took place from 1906-1907. as part of the implementation of the A.P. program Izvolsky, did not produce any results and did not lead to the settlement of controversial issues.

The growth of anti-German and anti-Austrian sentiment in Russia was greatly facilitated by the events of the Bosnian crisis. In 1908 A.P. Izvolsky, during negotiations with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Austria-Hungary A. Ehrenthal, agreed to the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, occupied by the Austrians after the Berlin Congress, to Austria-Hungary, receiving in exchange A. Ehrenthal’s promise not to object to the opening of the Black Sea straits for Russian military ships. However, England and France did not support the claims of tsarist diplomacy. Attempt by A.P. Izvolsky's solution to the problem of the straits failed. Austria-Hungary, meanwhile, announced the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Germany sent an ultimatum to Russia in March 1909, demanding recognition of this act. The tsarist government, realizing that the country was not ready for war, was forced to concede. The Bosnian crisis turned into a “diplomatic Tsushima” for the autocracy. Its result was the subsequent resignation from the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs A.P. in 1910. Izvolsky, whose successor S.D. Sazonov was appointed.

Despite the deterioration of Russian-German relations, Germany did not give up attempts to draw Russia into the orbit of its policy. These attempts were unsuccessful and ended only with the signing in the summer of 1911 of an agreement on Persian affairs (Potsdam Agreement), which actually did not lead to a settlement of controversial issues.

The prologue to the First World War was the Balkan wars of 1912-1913. In 1912, Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria and Greece, united as a result of the active efforts of Russian diplomacy, began a war against Turkey and defeated it. The winners soon quarreled with each other. Germany and Austria-Hungary considering education Balkan Union as a success of Russian diplomacy, they took steps aimed at its collapse and pushed Bulgaria to act against Serbia and Greece. During the Second Balkan War, Bulgaria, against which Romania and Turkey also began hostilities, was defeated. All these events significantly aggravated Russian-German and Russian-Austrian contradictions. Türkiye became more and more subject to German influence. German general Liman von Sanders in 1913 was appointed commander of the Turkish corps located in the Constantinople area, which was rightly regarded by St. Petersburg as a serious threat to Russian interests in the straits area. Only with great difficulty did Russia manage to move Liman von Sanders to another post.

The tsarist government, realizing the country's unpreparedness for war and fearing (in case of defeat) a new revolution, sought to delay the armed conflict with Germany and Austria-Hungary. At the same time, in the face of a progressive deterioration in relations with its western neighbors, it tried to formalize allied relations with England. These attempts were unsuccessful, since England did not want to bind itself to any obligations. The allied relations between Russia and France by 1914, however, had strengthened significantly. In 1911-1913 At meetings of the chiefs of the Russian and French general staffs, decisions were made that provided for an increase in the number of troops deployed against Germany in the event of war and an acceleration of the timing of their concentration. The naval headquarters of England and France concluded a naval convention that entrusted the protection of the Atlantic coast of France to the English fleet, and the protection of England's interests in the Mediterranean to the French. The Entente as a coalition of England, France and Russia, directed against the Triple Alliance (Italy, however, had already actually moved away from its partners), became a reality, despite the fact that England was not connected with Russia and France by an alliance treaty. The formation of two blocs of great powers hostile to each other, which took place against the backdrop of an intensified arms race, created a situation in the world that threatened at any moment to result in a military conflict on a global scale.

Russo-Japanese War 1904-1905.

At the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. The international situation has sharply deteriorated. Military-political blocs are beginning to form in Europe, and armed conflicts are breaking out in Asia. Around Nicholas II, the conviction grew stronger that expansion should be developed in the Asian direction and “increased” in the Far East. In 1896, Russia and China concluded an agreement on a defensive alliance against Japan and the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) through the territory of Manchuria to connect Chita with Vladivostok along a shorter route. During 1897-1901 The CER was built. In 1897, Russia deepened its penetration into China, sent warships to Port Arthur (Chinese city of Lushun) and entered into a lease agreement for the Liaodong Peninsula. Russia's economic penetration into China and Korea came into conflict with the interests of Japan, which considered these territories its sphere of influence, which later became main reason Russian-Japanese War.

The Japanese government demanded the withdrawal of Russian troops from Manchuria, which were introduced during the suppression of the Boxer Rebellion (Yihetuan movement) in 1899-1902, and recognition of their exclusive rights to Korea. Russia responded evasively. On January 24, 1904, Japan unilaterally severed diplomatic relations with Russia, and on January 27, 1904, the Japanese fleet attacked the Russian squadron stationed in the roadstead near Port Arthur, damaging three ships.

On the morning of January 27, 1904, 14 Japanese ships attacked the Russian cruiser “Varyag” and the gunboat “Koreets” in the Korean port of Chemulpo, which fought bravely and died in an unequal battle. On March 31, 1904, on the flagship Petropavlovsk, the commander of the Pacific Fleet, Vice Admiral S.O., was blown up by a mine along with his staff. Makarov. In connection with these events, the active operations of the Russian fleet almost ceased, and it was forced to go on the defensive.

Military operations continued on land. Their main theaters were the Russian defense of Port Arthur and the battles in Manchuria. Heroic Defense main strong point Russia in South China- Port Arthur - lasted almost throughout 1904. Resistance was stopped in December 1904 by order of the commandant General A.M. Stoessel. After the fall of Port Arthur, the strategic position of the Russian army in Manchuria worsened, where fighting continued. A major battle took place in February 1905 at Mukden (the center of southern Manchuria). Russian troops stubbornly defended themselves, but were forced to retreat by order of General A.N. Kuropatkina. The Battle of Mukden was the last major military engagement on land in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905.

The Russian military command, trying to provide assistance to its troops in the Far East, sent a squadron from the Baltic Fleet under the command of Vice Admiral Z.P. Rozhestvensky. Having crossed the Atlantic and Indian oceans, she was defeated in May 1905 in the Tsushima naval battle. In the summer of 1905, the Japanese captured the island of Sakhalin.

On August 23, 1905, a peace treaty was signed between Russia and Japan in Portsmouth, which stated Russia’s defeat in the war. Japan annexed the southern part of Sakhalin Island to its territory and received the right to lease the Liaodong Peninsula and Port Arthur. Russia recognized Japan's sphere of influence in Korea. Japan received fishing rights along the Russian coast.

The main reasons for the defeat in the war were the general unpreparedness of Russia for military operations in the Far East, the weakness of transport support for the army in this region and, of course, the mediocrity of the top military leadership.

The beginning of the First World War. Military operations on the Eastern Front in 1914 - February 1917

First World War was caused by acute economic and geopolitical contradictions between the main world powers. These contradictions were determined by the clash of interests of England, France, Germany, Russia, Austria-Hungary and other countries.

Germany was particularly active in international relations, striving for world domination and the forceful redistribution of the world. This line of behavior led to hostile relations between Germany and England (mainly over the colonies), as well as France (over Alsace and Lorraine, captured by the Germans as a result of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871, and Morocco, which both sides tried to turn it into a colony). And Russia had serious contradictions with Germany (primarily trade and economic, as well as geopolitical, related to the issue of control over the straits and influence in Turkey) and Austria-Hungary (due to dominance in the Balkans).

In 1907, Russia joined the Franco-English alliance, which finally formalized the military-political bloc called the Entente (translated from French as cordial agreement). He was opposed by the Triple Alliance (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy, which was replaced by Turkey in 1914), formed at the end of the 19th century. As a result, the world split into two opposing bloc, the contradictions between which led to a global military conflict.

