February 10 is the professional holiday of Russian diplomats. On this day in 1549, the Ambassadorial Prikaz was first mentioned in written sources - the first state institution in Russia, the direct functions of which included foreign relations. Diplomat's Day has been celebrated since 2003. The decree establishing a new professional holiday was signed by Russian President Vladimir Putin on October 31, 2002.
The structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation includes the central apparatus; foreign institutions (diplomatic missions: embassies and consulates), territorial bodies and various subordinate organizations. For almost 12 years, the head of the Russian Foreign Ministry has been Sergei Viktorovich Lavrov, who gained experience as Russia’s permanent representative to the UN.
On the day of a diplomatic worker, as a rule, many laudatory speeches are heard. Domestic diplomacy, of course, has something to praise for. However, the structures of the Russian Foreign Ministry do not always successfully fulfill their responsibilities to protect the interests of our country and citizens of the Russian Federation. “Russian Planet” decided to take stock of the activities of Russian diplomacy, which turns 25 years old in 2016.
Achievements and failures
Over the past quarter century, Russian diplomacy has finally found its face. Moscow got rid of the belligerent rhetoric of the Cold War and at the same time stopped building its foreign policy in the wake of the United States. Russia has declared itself as an influential and independent player on the world stage. Moscow strives to establish equal relations with partners and constantly emphasizes a friendly and peaceful attitude, while demanding respect for its interests. The symbolic turn of Yevgeny Primakov’s plane over the Atlantic in 1999 predetermined the formation of Moscow’s new policy on the entire foreign policy front.
In the 2000s, Russia made every effort to protect Serbia and did not bend to the West on the Kosovo issue. In 2013, our country was able to prevent an American invasion of Syria by concluding an agreement on the elimination of chemical weapons in the Arab republic. Now the diplomatic mission of the Russian Federation in the Syrian direction is supported by the successful work of the Russian Aerospace Forces. But the main achievement of our country, naturally, is the return of Crimea. It is now becoming clear that work in this direction was carried out long before February-March 2014.
Of course, in the history of modern Russian diplomacy there have been many blunders. Russia was unable to prevent two coups d'etat in strategically important Ukraine (2004, 2014). The war in Donbass and the fragile Minsk peace are largely consequences of the quality of work of the Russian Embassy in Kyiv, headed by Mikhail Zurabov.
In addition, Russian diplomacy made mistakes in the North African and Middle Eastern regions. In 2011, our country did not block the UN Security Council resolution to introduce a no-fly zone in Libya. Humane at first glance, the document provided carte blanche to Western and Arab air forces to bomb the positions of troops loyal to Muammar Gaddafi. Russia also did not behave very competently in the issue of the sanctions regime against Iran.
Lots of work to do
In the context of confrontation with the West and the need to combat the terrorist threat, Russian diplomacy faces extremely difficult, and perhaps practically impossible, tasks. More than ever, our diplomats are required to have ingenuity, flair, the ability to foresee the development of a situation, a high level of professionalism, the ability to work with modern technologies, dedication to their work and tremendous efficiency.
“In my opinion, Russia has adopted the correct foreign policy strategy. We are not going to fight with anyone, we demonstrate our readiness to be friends and defend national interests. However, it is worth recognizing that so far we have reaped very little of the fruits of such a policy. Yes, we are perceived as a serious player, but we cannot fully defend our national interests,” he says. O. Head of the Department of International Relations and Foreign Regional Studies of Volgograd State University Timur Nelin.
“I mean that our diplomatic corps, although it is trying, is not yet coping with the key task - to explain to the West that Russia does not pose a threat to it. We see how seriously the leaders of Western countries are regarding the issue of sanctions and “containment” of Russia. I believe that they sincerely believe that Moscow's policies are harmful to their interests. Russia has been labeled as an “aggressor” and an “occupier.” Convincing the West otherwise, of course, is very difficult. But our diplomats need to work as actively as possible in this field,” the RP’s interlocutor believes.
Nelin drew attention to the issue of the effectiveness of the Russian diplomatic missions abroad. “Previously, we heard a lot of complaints. Embassies did not have time to monitor the progress of political changes in the host country, and consulates were cool to the requests of Russian citizens and businessmen. As far as I can tell, the situation has not changed fundamentally since then,” Nelin stated.
In his opinion, in the structures of the Russian Foreign Ministry, as in other government departments of our country, nepotism prevails, which negatively affects the quality of the work of diplomats. “Smolensk Square may send absolutely correct directives, but diplomats on the ground may not implement them properly. It seems to me that some diplomats are confident that if problems arise, they will be “covered up,” Nelin explained.