The reason for the outbreak of the First World War was the murder of the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, by Serbian nationalists in the Bosnian city of Sarajevo (June 15, 1914). This caused an explosion of militant sentiment in Vienna, which saw in the incident a convenient reason to “punish” Serbia, which opposed the establishment of Austrian influence in the Balkans. The plans of Austria-Hungary met with support in Berlin. On July 10, 1914, Austria-Hungary presented an ultimatum to Serbia, which contained such humiliating demands that Serbia obviously had to reject them. On July 16, 1914, the Austrian bombing of Belgrade began. Russia could not stay away from the conflict. To accept the inevitable defeat of Serbia, abandoning it to its fate, meant for Russia the loss of influence in the Balkans. In this regard, the tsarist government, having secured the support of France, took a firm position, without neglecting at the same time peaceful means of resolving the conflict. After Austria began hostilities, Nicholas II (July 16, 1914) signed a decree on general mobilization. True, the next day, having received a telegram from Wilhelm II, which he understood as a request not to bring matters to war, Nicholas II canceled the decision made the day before. However, ultimately, the arguments of S.D. Sazonov, who convinced the emperor that “it is better, without fear of causing war with our preparations for it, to carefully attend to the latter, rather than for fear of giving rise to war and being caught by surprise,” impressed Nicholas II, and he again authorized general mobilization. Germany sent an ultimatum to Russia, demanding that mobilization be suspended. Having received a refusal, the German ambassador on July 19, 1914 handed S.D. Sazonov a note declaring war. August 3 (NS) Germany declared war on France. The next day, England, under the pretext of violation of Belgium's neutrality by German troops, declared war on Germany. On August 23, 1914, Japan entered the war on the side of the Entente. The armed conflict quickly became global.

The ruling circles of Germany showed the greatest activity in starting the war. The moment for defeating their rivals seemed extremely opportune to them. Although the Entente powers were significantly superior to the Austro-German bloc in terms of human and material resources, the Entente was clearly lagging behind in terms of readiness for large-scale military operations. Focusing, like all countries participating in the conflict, on a lightning war, Germany hoped to quickly defeat France and then attack its eastern ally with all its might.

The army and navy development programs adopted by Russia on the eve of the war were supposed to be completed around 1917. Nevertheless, the Russian armed forces still represented an impressive combat force. Their power, undermined by the Russo-Japanese War and revolution, gradually increased. Nevertheless, the Russian army was inferior to the German in artillery. Mobilization reserves turned out to be significantly underestimated. There were only enough rifles (4.3 million pieces) for general mobilization. By November 1914, the shortage of them had already reached 870 thousand, while it was planned to produce only 60 thousand units monthly. The Russian armies operating against Germany and Austria-Hungary formed two fronts - Northwestern and Southwestern. After Turkey entered the war on the side of the Austro-German bloc in the fall of 1914, another front arose - the Caucasus. Nicholas II appointed his uncle, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, as Supreme Commander-in-Chief. General N.N. Yanushkevich became the chief of staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

From the first days of the war, the Germans launched a rapid and successful offensive on the Western Front. As a result, there was a real threat of their capture of Paris. Meeting the requests of the allies, the Russian command, without waiting for the concentration of all forces in the theater of operations (this could only be achieved on the 40th day after the start of general mobilization), launched operations in East Prussia. In the battles near Gumbinen, German troops suffered a heavy defeat. Having withdrawn significant forces from the Western Front, the German command was able to carry out a partial encirclement of the 2nd Army of General A.V. Samsonov in the Tannenberg area. About 30 thousand people were captured. As a result, Russian troops were driven out of East Prussia. Nevertheless, the Germans had to weaken their forces on the Western Front, which allowed the Anglo-French troops to stop the German offensive in the bloody Battle of the Marne. The "blitzkrieg" plan failed thanks to the blood shed by Russian soldiers in East Prussia. In August - September 1914, Russian troops in a grandiose Galician battle inflicted a heavy defeat on the Austrians, who lost about 400 thousand people. The armies of the Southwestern Front advanced 280-300 km, capturing Galicia. German attempts to defeat Russian troops in Poland (in the fall of 1914) were unsuccessful. In the Caucasus, during the Sarykamysh operation, the Russian army defeated the Turks, who lost 90 thousand people. In general, the results of the 1914 campaign were very disappointing for Germany and its allies. They faced the prospect of a protracted war, which would allow the Entente to realize its superiority in human and material resources.

In 1915, the German command concentrated large forces on the Eastern Front in order to defeat Russia and take it out of the war. In April 1915, Austrian and German troops launched an offensive in Galicia. Having secured their superiority in manpower by 2 times, in light artillery by 4.5 times, and in heavy artillery by 40 times, they broke through the front. Experiencing a catastrophic shortage of weapons and ammunition, Russian troops began to retreat to the east. The inaction of the British and French, who used the calm in the west to strengthen their armies, created favorable conditions for the implementation of plans German command for the defeat of Russia. As a result German offensive in the spring and summer of 1915, the enemy managed to occupy Galicia, Poland, part of the Baltic states and Belarus.

Defeats at the front became one of the reasons for changes in the leadership of the Russian army. In August 1915, the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief was taken by Nicholas II. However, the tsar practically did not interfere in the management of troops. The actual leadership of the active army was carried out by the new chief of staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General M.V. Alekseev, a talented military leader who, among other things, had a tremendous capacity for work.

In general, the 1915 campaign was a tragedy for the Russian army, which suffered huge losses. However, Germany was unable to achieve its main goal - to take Russia out of the war. The fighting continued.

1916 showed that the Russian army retained the ability to inflict serious blows on the enemy. The measures taken (albeit with a significant delay) to transfer the country's economy to a war footing bore fruit. The material support of the troops has improved significantly. In May 1916, the Southwestern Front under the command of A.A. Brusilov launched an offensive against the Austro-Hungarian army. This operation was supposed to help the Italian troops (Italy joined the Entente in 1915), who suffered a crushing defeat from the Austrians. The Southwestern Front managed to break through the positions of the Austro-Hungarian army, which ultimately lost more than half a million people. “The Brusilov breakthrough was one of the largest operations of the First World War. True, its results could have been more significant if the efforts of the Southwestern Front had been promptly supported by troops of other fronts. Nevertheless, the success of the Russian army had a significant impact on the overall strategic situation. The Germans were forced to transfer 11 divisions from the Western Front to the Eastern Front and stop attacks in the Verdun area, where a bloody battle took place at the beginning of 1916 (“Verdun Meat Grinder”). The Italian army managed to avoid complete defeat. In general, Russia made a huge contribution to the armed struggle of the Entente with the German bloc. For 1914-1916. german army lost 1,739 thousand on the Eastern Front, and the Austrian lost 2,623 thousand people killed, wounded and captured. A general offensive of the Entente armies on the Western and Eastern fronts was planned for the spring of 1917, which, however, was prevented by the February Revolution.

The February Revolution of 1917, however, did not lead to Russia's withdrawal from the war, since the Provisional Government declared allegiance to its allied duty. However, military operations (in Galicia and Belarus) ended in failure. The front collapsed, the country demanded an end to the war. The Bolsheviks, after coming to power on the basis of the peace decree adopted at the Second Congress of Soviets, began negotiations with Germany.

Soviet Russia emerged from the First World War by concluding with Germany and its allies a separate and extremely humiliating Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (March 1918), according to which they were torn away from Russia huge territories(Poland, Baltic states, Ukraine, part of Belarus and Transcaucasia). She pledged to pay a large indemnity (3 billion rubles) and stop revolutionary propaganda in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe.

The Entente countries on the Western Front achieved victory over the German bloc, securing this in 1919 with the Treaty of Versailles.

Russia suffered the most significant losses in the war compared to other participating countries - 9 million 347 thousand people (irretrievable, sanitary losses and captured). The losses of the main opponents were: Germany - 7 million 860 thousand people, Austria-Hungary - 4 million 880 thousand people.

1. Main tasks of Russian foreign policy

Under the influence of the development of capitalism in Russia, the government in domestic and foreign policy had to take into account the interests of not only the landowners, but also the bourgeoisie. Therefore, in the second half of the 19th century, the country's foreign policy acquired an increasingly bourgeois character.

Russia faced difficult tasks in the field of international relations:

1. The need to free ourselves from the articles of the Paris Peace Treaty.

2. Eliminate the “neutralization” of the Black Sea.

3. Strengthen the security of your southern borders.

4. Gain the opportunity to provide more active assistance to the Balkan Slavic peoples in their struggle against the Ottoman enslavers.

The new Minister of Foreign Affairs A.M. Gorchakov saw his main tasks as ensuring, through peaceful diplomatic means, favorable conditions for the domestic policy of the state and achieving the abolition of the articles of the Paris Treaty. To fight against England and France - the main guarantors of the Crimean system - Gorchakov found allies in Prussia, which was fighting for the unification of Germany and needed Russia's benevolent neutrality. For diplomatic support of Prussia in the wars against Denmark (1864) and Austria (1866), Bismarck promised not to object to the revision of the Treaty of Paris. After the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War and the decisive defeat French troops near Sedan in October 1870, Gorchakov notified the European powers of Russia's refusal to comply with the articles of the Treaty of Paris. The conference meeting in London in January 1871 was forced to approve this decision. A peculiar (and very high) price for this foreign policy triumph was the creation of a strong and dangerous neighbor for Russia - a united Germany. At the same time, partnership with Bismarck was the only way out for her, since the attempted rapprochement with France was ultimately unsuccessful, and it was unlikely that it would have been possible to significantly slow down the process of unification of the German lands.

The rapprochement of Russia, Germany and Austria, which joined them, marked the beginning of the “Union of the Three Emperors” on June 6, 1873. “Russian diplomacy concluded this agreement because it provided some guarantees for the security of the western border of the empire. This had to be especially valued in view of England's hostile policy in the countries of the East. But Gorchakov was far from following Bismarck’s lead and paying him the price for which cooperation with Germany could become strong: subsequent events showed that Russia did not allow Germany to establish its hegemony in Western Europe through a new weakening of France. All three parties to the agreement were unanimous in one thing: they saw in the agreement an expression of the solidarity of the monarchies in the face of the revolutionary movement.”

In addition to the struggle for the abolition of the restrictive articles of the Treaty of Paris and the conclusion of the “Union of Three Emperors”, the following major problems can be identified in Russian foreign policy of this period:

1. Annexation of Central Asia.

2. Participation in resolving the eastern question.

3. Real assistance to the national liberation movement of the peoples of the Balkan Peninsula.

4. Expanding relationships with the US and other countries Latin America.

Unlike the first half of the 19th century, in the second half of the century the Russian government did not take the initiative in organizing the suppression revolutionary movements, it passed to the governments of the countries Western Europe.

2. Annexation of Central Asia to Russia

One of the directions of Russian foreign policy was penetration into Central Asia. Two reasons prompted the autocracy to annex this region.

1. Economic reason. The middle one, with its vast territory and undeveloped industry, was a first-class market and source of raw materials for the young Russian industry. Textile products, metal products, etc. were sold there. Mainly cotton was exported from Central Asia.

2. Another reason was of a political nature and was associated with the struggle against England, which was trying to turn Central Asia into its colony.

In socio-economic terms, this territory bordering Russia was heterogeneous: feudal relations prevailed there, while preserving the remnants of the patriarchal system.

Politically, Central Asia was also heterogeneous. In fact, there was feudal fragmentation, constant hostility between the emirates and khanates. Since the ΧΙΙΙ century, three large states were formed - the Bukhara Emirate, the Kokand and Khiva khanates. Besides them there was whole line independent fiefs. The most developed of them economically was the Bukhara Emirate, which had several large cities that concentrated crafts and trade, as well as 38 caravanserais. Bukhara and Samarkand were the largest trading centers in Central Asia.

Russia's interest in Central Asia was great even in the first half of the 19th century. Even then, attempts were made to study it. In the 50s, three Russian missions to Central Asia were undertaken - scientific under the leadership of the scientist - orientalist N.V. Khanykova, diplomatic embassy N.P. Ignatiev, trade mission of Ch.Ch. Valikhanov, these missions had common task– study of the political and economic situation of the states of the Middle East.

In the 60s, the Russian government developed plans for military penetration into Central Asia.

In 1864, troops under the command of Major General M.G. Chernyaev launched an attack on Tashkent, but the first campaign ended in failure. Only in 1865 did Russian troops capture Tashkent.

In 1867, the Turkestan General Governorate was formed, which became the center of a further attack on Central Asia.

In 1868, the Kokand Khanate became dependent on Russia.

In 1868, troops under the command of K.P. Kaufman captured Samarkand and Bukhara. The two largest states - Kokand and Bukhara, while maintaining internal autonomy, found themselves subordinate to Russia.

“At the beginning of 1869, the British government, then headed by the liberal leader Gladstone, proposed to the tsarist government to create a neutral zone between the possessions of Russia and England in Central Asia, which would be inviolable for both and would prevent their direct contact. The Russian government agreed to the creation of such an intermediate zone and proposed to include Afghanistan in its composition, which was supposed to protect the country from being captured by England. The English government took a counter-move: it demanded a significant expansion of neutral territory to the north, to areas that were the object of desires of Tsarist Russia. It was not possible to reach an agreement."

England attempted to expand its sphere of influence further to the north. In this regard, she demanded recognition from Russia northern border Afghanistan, the Amu Darya River from the upper reaches to the Khoja Saleh point on the middle reaches in the Turkmen steppe. Disputes between Russia and England continued for three months and on January 31, 1873, the tsarist government recognized the northern border of Afghanistan as the line proposed by England.

This concession was not groundless; Russia pursued a specific goal: weaken England's opposition to the conquest of the Khiva Khanate. On December 4, 1872, Alexander ΙΙ decided to organize a campaign against Khiva.

After the capture of the capital of the Khiva Khanate, which occurred on June 10, 1873, an agreement was concluded with the khan, according to which he became a vassal of the king and renounced independent foreign relations with other states. Khiva fell under the protectorate of Tsarist Russia. The conquest of Khiva took place without serious international complications, except for protests in the English press. But six months after these events, the English Minister of Foreign Affairs, Lord Grenville, sent a letter to the tsarist government.

“The letter indicated that if Russia continues to advance towards Merv, the Turkmen tribes neighboring Khiva may try to seek salvation from the Russians on Afghan territory. In this case, clashes could easily arise between Russian troops and Afghans. The British cabinet expressed the hope that the Russian government would not refuse to recognize the “independence” of Afghanistan as an important condition for the security of British India and the tranquility of Asia. Strictly speaking, the desire to protect one’s sphere of influence from the Russians was the entire business content of this extremely verbose message. The British government did not raise any objections to the subordination of the Khiva Khanate. This is understandable: it itself sought to do the same with Afghanistan. Gorchakov again assured the British government that Russia considers Afghanistan to lie “completely outside the sphere of its actions.” This was a repetition of statements made repeatedly in the previous decade. If the Afghan Emir fears complications due to the Turkish tribes, Gorchakov’s response went on, then let him let the Turkmen leaders know in advance so that they do not count on support from him.

Negotiations on the Afghan border are a typical example of colonialist diplomacy. The conversation was about Afghanistan, but instead the British government acted as a party in the negotiations, arrogating to itself the “right” to represent this country.”

Rivalry was not in the interests of England and Russia. In a memorandum dated April 29, 1875, Gorchakov stated the need for an “intermediate belt” that would protect them from close proximity. Afghanistan could become such if there is mutual recognition by both sides. Gorchakov immediately assured that Russia no longer intended to expand its possessions in Central Asia.

Thus, long and difficult process annexation combined both elements of conquest by Russia and elements of voluntary entry into its composition (Merv, a territory bordering Afghanistan, in 1885). Some peoples of Central Asia voluntarily joined Russia, preferring it to English or Iranian rule.

The annexation of Central Asia to Russia had objectively progressive significance. It consisted of the following:

1. Slavery was abolished.

2. The endless feudal strife and ruin of the population ended.

3. Central Asia was drawn into the sphere of capitalist relations, which laid the foundations for the development of an advanced economy and culture.

4. The annexation connected advanced Russian culture with the original culture of the peoples of Central Asia.

3. Russian-Turkish War 1877- 1878

After the abrogation of the articles of the Paris Peace Treaty of 1856 on the neutralization of the Black Sea, Russia was able to act more actively in the eastern question. Without setting the goal of capturing Constantinople and the straits, the tsarist government tried to strengthen its position in this region through economic and political penetration into the Balkans.

In 1875, a rebellion broke out against Turkey in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Soon it spread to the territory of Bulgaria, Serbia, and Montenegro. Macedonia. In April 1876 there was an uprising in Bulgaria. In the summer of 1876, Serbia and Montenegro declared war on Turkey.