The expert stated that the most “tasty” positions are almost always occupied by “their own people,” especially for diplomatic missions in developed countries. “This does not mean that the people working there are incompetent. The interests of Russia are protected by professionals. Another thing is that due to clanism, the level of responsibility of diplomats naturally decreases,” noted the RP’s interlocutor.
Nelin pins his hopes for rectifying the situation on the figure of Sergei Lavrov, who, in his opinion, has long been fighting the problem of incompetence of diplomatic personnel.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. Photo: Sergey Savostyanov/TASS
How to beat the West?
Perhaps the most important component of professional and public diplomacy now is the ability to work with information and use “soft power” tools. The successful activities of Russia Today, Sputnik and pro-Russian media abroad suggest that a positive foundation for improving the image of Russia has already been created. Moscow began to work with forces sympathetic to the Russian Federation, providing them with a platform to express their opinions.
The time when Russia mediocrely lost information wars (Maidan 2004, the war in August 2008) is becoming a thing of the past. “I would like to note that the information component of the work of our Foreign Ministry has improved significantly. Now we have tools that allow us to respond as quickly as possible to rapidly changing events. In particular, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs now has a centralized system for monitoring, collecting and processing information,” says Dmitry Abzalov, president of the Center for Strategic Communications.
“However, the work of the information component must be constantly improved and new methods adopted. If we talk about social networks separately, I would recommend working more actively with reference groups (diaspora and communities). It is necessary to form and develop “support groups” in foreign countries, the expert points out.
Abzalov recommends using the opportunities of economic diplomacy more often. “For example, the Prime Minister of Bavaria came to Russia last week. The formal agenda was purely economic. However, in reality, Horst Seehofer's visit acquired a distinct political overtones, and one that was friendly to Russia. Considering the current relations with Germany, such a maneuver can be clearly interpreted as a diplomatic success,” Abzalov believes.
As a key approach to the work of domestic diplomacy, the interlocutor of the Republic of Belarus identified a proactive method of responding to events. “It is necessary to move away from the catch-up principle, when Russian diplomats react after the fact. For example, Western diplomacy tries to generate various informational occasions and prepares responses to them in advance. Thus, Russian colleagues themselves create a conflict, and then give it an exhaustive assessment, drawing conclusions that denigrate our country,” says Abzalov.
“A striking example of the application of the anticipatory method in practice is the recent coroner’s report on the Litvinenko case. A few days before this event, Western media were full of provocative anti-Russian headlines. The coroner's report was nothing special. But a negative information picture for Moscow had already been created. A similar situation for London gave rise to a discussion about tightening the sanctions regime in relation to the Russian Federation. At the same time, people were convinced that Litvinenko, who at that time was a citizen of the Kingdom, was eliminated almost personally by the President of the Russian Federation. Let’s at least remember the story about “Putin’s tea,” said RP’s interlocutor.
Dmitry Abzalov considers the method of playing ahead to be the most progressive in modern diplomacy. Manipulation of the media and information campaigns beneficial to Moscow require more advanced analytical work and understanding of the mechanisms for ensuring information security. Russian diplomacy needs to more actively master the latest methods of working in the media field. In the context of confrontation with the West, it is extremely important for Moscow to form a positive attitude among the world community towards its military and political initiatives.
Ivan Mikhailovich Viskovaty was born in the first half of the 16th century. First clerk of the Ambassadorial Prikaz (). He played a prominent role in Russian foreign policy and was one of the supporters of the Livonian War. In 1562, he achieved the conclusion of an alliance treaty with Denmark and an agreement on a twenty-year truce with Sweden on terms favorable to Russia. Suspected by Ivan IV of participating in a boyar conspiracy and executed on July 25, 1570 in Moscow.
Afanasy Lavrentievich Ordin-Nashchokin In 1642, he participated in the delimitation of the new Russian-Swedish border after the Stolbovsky Treaty. Having achieved the signing of the Truce of Andrusovo with Poland, which was beneficial for Russia, in 1667, he received the rank of boyar and became the head of the Ambassadorial Prikaz. He died in 1680 in Pskov.
Boris Ivanovich Kurakin The first permanent ambassador of Russia abroad. From 1708 to 1712 he was a representative of Russia in London, Hanover and The Hague, in 1713 he participated in the Utrecht Congress as a plenipotentiary representative of Russia, and from 1716 he was ambassador to Paris. In 1722, Peter I entrusted him with leadership of all Russian ambassadors. He died on December 17, 1727 in Paris.