At the first stage of the eastern crisis, the Russian government took a wait-and-see approach, trying to coordinate its actions with the Western European powers. However, the people of Russia provided enormous moral and material support to the rebels. A fundraiser was organized for their benefit. Russian volunteers - soldiers, officers, doctors, writers, artists - went to the Balkans. Among them were doctors N.V. Sklifasovsky and S.P. Botkin, writer G.I. Uspensky, artists V.D. Polenov and K.E. Makovsky.

Taking advantage of the passivity of European governments, Turkey began to suppress the uprisings in the Balkans with extreme cruelty. They were strangled in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the April uprising in Bulgaria was literally drowned in a sea of blood. The Serbian army was defeated. Only Montenegro continued the war against Turkey, switching to defensive actions.

Under these conditions, Russia took a position of more active support for the Balkan peoples and carried out hasty diplomatic preparations for a war with Turkey. Russia immediately (April 15, 1877) responded to Turkey’s rejection of the London Protocol by mobilizing 7 infantry and 2 cavalry divisions. On April 16, an agreement was signed with Romania on the passage of Russian troops through its territory. On April 23, Russia broke off diplomatic relations with Turkey. Having demonstratively mobilized part of the army last fall, the tsarist government found it difficult to retreat, having achieved absolutely nothing from Turkey for the Slavs it protected. This would have damaged his prestige even more. The king arrived in Chisinau, where the headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief was located. There, on April 24, 1877, he signed a manifesto declaring war on Turkey. Active military operations in the Balkan theater began, however, only at the end of June.

The Russian War Ministry has developed a plan for rapid, offensive war, because it understood that protracted actions were beyond the capabilities of the Russian economy and finances. (The military reforms that began in the 60s were not completed, there were few trained reserves, and small arms were only 20% consistent with modern models).

The Russian government, having just started the war, was already thinking about how to quickly end it on somewhat acceptable terms. It hastened to reassure the British regarding Egypt and Suez. As for Constantinople and the straits, the British were told that taking possession of them was not the king’s intentions. In general, Russia pledged not to resolve the issue single-handedly and at the same time sought to insure itself against possible attacks on the straits by England. Despite all the efforts of Russia, the British government declared the appearance of Russians in Constantinople unacceptable.

As early as May 19, 1877, the British government began negotiations with Austria-Hungary on an alliance against Russia. The risk of the British meeting the Russians on the battlefield was minimal, and Austria, in the prospect of military operations, could meet with all armed forces; in these conditions, avoiding an alliance was the most reasonable. As a result, the British government warned that in the event of the occupation of Constantinople by Russian troops, at least temporarily. Russia cannot count on England's neutrality.

“While all these negotiations were going on, military operations developed as usual, at first at a very slow pace. Only on June 23 did the Russians begin to cross the Danube. And although two months had passed since the declaration of war, the Turks had not prepared serious resistance to their enemy when crossing such a powerful water barrier. Now the development of military operations accelerated, and already on July 19, 1877, General Gurko’s detachment captured the Shipka Pass, crossing the line of the Balkan ridge. After this, it seemed that Russian troops would move beyond the Balkans, developing an offensive in the direction of the Turkish capital. On July 27, a panicked message from the ambassador in Constantinople, Layard, arrived in London. The ambassador reported that the Russians would soon approach Adrianople and... probably. They will move to the Gallipoli Peninsula, commanding the entrance to the Dardanelles. Under the influence of this message, Beaconsfield decided to propose to the Sultan to “invite” a British squadron to the straits; she stood ready in Bezique Bay.

But the panic was in vain. Layard did not even have time to complete the assignment given to him by Beaconsfield. On the very day when Gurko’s detachment took Shipka from Viddin. From the Serbian theater of operations, the Turkish army under the command of Osman Pasha entered Plevna, which posed a serious threat to the right flank and communications of the Russian army. The news of this reached London late, but upon receipt there they calmed down. The war was clearly dragging on: this was what was required from the point of view of British interests.”

Only on December 10, 1877, Russian troops managed to take Plevna, which dramatically changed the situation in the theater of military operations. “Shortly before the fall of Plevna, the Russian government informed Germany and Austria of its project for the future of the world. It provided for: the formation of a Bulgarian vassal principality, now within the broad boundaries outlined by the Constantinople conference; autonomy of Bosnia and Herzegovina with their transfer under the control of Austria, if the latter so desires; complete independence of Serbia, Montenegro and Romania; return of Southwestern Bessarabia to Russia; compensation to Romania at the expense of Dobruja; annexation of Kars, Batum, Ardahan and Bayazet to Russia; payment of indemnity. Finally, some change in the regime of the straits was planned: the “coastal states” of the Black Sea, i.e. in particular, Russia, received the right, in cases where the need arises, to conduct military ships through the straits, but only one by one and each time with the special permission of the Sultan.”

Without receiving the support of England, which essentially dragged it into the war, Turkey was defeated. “On December 24, defeated Türkiye turned to the powers with a request for mediation. Only the British government responded. It notified St. Petersburg of this appeal. Gorchakov’s answer was: if the Porte wants to end the war, then with a request for a truce it must turn directly to the commander-in-chief of the Russian army. The granting of a truce was conditional on the preliminary acceptance of the provisions of the future peace treaty. At the same time, the Russian government confirmed its readiness to submit for discussion to an international conference those clauses of the treaty that affect “pan-European interests.”

On January 8, 1878, the Russian Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich received a request for a truce. At this time, the offensive of the Russian troops was progressing successfully and the tsarist government was in no particular hurry to actually begin negotiations.

On January 31, 1878, in Adrianople, the Turks signed an armistice agreement, which included agreement to the preliminary conditions of a peace treaty proposed by Russia.

February 19, 1878 in the town of San Stefano, 12 km. From the capital of the Ottoman Empire, a Russian-Turkish peace treaty was signed, which ensured the independence of the Balkan peoples. Serbia, Romania, and Montenegro gained independence. Bulgaria became an autonomous principality. Bosnia and Herzegovina received autonomy. Russia regained Southern Bessarabia and acquired new fortresses in the Caucasus - Batum, Kars, Ardagan and Bayazet.

The Western powers refused to recognize the terms of the agreement, which was beneficial for Russia and the Balkan peoples. They demanded a revision at a general international congress. Russia, not ready for a new war with the economically stronger states of Western Europe, was forced to concede.

In the summer of 1878, a congress opened in Berlin, in which Russia, Turkey, England, France, Germany and Austria-Hungary participated. Russia found itself in political isolation. The Western powers acted as a united front against it. Their main goal was to undermine its influence in the Balkans and minimize the results of its military victories.

By decision of the Berlin Congress, the Treaty of San Stefano was revised as follows:

1. Bulgaria was divided into two parts. Only Northern Bulgaria received autonomy; Southern Bulgaria remained under the yoke of the Ottoman Empire.

2. The territory of Serbia, Montenegro and Romania was reduced.

3. Austria-Hungary received the right to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The decisions of the Berlin Congress, compared with the San 0 Stefano Treaty. They were less beneficial for Russia and the peoples of the Balkan Peninsula. Meanwhile, the eastern crisis of the 70s, national uprisings on the Balkan Peninsula and Russia’s victory in the war over Turkey became major milestone in the final liberation of the Slavic peoples from the Ottoman yoke, strengthening the international authority of Russia.

I. ACCESSION OF CENTRAL ASIA TO RUSSIA

Economic ties between Russia and Central Asia began to develop noticeably in the first half of the 19th century. At the beginning of the century, the turnover of foreign trade between Central Asia and Russia amounted to 3 million rubles, and in the middle of the 19th century - 25.5 million rubles. Consequently, Central Asia was by the 60s of the XIX century. according to his type economic development a territory that Russian capitalists sought to turn into a colony, since it was an important source of raw materials and a market for goods for Russian industry.

Central Asia was the object of military claims not only from Russian tsarism, but also from other countries: England, China and its neighbors - Afghanistan, Iran (backed by England and sometimes Turkey). The main enemy of Tsarist Russia was England. When conquering Central Asia, Tsarist Russia acted slowly and carefully so as not to cause a military clash with England, which could arise at any moment.