Andrei Ivanovich Osterman led the domestic and foreign policy of Russia under Anna Ioannovna. Largely thanks to the efforts of Osterman, in 1721 the Treaty of Nystadt, beneficial for Russia, was signed, according to which “eternal, true and undisturbed peace on land and water” was established between Russia and Sweden. Thanks to Osterman, in 1726 Russia concluded an alliance treaty with Austria, which retained its significance throughout the 18th century. After the palace coup of 1741, which brought Elizabeth Petrovna to the throne, he was sent into exile.
Alexey Petrovich Bestuzhev-Ryumin In 1720 he was appointed resident in Denmark. In 1724, he obtained from the Danish king recognition of the imperial title of Peter I and the right of duty-free passage of Russian ships through the Sunda Strait. In 1741 he was granted the title of Grand Chancellor and until 1757 he actually led Russian foreign policy.
Nikita Ivanovich Panin In 1747 he was appointed ambassador to Denmark, a few months later he was moved to Stockholm, where he stayed until 1759, signing a significant Russian-Swedish declaration in 1758. One of the closest devotees of Catherine II, he headed the College of Foreign Affairs (). He put forward a project to create the “Northern System” (a union of the northern powers - Russia, Prussia, England, Denmark, Sweden and Poland), signed the St. Petersburg Union Treaty with Prussia (1764), concluded an agreement with Denmark (1765), a trade agreement with Great Britain (1766) .
Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov Chancellor (1867), member of the State Council (1862), honorary member of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences (1856). Since 1817 in the diplomatic service, in the years Minister of Foreign Affairs. In 1871, he achieved the abolition of the restrictive articles of the Paris Peace Treaty of 1856. Participant in the creation of the “Union of Three Emperors”.
Georgy Vasilyevich Chicherin People's Commissar (People's Commissar) for Foreign Affairs of the RSFSR (since 1923 - USSR) (). As part of the Soviet delegation, he signed the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty (1918). He headed the Soviet delegation at the Genoa Conference (1922). Signed the Treaty of Rapallo (1922).
Alexandra Feodorovna Kollontai had the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. She held various diplomatic posts in Norway, Mexico, and Sweden. Played an important role in ending the war between Russia and Finland. In 1944, with the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Sweden, Kollontai took on the role of mediator in negotiations on Finland's withdrawal from the war.
Since 1920, Maxim Maksimovich Litvinov has been the plenipotentiary representative of the RSFSR in Estonia. From 1921 to 1930 - Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the RSFSR (from 1923 of the USSR). In years - People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR. He contributed to the establishment of diplomatic relations with the United States and the admission of the USSR to the League of Nations, in which he represented the USSR in the years. One of the authors of the concept of a “collective security system” against the threat of German aggression.
Andrei Andreevich Gromyko Ambassador of the USSR to the USA (). He headed the USSR delegation at the conference on the creation of the UN (1944). Signed the treaty banning nuclear weapons testing in the atmosphere, outer space and under water (1963), the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons (1968), the Soviet-American agreement on the prevention of nuclear war (1973) and the treaty between the USSR and the USA on the limitation of strategic offensive weapons (1979). For years he worked as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
Anatoly Fedorovich Dobrynin Held the position of Ambassador of the USSR to the USA for 24 years (). He played a crucial role in resolving the Caribbean crisis and stabilizing Soviet-American relations (ending the so-called “Cold War” between the USSR and the USA). Honored Worker of the Diplomatic Service of the Russian Federation, Honorary Doctor of the Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Lives in Moscow. 1. In 1667, he achieved the signing of the Truce of Andrusovo with Poland, which was beneficial for Russia. 2. Largely thanks to the efforts of Osterman, the Treaty of Nystadt, beneficial for Russia, was signed in 1721. 3. In 1724, he obtained from the Danish king the right to duty-free passage of Russian ships through the Sunda Strait. 4. Played a crucial role in resolving the Caribbean crisis 5. In 1562, he achieved the conclusion of an alliance treaty with Denmark and an agreement on a twenty-year truce with Sweden. 6. Signed the Treaty of Rapallo (1922). 7. One of the authors of the concept of a “collective security system” against the threat of German aggression. 8. Played an important role in ending the war between Russia and Finland. 9. Signed an agreement between the USSR and the USA on the limitation of strategic offensive weapons 10. Participated in the creation of the “Union of Three Emperors”. 11. The first permanent ambassador of Russia abroad. 12. Put forward a project to create the “Nordic System” (an alliance of northern powers - Russia, Prussia, England, Denmark, Sweden and Poland)
Sovr Ros Deep is based on the 2008 foreign policy concept. Its basic principles:
General priorities:
ensuring the national interests of the country, ensuring the security of Russia, including sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity;
comprehensive protection of the rights and interests of Russian citizens and compatriots abroad;
ensuring favorable external conditions for carrying out democratic reforms and building a civil society;
influence on global processes in order to form a stable, fair and democratic world order
promoting a positive perception of the Russian Federation in the world, popularization of the Russian language and culture of the peoples of Russia in foreign countries.
Regional priorities:
CIS AND BALTIC COUNTRIES: - integration with the CIS countries in economics, science, technology, interaction in protecting external borders, military cooperation, coordination of nuclear security issues, as well as solving the problems of national minorities, peacekeeping issues, support for compatriots abroad;
EUROPE: creation of a sustainable security mechanism for the 21st century, relying on the potential and capabilities of the OSCE. Separate directions - Eastern and South-Eastern Europe; Western Europe,
USA: - partnership, establishment and support of a mutually beneficial balance of interests;
Asia-Pacific:- intensification of politics and diplomacy in the region to ensure the interests of economic development of Russia. The main partners are China, India, Japan, North Korea, South Korea.
Russian foreign policy and its diplomacy - predictable and constructive, aims to unite the world community to solve common problems, including resolving regional conflicts that threaten international stability. She based on consistency and mutually beneficial pragmatism. This policy is as transparent as possible, takes into account the legitimate interests of other states and is aimed at finding joint solutions. Russia is a reliable partner in joint efforts to build a safe world. A distinctive feature of Russian diplomacy is balance. This is due to the geopolitical position of Russia as the largest Eurasian power, which requires an optimal combination of efforts in all areas. This approach involves the development and complementarity of foreign policy activities on a bilateral and multilateral basis. The main guideline in the work of Russian diplomacy in implementing the President’s foreign policy course is the creation of favorable external conditions to ensure security and progressive socio-economic development of the country. The solution to this problem will largely be facilitated by the strengthening of multilateral principles in world politics, actively defended by Russia, on the basis of international law and the central role of the UN.
A necessary condition for the realization of Russia's national interests is the ability to independently solve internal political and social problems, regardless of the intentions and positions of other international factors. The implementation of a strategic course to promote national interests requires a change in the mechanism for implementing Russia's foreign policy and foreign economic activities: integration into regional entities, institutions and international organizations for closer interaction; cooperation with business circles; entry of competitive national manufacturers into the foreign market; free movement of citizens in the global territorial space, education in the system of international relations, solving global environmental problems. The general logic of the country’s foreign policy is reflected in the fundamental doctrinal documents of the state . From them one can judge the country’s foreign policy course, its role and place in the world political system. Such documents include the National Security Concept, the Foreign Policy Concept and the Military Doctrine. The concept of foreign policy of the Russian Federation as a whole adequately describes the modern world order, its features and global development trends. At the same time, it competently positions the Russian Federation in the system of international relations.
The origins of the formation of the Russian diplomatic service go back to the period of Ancient Russia and the subsequent period, when Russian statehood was created and strengthened. Back in the 9th-13th centuries. Ancient Rus' at the stage of creating its statehood was an active subject of international relations. She had a noticeable impact on the formation of the political map of Eastern Europe in those years, from the Carpathians to the Urals, from the Black Sea to Lake Ladoga and the Baltic Sea.
One of the first documented milestones in the creation of ancient Russian diplomacy known to us was the sending of the Russian embassy to Constantinople in 838. His goal was to establish direct contacts with Byzantium. Already in the next year, 839, a joint embassy of the Byzantine Empire and Ancient Russia visited the court of the French king Louis the Pious. The first treaty in the history of our country, “On Peace and Love,” was concluded between Russia and the Byzantine Empire in 860, and, in essence, its signing can be considered as a documented act of international legal recognition of Russia as a subject of international relations. By the 9th-10th centuries. This also includes the origin of the Old Russian ambassadorial service, as well as the beginning of the formation of a hierarchy of diplomats.