Before the conquest of Central Asia by Russian tsarism, there were three main states: Kokand, Bukhara and Khiva. There was a struggle between these states for the possession of this or that territory, and their borders were not stable.

Economic backwardness and political fragmentation peoples of Central Asia, constant struggle The feudal lords weakened the Central Asian states among themselves and facilitated the actions of tsarism to conquer them.

The active policy of Russian tsarism to conquer Central Asia resumed in the early 60s of the 19th century. In 1864, two detachments simultaneously set out from different sides: one from Fort Perovsk (from the Orenburg side), General Veryovkin, numbering 1,200 soldiers, and the second from the city of Verny (Alma-Ata), General Chernyaev, numbering 2,500 soldiers. In September 1864, after combining both detachments, Shymkent was taken. Chernyaev approached Tashkent, but he was unable to take it right away. On June 17, 1865, repeating the assault, Chernyaev captured Tashkent. For the capture of Tashkent, Chernyaev was awarded a sword with diamond decorations, but in 1866 he was recalled from his post as commander, allegedly for “unauthorized” actions to capture Tashkent. This was done for diplomatic reasons, so as not to complicate relations with England. But even after the recall of General Chernyaev, the conquest of Central Asia continued.

In 1866, Khojent was taken, and then Ura-Tyube. In 1868, the Kokand ruler Khudoyar Khan signed an agreement on the subordination of the Kokand Khanate to Russia and on granting Russian merchants the right to trade in the Kokand Khanate on an equal basis with local traders, but with the payment of a 2.5% duty. On the territory occupied by Russian troops, the Turkestan Governor-General was formed with its center in Tashkent. Kaufman was appointed governor general, who led the attack on Bukhara. In 1868 he took Samarkand and headed towards Bukhara. The troops of the Emir of Bukhara were defeated. He signed an agreement in June 1868, according to which Bukhara became dependent on Russia. The Emir of Bukhara was obliged to pay 500 thousand rubles in indemnity, and the right of unhindered trade with payment of a duty of 2.5% was established for Russian merchants. The uprising that broke out in Samarkand that same year was suppressed. After this, the question arose about the annexation of the Khiva Khanate. In August 1873, the Khan of Khiva signed an agreement that recognized Khiva’s dependence on Russia. Khan paid an indemnity of 2,200 thousand rubles. Russian merchants received the right to duty-free trade in the Khanate of Khiva.

In 1873, an uprising began in Kokand, directed both against the khan and the tsarist authorities, which lasted until 1875. Khudoyar Khan was forced to flee under the protection of the tsarist authorities. The rebels proclaimed his son Nasr-Eddin khan. Due to its large scale, feudal lords also joined the uprising, for example, the former Khan's minister Avtobachi. But the real leader of the uprising was Pulat Khan.

After Skobelev's defeat of the uprising, Nasr-Eddin Khan and Abdurakhman-Avtobachi were expelled from the Khanate. The king granted them a pension, and Pulat Khan was executed. In 1876, the Kokand Khanate was liquidated and the Fergana region was formed from it. Only Turkmenistan remained unannexed to Russia. The center of Turkmenistan was a fortified locality Geok-Tepe with the Dengil-Tepe fortress, where the Turkmens took refuge during attacks. Advancement through waterless deserts to this fortified point was difficult and required preparation, which delayed the start of operations of Russian troops in Turkmenistan. But a long delay could disrupt further plans of tsarism due to increased activity on the part of England. In 1879, British troops occupied Afghanistan. This opened the way for England to Central Asia and forced Russian tsarism to hasten its attack on Turkmenistan. The base for the offensive was Krasnovodsk, founded in 1869.

In January 1881, Russian troops captured the Geok-Tepe fortress. Although the Turkmens had about 25 thousand people for its defense, they only had 5 thousand guns. On the Russian side there was a detachment of more than 6 thousand people under the command of General Skobelev, armed with artillery.

After the capture of Geok-Tepe, Ashgabat and the Ahal-Tekin oasis were annexed. In 1884 the city of Merv was taken, in 1887 - Kushka, and in 1895 the Pamirs were occupied.

II. EASTERN CRISIS AND RUSSIAN-TURKISH WAR

1877-1878

In the 70s XIX century The eastern question became aggravated again. The disintegration of the feudal system in the Ottoman Empire was accompanied by an increase in its dependence on Western European countries. The penetration of capitalist relations was accompanied by the strengthening of crude forms of feudal exploitation, combined with harsh national and religious oppression of the Balkan peoples.

In the 70s begins new stage national liberation struggle of the peoples of the Balkan Peninsula. Their political position was not the same. Serbia was a self-governing principality under the supreme authority of Turkey. Montenegro was an independent state, but, being in a state of almost constant unequal struggle with Turkey, it experienced enormous economic difficulties. The independence of Montenegro did not have official international recognition. Bulgaria and Bosnia and Herzegovina were Ottoman provinces. The situation of the Christian population of the Turkish provinces was especially oppressive; Christians had no property rights to land, could not serve in the army, but were obliged to pay a special tax for this, and had very limited opportunities for education and development national cultures.

European powers have repeatedly raised the issue of reforms to equalize the position of the Muslim and Christian populations with the Turkish government. However, the weak interest of European governments in resolving this issue and contradictions between the powers allowed the ruling circles of Turkey to evade reforms. Under these conditions, the decisive factor in the national development of the Balkan peoples was the liberation struggle.

In 1870, Bulgarian emigrants in Bucharest created the Bulgarian Revolutionary central committee, who set the task of organizing a popular armed uprising in Bulgaria. Huge credit for the creation of an extensive revolutionary organization belonged to Vasil Levsky. After Levsky was captured and executed by the Turkish authorities, the committee was headed by the famous democratic revolutionary, follower of N.G. Chernyshevsky Hristo Botev. Advanced social thought in Russia had a great influence on the liberation movement of the Slavic peoples. Criticism of the policies of tsarism destroyed the illusion that the Russian government could initiate national liberation Slavs Influenced by the views of Russian revolutionaries, the democratic wing of the national liberation movement in the Balkans came to the conviction that the decisive role should belong to the Slavic peoples themselves. Among Slavic youth studying in Russia, confidence grew that the popular uprising would be supported by broad sections of the Russian public.

In the mid-70s. There was a sharp deterioration in the situation of the masses in Bosnia and Herzegovina. At a time when the population was starving, the Turkish government increased tax oppression. In 1875, a spontaneous uprising broke out in Herzegovina, which quickly spread to Bosnia. At the same time, an uprising broke out in Bulgaria, but it was quickly suppressed by Turkish troops. However, in April 1876, a new, wider Bulgarian uprising broke out. The Sultan's government resorted to extensive punitive measures, accompanied by unheard of cruelties.

Foreign policy program of the Russian government in the 70s. continued to give preference to peaceful means for resolving international conflicts. Relying on the “Union of Three Emperors,” tsarism tried to put diplomatic pressure on Turkey, demanding autonomy for Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In December 1875, the Austrian government, on behalf of Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary, transmitted a note containing demands for reforms establishing equal rights for the Slavic population with the Turkish, freedom of religion, and relief from tax oppression. These compromise demands satisfied neither the rebel patriots nor the Turkish government.

In May 1876, the Berlin Memorandum was signed between Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary, which forced Turkey to carry out reforms for the Slavic population. The memorandum was supported by France and Italy, but rejected by England. Feeling the hidden support of the British government, Turkey did not accept the demands of the European powers and intensified punitive actions against the rebels, resorting to mass atrocities against civilians.

As the national liberation struggle in the Balkans intensified in Russia, mass movement in support of the South Slavs. A new wave of public indignation arose in connection with the brutal suppression by the Turkish authorities of the April uprising in Bulgaria. In defense Bulgarian people Outstanding scientists, writers, artists spoke - D.I. Mendeleev, N.I. Pirogov, L.N. Tolstoy, I.S. Turgenev, F.M. Dostoevsky, I.S. Aksakov, I.E. Repin and others.

They began to provide more assistance to the rebels Slavic committees. They arose back in the late 50s. as socio-political committees. By this time there was a wide discussion of the issue of the cultural and historical unity of the Slavs, who differ in their identity from the Romano-Germanic peoples. This was previously emphasized by the Slavophiles. In the 60-70s. such views have formed into a complex political movement Pan-Slavism. The ideas of Pan-Slavism originated among the intelligentsia of the Western and Southern Slavs, who were under the yoke of German and Ottoman feudal lords. They hoped to achieve the liberation of their peoples from national oppression by uniting the Slavic peoples under the rule of the Russian emperor. In Russia, the ideas of Pan-Slavism were shared by representatives of various social forces: revolutionaries, liberals, and a number of conservative monarchists. The autocracy was characterized by a generally hostile attitude towards Pan-Slavism, since the Pan-Slavists tried to impose on the government their understanding of Russia's foreign policy goals, which usually did not coincide with the aspirations of tsarism. In the 70s Pan-Slavists actively supported the liberation struggle of the South Slavic peoples, sharply criticizing tsarism for its indecision in action against Turkey. The Slavic committees became the political bodies of the Pan-Slavists.

Retired General M.G. was very famous in the Slavic committees. Chernyaev. During the Crimean War he fought on the famous Malakhov Kurgan. It gained particular popularity during the annexation of Central Asia. Once retired, Chernyaev considered himself a victim of the military-bureaucratic regime, but did not share democratic ideas.

Unlike the government, the Slavic committees advocated active support for the national liberation of the South Slavs. Large monetary donations were collected, which were used to purchase weapons, food, and medicine and transport them to the rebels. Active political support for the armed struggle of the Balkan peoples developed. In this situation, General Chernyaev established contacts with the Serbian government and, contrary to the prohibitions of the tsarist authorities, went to Belgrade, where he was appointed commander-in-chief of the Serbian army.

In July 1876, the government of Serbia and Montenegro demanded that Turkey stop the massacre in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This demand was not satisfied, and on July 30, both Slavic states declared war on Turkey. A new wave of solidarity swept across Russia in support of the speech of the South Slavic states. Frontline officers demanded that they be allowed to take temporary retirement and join the Serbian army. Under public pressure, Alexander II allowed the officers to resign. A volunteer movement developed. About 5 thousand Russian soldiers joined the Serbian army. Russian volunteer doctors worked in hospitals in Serbia and Montenegro, among whom were such famous doctors as N.V. Sklifosovsky, S.P. Botkin. Peasants joined the ranks of volunteers and created people's squads. The solidarity movement acquired a nationwide character. According to the vocation of his contemporaries, the lower the social stratum, the stronger the desire to join the ranks of volunteers.

Military operations developed unfavorably for Serbia. The advance of the Serbian army was soon stopped. The initiative passed to the Ottoman troops. Faced with the threat of complete defeat, Serbia turned to the Russian government for help. To protect Serbia, the Russian government presented Turkey with an ultimatum to cease hostilities and conclude a truce. At the same time, partial mobilization was announced in Russia. Serbia was saved.

In the acute international situation, tsarism continued to seek to avoid open participation in the emerging conflict. At the insistence of Russia, at the end of 1876, a conference of European powers was convened in Constantinople, at which the terms of the agreement with Turkey were accepted. They provided for the granting of autonomy to a single state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bulgaria. In response to this, the Sultan announced the introduction of a constitution in the country that affirmed the equality of Christians and Muslims, and rejected the demands of the European conference. Türkiye also refused to guarantee the rights of the Christian population. War became inevitable.

In this situation, German diplomacy pushed Russia to take military action in the Balkans, since it hoped, according to Bismarck’s figurative imagination, that “the Russian locomotive would let off its steam somewhere away from the German border.” The German government hoped that the war in the Balkans would give it freedom in relation to France and strengthen its influence on Russia and Austria, which had sharp contradictions among themselves.

Much depended on the position of Austria-Hungary. After lengthy negotiations, a secret Russian-Austrian conference was signed in January 1887. In it, Austria committed itself to maintaining benevolent neutrality towards Russia and providing it with diplomatic support.

It was important to reach full agreement with Romania, which was in vassal dependence on the Sultan. The ruling classes of Romania did not seek to sever relations with Turkey, and therefore the ruling circles declared the neutrality of their country. In a situation where war became inevitable, Romania could become a theater of war. If Russian troops were able to pass through Romanian territory without hindrance, military operations took place directly in Bulgaria. In April 1877 A convention was signed between Russia and Romania, which established allied relations between the countries. Russian troops were given the opportunity to freely pass through Romania.

In the spring of 1877 The Russian government made its last attempt at a peaceful settlement of the Balkan crisis. At the initiative of Russia, the “London Protocol” was signed by six powers with demands for the Sultan’s government to carry out reforms in the peasant regions. Türkiye rejected the demands. Tsarism was faced with a choice: lose its influence in the Balkans and discredit itself in the eyes of the Russian public, or begin military action, albeit contrary to its current plans.

April 12(24), 1877 Alexander II signed a manifesto on war with Turkey. Although the war was declared in April, military operations did not begin until June 1877. At the beginning of hostilities, the Russian army outnumbered the Turkish army. The Russian army in the Balkans had up to 185 thousand soldiers. It was supported by Romanian troops and the Bulgarian militia, which numbered 4.5 thousand people and was led by the Russian general Stoletov.

The military operations of the Russian army began successfully. In the first half of June 1877, Russian troops crossed the Danube in the area of Galati and Sistovo.

The advance detachment under the command of General I.V. Gurko, having small forces, quickly launched an offensive and at the end of June captured ancient capital Bulgaria Tarnovo. There were practically no losses in the Russian troops. There were mountains ahead. Much depended on whose hands the passes would be. On July 7, Russian troops captured the Shipka Pass. The Turkish command was faced with the most important task of returning the Shipka Pass. A large military group under the command of Suleiman Pasha was thrown against the Russian troops. One of the heroic episodes of the war began - the defense of the Shipka Pass. Russian troops and Bulgarian military squads that held the Shipka Pass found themselves in extremely difficult conditions in the winter: they fought in severe frosts, constant snowstorms, their uniforms and food were poor. The Russians suffered heavy losses due to frostbite. In exclusively harsh conditions, with multiple superiority of the enemy, Russian troops with the participation of the Bulgarian militia repelled numerous attacks by Turkish troops and held the pass until going on the offensive in January 1878.

Western detachment under the command of General N.P. Kridener had famous forces at his disposal. He quickly captured the Nikopol fortress, but then slowed down the pace of the offensive. As a result, the enemy managed to concentrate large forces in the Plevna fortress, located at the intersection of the most important roads. Three times Russian troops, with the support of the Romanian army, unsuccessfully tried to capture the city. Here, the commitment of part of Russian neutrality to previous forms of war was especially affected: low maneuverability of troops without the active use of artillery and close interaction of units. So, during the third assault, the successful actions of troops under the command of M.D. Skobelev did not receive support from other units and the overall outcome was unsuccessful. Minister of War D.A. Milyutin wrote to Alexander II: “If we continue to count on the continuous selflessness and courage of the Russian soldier, then in a short time we will destroy our entire magnificent army.” At the suggestion of Milyutin, the city was subject to a blockade. Under the leadership of E.I. Totleben, who became famous during the defense of Sevastopol, strong trenches were dug, comfortable dugouts were built, and enemy fortifications were carefully targeted. Auxiliary operations were performed to cut off Turkish fortress from the main forces. Deprived of outside support, the fortress surrendered in November 1877. The fall of Plevna was the most important event during the war.

The fighting on the left wing of the Danube theater of war was less intense. A strong Rushchuk detachment operated here, which was supposed to fetter the enemy’s action in the quadrangle of the fortresses of Rushchuk, Shumla, Varna and Silistria.

After the fall of Plevna, the final period of the war begins. The Russian command accepted correct solution about the immediate transition of the Balkans, without waiting for spring. The calculation was based on achieving surprise. The Turkish command counted on gaining time, excluding the possibility of a winter offensive by Russian troops.