The attention that was paid in Rus' to contacts with foreign states already in ancient times can be judged by the parting words that Grand Duke Vladimir Monomakh gave to his children. He, in particular, told them: “Specially respect foreigners, no matter what title, no matter what rank they are. If you are not able to shower them with gifts, then at least lavish them with signs of your favor, because the good or bad that they say when they return to their own depends on how they are treated in their country.”
From the second half of the 11th century. and right up to the Mongol-Tatar invasion, Rus' was immersed in a painful process of internecine wars that drained its resources. The once unified state turned out to be fragmented into princely appanages, which were, in fact, only half independent. The political split of the country could not help but destroy its unified foreign policy; it also eliminated everything that had been laid down in the previous period in the field of formation of the Russian diplomatic service. However, even during that most difficult period for Russia in its history, one can find striking examples of diplomatic art. Thus, Prince Alexander Nevsky, famous for his victories on the Neva over the army of the Swedes in 1240 and in the Battle of the Ice over the German crusading knights in 1242, proved himself not only a commander, but also a wise diplomat. At that time, Rus' held the defense in both the East and the West. The Mongols, led by Khan Batu, ravaged the country. Invaders from the West tried to subjugate what survived the Horde invasion. Alexander Nevsky played a very complex diplomatic game, skillfully maneuvering, seeking forgiveness for the rebel princes, the release of prisoners, and relief from the obligation to send Russian troops to support the Horde during their campaigns. He himself repeatedly traveled to the Golden Horde to prevent a repetition of the ruinous invasion of Batu Khan. It is not without reason that in pre-revolutionary Russia, Saint Alexander Nevsky was considered the heavenly patron of the Russian diplomatic service, and in early 2009, by popular vote, it was he who was named by Russians as the most outstanding historical figure in Russia.
From historical sources it is known that Alexander Nevsky built his activities on three principles that surprisingly coincide with the principles of modern international law. Three of his phrases have reached us: “God is not in power, but in truth,” “Live without stepping into other people’s parts,” and “Whoever comes to us with a sword will die by the sword.” They easily recognize the key principles of modern international law: non-use of force or threat of force, non-interference in the internal affairs of other states, the inviolability of the territorial integrity of states and the inviolability of borders, the right of states to individual and collective self-defense in the event of aggression.
Alexander Nevsky always considered his most important task to be ensuring peace for Rus'. Therefore, he attached great importance to the development of mutually beneficial trade and spiritual-cultural ties with all countries of Europe and Asia. He concluded the first special agreement in Russian history with representatives of the Hansa (the medieval prototype of the European Economic Community). Under him, the beginning of diplomatic contacts between Russia and China was actually laid. During the time of Alexander Nevsky, Rus' began to take advantage of its geographical location, a kind of connecting link between Europe and Asia, for which the prince is often called the “first Eurasian.” Thanks to the support of Alexander Nevsky, in 1261 the first diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church outside Russia was created in the Golden Horde.
In the 15th century As a result of the weakening and then the final overthrow of the Mongol-Tatar yoke and the creation of a centralized Russian state with its capital in Moscow, a sovereign Russian diplomacy gradually began to take shape. By the end of the 15th century, already under Ivan III, Russian diplomacy faced such important tasks that in order to solve them it was necessary to pay special attention to them. Having ascended the princely throne, Ivan III in 1470 made a choice in favor of “correction of life” (the word “reform” appeared in Russia much later). Having begun step by step to curtail the princely federation and liquidate the Novgorod veche republic, he followed the path of forming a system of power, which later received the name “sovereign service.” Concerned about the international status of the strong unified state he was creating, Ivan III departed from the tradition of communicating mainly with neighboring Lithuania and, in fact, was the first to “open a window to Europe.” He married the niece of the last Byzantine emperor, Zoya Palaeologus (in Rus', after accepting Orthodoxy, she received the name Sophia), who was a pupil of the Pope. This marriage was preceded by intensive diplomatic communication with Catholic Rome, which allowed Ivan III to lead Rus' out of political and cultural isolation and begin to communicate with the West, where Rome was the most influential political force. In the retinue of Sophia Paleologus, and then on their own, many Italians came to Moscow, including architects and gunsmiths, who left a noticeable mark on the culture of Russia.