IN as soon as possible The troops were provided with food, warm clothing, and ammunition. Routes were cleared and tactical exercises were organized. On December 13, a detachment under the command of Gurko crossed the Balkans in difficult mountainous conditions and 25-degree frost and liberated Sofia.

Another detachment under the command of F.F. Radetsky through the Shipkinsky Pass reached the fortified Turkish camp of Sheinovo. One of the major battles took place here, during which the enemy was defeated. Russian troops moved uncontrollably towards Constantinople.

At the same time, events in the Transcaucasian theater of military operations were developing successfully. On the eve of the war, an active corps was formed from the troops of the Caucasian Army under the command of General M.T. Loris-Melikova. The main attack was planned on the cities of Kars and Erzurum. At the beginning of May 1877 Russian troops successfully captured the strong fortress of Ardahan.

During the summer battles, the defense of the city of Bayazet by a small Russian garrison became a heroic page in the struggle. In conditions of 40-degree heat and lack of drinking water, the heroic garrison withstood the siege of a poorly fortified fortress by a 10-fold superior enemy. Contemporaries compared the defense of Bayazet with the Shipka epic.

The largest operation in the Transcaucasian theater of military operations was the capture of the Kars fortress. The assault was carried out on the night of November 5-6 and was distinguished by its courage and originality of design. About 18 thousand Turks were taken prisoner.

Simultaneously with the siege of Kars, the struggle for Erzurum unfolded. However, the victory of Russian troops in the Balkan theater and the conclusion of a truce with Turkey prevented bloody battles. Active actions in Transcaucasia made it impossible for the Turkish command to transfer the Anatolian army to the Balkans. The success of the Russian army in Transcaucasia was largely predetermined by the active support of the inhabitants of the Caucasus and Transcaucasia.

Russia's military successes alarmed European governments. The English Parliament provided the government with an emergency loan for the needs of the army and approved the decision to send a military squadron to the Sea of Marmara. This created an unfavorable environment for ending the war. The Russian command received orders not to occupy Constantinople.

Under the threat of complete military defeat, Turkey turned to the command of the Danube Army with a proposal for a truce, agreeing to transfer to Russia the fortresses of Vidin, Rushchuk, Silistria and Erzurum as a guarantee. The terms of the truce assumed the creation of Bulgaria within its ethnographic borders and recognition of the independence of Serbia. The question of creating a large Bulgarian state caused protest from European states.

Negotiations on a peace treaty with Turkey were completed on February 19, 1878 in the town of San Stefano near Constantinople. According to the agreement, Serbia, Montenegro and Romania received complete independence. The creation of Bulgaria was proclaimed - an autonomous principality, in which Russian troops were stationed for two years to monitor the transformations in the country. Türkiye was committed to leading reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Northern Dobruja was transferred to Romania. Southern Bessarabia, seized by the Treaty of Paris, was returned to Russia. In Asia, the cities of Ardagan, Kars, Batum, Bayazet and a large territory from Saganlug, populated mainly by Armenians, went to Russia. The Treaty of San Stefano between Russia and Turkey met the wishes of the Balkan peoples and had a progressive effect for the peoples of Transcaucasia. The Armenian question was first formulated as an international problem.

Under pressure from the Western powers, the tsarist government agreed to submit for discussion to an international congress some articles of the treaty of pan-European significance. The conference took place in Berlin under the chairmanship of Bismarck. The Bulgarian question caused the most heated discussions. Finding themselves isolated, the Russian delegation was powerless to defend the terms of the Treaty of San Stefano. On July 1, 1878, the Berlin Treaty was signed. Unlike the Treaty of San Stefano, it greatly reduced the territory of the autonomous principality of Bulgaria. The Bulgarian lands south of the Balkan Range formed the Turkish province of Eastern Rumelia. Austria-Hungary received the right to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina. In Transcaucasia, only Kars, Ardahan and Batum with their districts remained with Russia.

The Russian-Turkish War ended the national liberation struggle of the Balkan peoples. The victory of the Russian army was due to the popularity of this war in Russia. The Russian people and the Russian army were the decisive force that ensured victory over Turkey.

III. FAR EASTERN DIRECTION IN RUSSIA'S FOREIGN POLICY

Alaska was discovered by Russian explorers. Back in 1784, Shelekhov created a Russian settlement on Kodiak Island. In 1799, the Russian-American Company was created to exploit Alaska. This was Russian society. At that time, its gold riches were not yet known in Alaska, although Russian prospectors had already discovered the presence of gold there. She was famous for her fur. Despite this, according to the agreement of March 18, 1867, Alaska and the Aleutian Islands were sold by the king to the United States of America for 7 million 200 thousand dollars. The reason for the deal was the weakening of Russia’s international position after the Crimean War, the fear of clashes over Alaska with the USA and England, the need of the tsarist authorities for cash.

Sakhalin was first discovered by the Russians and since 1806 they have been developing them. The Kuril Islands have long belonged to Russia and since the 18th century. were controlled by the Russian administration.

The Amur region and the Ussuri region were inhabited by local tribes (Daurs, Evenks, Udeges, etc.), completely different from the Chinese ethnically. In the 17th century Colonization and development of this region took place by the Russians, who founded fortified settlements there. Among the pioneers of these lands were Vasily Poyarkov, Erofey Khabarov, Onufriy Stepanov and others. Then the Cossacks settled here under the command of Nikifor of Chernigov. They founded the Albazinsky fort and voivodeship. Soon the Manchu rulers, who were repeatedly repulsed by the Cossacks, began to seize these lands. The fact that these lands had never previously had anything to do with the Manchus is evidenced by the report to the Manchu Emperor from his subordinates who destroyed the Albazinsky fort. They reported: “The lands lying in the northeast over an area of several thousand li and which had never before belonged to China, became part of our possessions...” But this seizure was temporary, the natural border ran mainly along the Amur River. According to the Treaty of Nerchinsk in 1689, the lands along the left bank of the Amur were recognized as Russia, and from the Ussuri River to the sea were undelimited. But the actual situation remained the same. The border was formed historically, and that is why China recognized it without any wars or clashes. In 1858, in the city of Aigun, the commander-in-chief of the Chinese troops I. Shan and governor general Eastern Siberia N.N. Muravyov signed an agreement in which the actual border was recognized. According to the Treaty of Beijing (1860), the right bank of the Ussuri River and further south to the sea was recognized as the possession of Russia. The agreement was approved by Bogdykhan and signed by the Russian diplomatic representative Ignatiev. Precise maps were drawn up to define the border, they were sealed, and they were exchanged between both sides.

IV.EUROPEAN DIRECTION IN RUSSIA'S FOREIGN POLICY. CREATION OF MILITARY-POLITICAL BLOCKS

After the Berlin Congress, Russia's international position deteriorated again. A new balance of political and military forces was emerging in the world. By the beginning of the 80s. In Europe, there was a sharp strengthening of Germany. The positions of Austria-Hungary in the Balkans strengthened. Avoiding European conflicts, England intensified colonial conquests. A number of new states have entered the arena of world politics. New patterns developed in international relations that broke the diplomacy of the feudal era. Agreements based on the political interests of monarchies could not be sustainable. Economic factors are beginning to play a decisive role in international relations. This was especially evident in the “Union of Three Emperors,” within which insoluble contradictions grew.

Last three decades XIX V. characterized by a sharp increase in the colonial expansion of capitalist states. Most of all, the aggravation of expansionism was manifested in the politics of England. As a result of the Russian-Turkish war, England actually became the master of the Black Sea straits. The English navy was in the Sea of Marmara. As a result of the Berlin Congress, England received the right to seize Cyprus and had a strong influence on Turkish politics. In May 1879, the British government imposed the Treaty of Gandom on Afghanistan, which placed the country under an English protectorate. All these events directly affected the foreign policy aspirations of tsarism and aggravated relations between Russia and England.

After the Berlin Congress, there was no unity of views on foreign policy in the ruling circles of Russia. Gorchakov was at the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but he no longer had any real influence on foreign policy. Since 1878, the ministry was actually headed by N.K. Giers, who adhered to the German orientation and was distinguished by indecision in action. In the last years of the reign of Alexander II, true leadership foreign policy was concentrated in the hands of a more experienced and strong-willed person- Minister of War Milyutin, who sought, first of all, to strengthen the army. Adhering to this course, Milyutin associated success, first of all, with calm at the borders of Russia.