Ivan III was a good diplomat. He turned out to be quite perspicacious and, having guessed Rome’s plan, did not succumb to the attempts of the papal throne to pit Rus' against the Ottoman Empire. Ivan III also rejected the cunning approaches of the German Emperor Frederick III, who offered the Russian Grand Duke the title of king. Realizing that agreeing to accept this title from the emperor would place him in a subordinate position, Ivan III firmly declared that he was ready to speak with other states only in
equals. For the first time in Rus', a double-headed eagle appeared on the state seal of Ivan III - a symbol of royal power, which emphasized the continuity of Russia and Byzantium. Ivan III made significant changes to the procedure for receiving foreign ambassadors, becoming the first of the Russian monarchs to communicate with them personally, and not through the Boyar Duma, which was entrusted with the functions of receiving foreign diplomats, conducting negotiations, and drawing up documents on embassy affairs.
In the second half of the XV - early XVI centuries. as the Russian lands were united into a centralized Russian state, its international authority steadily increased, and international contacts expanded. At first, Rus' used mainly foreigners in the Moscow service as ambassadors, but under Grand Duke Vasily III foreigners were replaced by Russians. There is a need to create a special department that would specifically deal with the external affairs of the state. In 1549, Tsar Ivan the Terrible created the Ambassadorial Prikaz, the first central government agency in Russia in charge of foreign affairs. Moreover, since the first mention of the Ambassadorial Order dates back to February 10, it was this day, but already in 2002, that was chosen as the date of the professional holiday of Russian diplomacy - Diplomat's Day. The Ambassadorial Prikaz was headed by one of the most educated people of that time, clerk Ivan Mikhailovich Viskovaty, who became the Duma clerk and took the embassy business into his own hands. After in 1570, due to internal strife, I. M. Viskovaty was accused of being a “Turkish, Polish and Crimean spy” and then publicly executed by decree of Ivan the Terrible, the Ambassadorial Prikaz was headed by the Shchelkalov brothers, first Andrei , and then Vasily.
The Ambassadorial Prikaz was headed by ambassadorial or Duma clerks and boyars, and from the second half of the 17th century. they began to be called chiefs. One of the most famous heads of the Ambassadorial Prikaz was the outstanding Russian diplomat of that time, Afanasy Lavrentievich Ordin-Nashchokin, who achieved a noticeable intensification of Russian foreign policy. The service in the Ambassadorial Prikaz was carried out by clerks and their assistants - clerks, located along the career ladder from “young”, then “middle” and, finally, “old”. The “old” clerks, as a rule, headed the territorial departments that appeared in the Order, called districts. Three departments dealt with relations with European countries and two with Asian states. The clerks accepted the letters brought by foreign ambassadors, conducted preliminary negotiations, attended receptions with foreign diplomats, checked draft letters of reply, and drew up orders for ambassadors and bailiffs who were sent to meet foreign ambassadors. They also headed Russian embassies traveling abroad.
Official diplomatic missions of foreign states appeared in Russia earlier than Russians abroad. From the end of the 15th century. and especially in the XVI-XVII centuries. Many foreign diplomats came to Moscow, which led to the development by the Ambassadorial Order of a special ceremony for communication with foreign ambassadors, which was called the “ambassadorial rite.”
Until the last third of the 17th century. Russia did not have permanent diplomatic missions in other states. Relations with them were maintained through persons specially appointed for each case. The first permanent Russian diplomatic missions abroad were established in 1643 in Sweden and in 1673 in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (Poland). In 1699, Russia opened a permanent diplomatic mission in The Hague. As Russia's interest in contacts with Western powers grew and the latter's desire to develop relations with Russia, there was a process of expanding their mutual ties, which led to the gradual replacement of temporary Russian missions abroad with permanent ones.
In parallel, during that period, a system of ranking diplomats began to take shape in the Ambassadorial Prikaz, that is, assigning them a certain diplomatic rank. In particular, Russian diplomatic representatives in those years were divided into three categories: great ambassadors - an analogue of the extraordinary and plenipotentiary ambassador; light ambassadors - an analogue of the envoy extraordinary and plenipotentiary; envoys are the equivalent of a plenipotentiary envoy. Moreover, the category of diplomatic representative was determined by the significance of the state to which the Russian embassy was sent, as well as the importance of the mission entrusted to it. Great ambassadors were sent, as a rule, only to Poland and Sweden. It was customary to appoint envoys to distant countries. In addition, in the diplomatic service there were persons who had the ranks of envoy (envoy with a one-time assignment), as well as messenger (fast courier) and messenger (courier with an emergency assignment). The functions of the latter included only the delivery of letters; they were not allowed to enter into any diplomatic negotiations.