The noble-bourgeois circles of Russia were greatly agitated by the failures of diplomacy at the Berlin Congress. Moscow Slavophiles, led by I.S. Aksakov, actively spoke in the press. They condemned the government for its failures during the negotiations and expressed hostile sentiments towards Western states, especially Germany, which robbed Russia of the fruits of its victory. Defending himself from the attacks of the Pan-Slavists, Gorchakov attributed all policy failures to the provocative actions of Bismarck. A noisy anti-German campaign arose in Russia.

The “newspaper war” was not limited to the controversy surrounding the Berlin Congress. At the beginning of 1874, Bismarck, under the pretext of veterinary precautions, banned the import of livestock from Russia to Germany, and then duties on grain imports were increased. This caused harsh reactions in the press.

At the same time, by the beginning of the 80s, Germany remained the most important market for agricultural products, and therefore the economic interests of landowners required maintaining friendly relations with it.

At the end of 1879, contacts began between Russia and Germany on the issue of normalizing relations. Bismarck willingly entered into negotiations, but demanded that Austria-Hungary also take part in them. On June 6, 1881, the Austro-Russian-German treaty was signed, which went down in history like the treaty of 1873, under the name “Union of Three Emperors.” The agreement established the mutual obligations of the parties to maintain neutrality in the event of war between one of them and a fourth country. In fact, the treaty provided for situations that could arise as a result of Franco-German, Anglo-Russian and Russian-Turkish conflicts. The agreement enshrined Russia's point of view that the Bosporus and Dardanelles straits were closed to warships. Thus, England was denied the right to send its fleet into the straits and the Black Sea by agreement with Turkey. The treaty established cooperation between Russia and Austria-Hungary in the Balkans, and also provided for measures to prevent the entry of Turkish troops into Eastern Rumelia and facilitated its reunification with Bulgaria. In general, this agreement was beneficial to Russia, but it was short-lived and easily terminated, which predetermined its weakness.

Berlin Treaty 1878 touched mainly on pan-European issues. Relations between Russia and Turkey were to be determined by a bilateral peace treaty. With the support of England, Turkish Sultan delayed its signing. The Russian government resorted to pressure on Turkey, delaying the evacuation of troops from its territory. As a result, on February 8, 1879, a peace treaty was signed in Constantinople, replacing the San Stefano Truce. It consolidated territorial changes based on the decisions of the Berlin Congress. Turkey was obliged to pay remuneration in the amount of 802.5 million francs, compensate losses of Russian citizens within 27 million francs and pay the costs of maintaining Turkish prisoners of war. With Turkey's financial weakness, these obligations to Russia became a political lever to put pressure on the Turkish government.

An important place in Russian foreign policy at the turn of the 70-80s. was involved in assisting in the establishment of the state sovereignty of Bulgaria. In February 1879, in Tarnovo, the Russian Commissioner to Bulgaria opened the Constituent Assembly, at which the country's constitution was adopted. Bulgaria was proclaimed a constitutional monarchy; Universal suffrage was introduced and bourgeois freedoms were proclaimed. The issue of Bulgaria's vassal relations with Turkey was avoided. The Russian commissioner approved the constitution. After which the Great National Assembly of Bulgaria was convened. Higher Legislature elected the German prince Alexander of Battenberg, nephew of the Empress of Russia, as prince. After this, Russia's temporary control in Bulgaria ended and the troops were returned to Russia. Some of the officers remained to form the Bulgarian national army.

Soon after his installation in Bulgaria, Battenberg began to plot the liquidation of the constitution. The government of Alexander II warned Battenberg against a coup d'etat. However, the sympathies of tsarism were on the side of the prince, and not the People's Assembly. After March 1, 1881, Battenberg carried out a coup d'etat and established autocratic rule. For Russia this had negative consequences, because The conservatives who came to power, unlike the liberals, adhered not to the Russian, but to the German orientation. In 1883 The Russian government obtained from the prince the restoration of the constitution. The liberals returned to power, but relations with Russia remained undermined. In 1885, all Russian military personnel were recalled from Bulgaria. In the mid-80s. In Bulgaria, a series of coups d'etat took place, as a result of which Russian influence in the ruling circles was ousted. At the end of 1886 all diplomatic relations with Bulgaria were severed.

The loss of influence over the Bulgarian government was a serious setback for Russian diplomacy. Events in Bulgaria meant the collapse of the “Union of Three Emperors”, because Austria-Hungary, contrary to agreements, took a position hostile to Russia on the Bulgarian issue, and Germany contributed to this.

In 1887 The term of the “Union of Three Emperors” was expiring. The aggravation of Russian-Austrian contradictions in the Balkans ruled out its extension for a new term. This coincided with a new aggravation of Franco-German contradictions. There is a real threat of war. Tsarism was forced to decide on policy in the event of a Franco-German war. In the current situation, Germany was primarily interested in an alliance with Russia. To push Russia to an agreement, Bismarck resorted to the tried and tested method of creating complications for the Russian government in the Balkans and economic pressure on the landowners' circles directly connected to the German market. In June 1887, a secret Russian-German agreement was signed in Berlin, which went down in history under the name “Union of Two Emperors” or “reinsurance agreement”.

Despite the conclusion of the treaty, the policy of the Russian government began to increasingly acquire anti-German features. In 1887, decrees were created that limited the influx of German capital into Russia and increased duties on the import of metal, coal, etc. From the same year, the military command began a radical redeployment of the army. Before this, the most significant army forces were located in the southwest of the country, because Türkiye and Austria-Hungary were considered the most likely opponents. After the formation of militaristic Germany, the main military forces of Russia began to move closer to the western border. Thus, Bismarck's tough policy did not justify itself. Instead of concessions, the German side was faced with a reorientation of Russian foreign policy. At the end of the 80s. Russia's relations with Germany and Austria normalized, but the overall picture of the relationship looked unstable, and mutual distrust grew. In 1890 the “reinsurance agreement” expired and its renewal became impossible.

By the end of the 80s. Russia's contradictions with Austria-Hungary and Germany became even more significant than those with England. In resolving international issues, the Russian government began to look for new partners. An important prerequisite for such a step was the serious changes in the entire European situation caused by the conclusion in 1882. Triple Alliance between Austria-Hungary, Germany and Italy. Early 90s There were signs of a rapprochement between the participants of the Triple Alliance and England. Under these conditions, a rapprochement between Russia and France began.

The Russian-French rapprochement had not only a political, but also an economic basis. Since 1887 Russia began to regularly receive French loans. In an environment of constant credit shortages within Russia, French capital became a source of financing for the Russian economy.

Summer of 1891 A French military squadron arrived in Kronstadt. The French sailors were received with honors. The Russian and French press regarded this visit as evidence of the closeness of the two states. August 27, 1891 The Russian-French alliance was concluded in secrecy. A year later, in connection with the new increase in the German army, a military convention was signed between Russia and France. The final formalization of the Russian-French alliance did not take place immediately. Only in January 1894 The treaty was ratified by Alexander III and became binding.

The Union Treaty between Russia and France provided for mutual obligations in the event of an attack on one of the countries. Russia undertook to act against Germany if France was attacked by it or Italy, supported by Germany. In turn, France committed to act against Germany if Russia was attacked by Germany or Austria-Hungary, supported by Germany. In the event of the mobilization of the forces of the Triple Alliance or one of its member countries, France and Russia simultaneously had to activate their armed forces. France pledged to send 1,300 thousand troops against Germany, and Russia - from 700 to 800 thousand, and simultaneously conduct operations on two fronts, so that Germany would have to fight in the east and west at once. This convention will be in force only as long as the Triple Alliance exists.

The alliance with France brought forward the need to reorient Russia's foreign policy in other regions. The government was forced to abandon active actions in the Balkans. This was associated with Russia's new obligations to France. At the same time, tsarism intensified its foreign policy activities in the Far East.

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