The translation department occupied a high place in the Ambassadorial Prikaz. The interpreters who worked there carried out oral translations, and written translations were carried out by translators. Employees of the translation department were most often recruited from among foreigners who entered the Russian service, or from Russians who had been in foreign captivity. There is information that at the end of the XYII century. 15 translators and 50 interpreters working in the translation department carried out translations from languages such as Latin, Italian, Polish, Volosh, English, German, Swedish, Dutch, Greek, Tatar, Persian, Arabic, Turkish and Georgian.
In order to study foreign languages and acquire skills in diplomatic etiquette, as well as communication with foreigners, the Russian state in those years practiced sending people from boyar families abroad for training. Upon returning to Moscow, they, as a rule, came to work in the Ambassadorial Prikaz. It is noteworthy that the uniform and style of clothing of Russian diplomats and diplomatic employees of that time corresponded to the standards then accepted in Europe.
In the practical work of the Ambassadorial Order, a wide range of diplomatic documents was used, many of which are prepared by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation even today. In particular, the Ambassadorial Order issued “credentials” - documents that certified the representative character of diplomats and accredited them in this capacity in a foreign state. Dangerous letters were prepared, the purpose of which was to ensure the free entry and exit from the country of the embassy going abroad. Letters of reply were used - documents handed to foreign ambassadors upon their departure from the host country. As a tool for managing the activities of embassies, the Ambassadorial Order used a document called a mandate. It explained the status, goals and objectives of the embassy article by article, determined the nature of the information that should be collected, provided possible answers to questions that might arise, and also contained draft speeches that the head of the embassy should make. The results of the embassy's work were summed up by writing an embassy report, which contained the so-called article lists, which comprehensively analyzed the situation and reported the results of the work done by the embassy on each of the articles of the order.
A special place in Russian diplomacy has always belonged to archival affairs. From the beginning of the 16th century. The Embassy Prikaz established the practice of regularly organizing all diplomatic documents. The most common form of recording and storing diplomatic information for a long time was maintaining columns and compiling embassy books. Columns are strips of paper containing diplomatic documents, sealed with the signature of an official and glued to one another vertically. Ambassadorial books are embassy documents with similar topics, copied by hand in special notebooks. In essence, these were dossiers on specific issues. Moreover, all documents were strictly systematized by year, country and region. They were stored in special velvet-lined, metal-bound oak boxes, aspen boxes or canvas bags. Thus, the Ambassadorial Prikaz had a well-thought-out, streamlined and fairly effective system for storing, recording and classifying all diplomatic information, which made it possible not only to preserve, but also to use existing documents as needed.
A qualitatively new stage in the development of the Russian diplomatic service is associated with the era of Emperor Peter I. Only with his coming to power and his implementation of fundamental changes in the entire system of public administration in Russia, the understanding of diplomacy as a system of relations between sovereign states based on the mutual exchange of permanent diplomatic representatives was established embodying the sovereignty of their ruler. Peter I radically reformed all state power in the country, subordinated the Church to the State Synod, and transformed the sovereign's service. Naturally, he subjected the Russian Diplomatic Service to a thorough restructuring, transferring it to the principles of the concept of the diplomatic system that was dominant in Europe at that time. All this allowed Peter I to include Russia in the pan-European system of diplomatic relations and turn our state into an active and very important factor in the European balance.
The radical reforms carried out by Peter I were based on the following innovations:
1) the cumbersome administrative-state apparatus was replaced by a more compact and efficient administration;
2) The Boyar Duma was replaced by the administrative Senate;
3) the class principle of forming central power was abolished, and the principle of professional suitability began to operate. The “Table of Ranks” was introduced into practice, which determined the status and career advancement of government officials;
4) a transition to the European ranking system for diplomatic officials was made, plenipotentiary and extraordinary ambassadors, envoys extraordinary, ministers, residents, and agents appeared;
5) the practice of mandatory mutual information by Russian missions abroad about the most important military and political events, negotiations and agreements has been introduced.
Under Peter I, other important changes were carried out. In particular, soon after Russia entered the Northern War, the Ambassadorial Prikaz was transformed into a special diplomatic office - the Ambassadorial Campaign Office. The main innovation was that during a military campaign, the emperor took upon himself the conduct of all foreign policy affairs of the state.
In 1717, the Ambassadorial Campaign Office was transformed into the College of Foreign Affairs. However, the reorganization process itself took several years, and therefore the final organizational design of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs of Russia occurred only in February 1720. This design was based on the document “Definition of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs,” and in April of the same year a special document was approved for the Collegium "Instructions". The signing of these two documents completed the process of organizing the College of Foreign Affairs.
The “Definition of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs” (i.e., the regulations) was the fundamental document on the basis of which all the work of the Collegium was built. It regulated issues related to the selection of personnel for the diplomatic service, determined the structure of the foreign policy department, and clarified the functions and competence of officials working in the Collegium.
Members of the Collegium were appointed by the Senate. In addition to the service personnel, 142 people worked in the central office of the Collegium. At the same time, 78 people worked abroad, holding positions of ambassadors, ministers, agents, consuls, secretaries, copyists, translators, and students. There were also priests among them. The ranks of the servants of the College were assigned by the Senate. All officials took an oath of allegiance to the Tsar and the Fatherland.
The Collegium of Foreign Affairs of Russia consisted of two main divisions: the Presence and the Chancellery. The supreme body was the Presence; it was they who made the final decisions on all the most important issues. It consisted of eight members of the Collegium, headed by the President and his Deputy, and met at least four times a week. As for the Chancellery, it was an executive body and consisted of two departments called expeditions: a secret expedition, which directly dealt with foreign policy issues, and a public expedition, which was in charge of administrative, financial, economic and postal affairs. At the same time, the secret expedition, in turn, was divided into four smaller expeditions. The first of them was in charge of the reception and recall of foreign diplomats who came to Russia, sending Russian diplomats abroad, conducting diplomatic correspondence, office work, and drawing up protocols. The second expedition was in charge of all files and materials in Western languages, the third - in Polish, and the fourth (or "oriental") - in Eastern languages. Each expedition was headed by a secretary.
Over the years, outstanding Russian diplomats have been presidents of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs. The first president of the Collegium was Count Gavriil Ivanovich Golovkin, later in this post he was replaced by Prince Alexey Mikhailovich Cherkassky, Count Alexey Petrovich Bestuzhev-Ryumin, Count Mikhail Illarionovich Vorontsov, Prince Alexander Andreevich Bezborodko and a whole galaxy of other outstanding diplomats of Russia.
As Russia's international relations expanded, the activities of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs and its central apparatus were further improved, and new permanent Russian diplomatic and consular missions were established abroad. Thus, during the reign of Emperor Peter I, Russia opened its diplomatic missions in Austria, England, Holland, Spain, Denmark, Hamburg, Turkey, France and Sweden. Then Russian consulates were established in Bordeaux (France), Cadiz (Spain), Venice (Italy), and Wroclaw (Poland). Diplomatic agents and auditors were sent to Amsterdam (Holland), Danzig (now Gdansk, Poland), Braunschweig (Germany). A special representative was appointed to the Kalmyk khans. Temporary missions were sent to Bukhara and China, and a special Russian spiritual mission was established in China, the history of which is as follows. Having learned about the existence of an Orthodox community in Beijing, which was founded by Russian Cossacks captured in Chinese captivity back in 1685 from the Albazinsky fort in Siberia, Peter I, in the interests of strengthening the influence of Russia and developing ties with China, considered it necessary to have a Russian representation in Beijing. After long negotiations, the emperor of the Qin dynasty, despite his isolationist policy of “closed doors,” nevertheless agreed, and in 1715 the first Russian spiritual mission arrived in Beijing. It became the earliest of all foreign missions of the Russian Orthodox Church and until 1864 actually served as an unofficial diplomatic representation of Russia in China. Moreover, this mission had dual subordination - to the Holy Synod and the College of Foreign Affairs.
Under Peter I, the requirements for persons entering the Russian diplomatic service increased significantly. In particular, when applying for service in the College of Foreign Affairs, applicants had to pass, as they now say, a special qualification exam. This rule was observed quite strictly, and therefore it can be confidently stated that under Peter I, diplomacy began to be viewed not only as an art, but also as a science requiring special knowledge, professional skills, and abilities. As before, the selection of diplomatic personnel was carried out at the expense of people from noble families, but under Peter I much more attention began to be paid to the search for the most capable and talented young people, who were often sent abroad in order to acquire there the skills necessary for subsequent enrollment in the diplomatic service . For the first time, the diplomatic service acquired a professional character; officials of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs devoted all their time to the service and received a salary for this. At the same time, among the diplomats of those years there were many foreigners, since the Russian diplomatic service needed professional personnel, in particular people who were fluent in foreign languages.
In 1726, Empress Catherine I, having come to power, established the Privy Council, consisting of people loyal to her. The heads of the foreign and military boards were included in its composition. The Privy Council began to play a decisive role in the development and implementation of Russia's foreign policy. At the same time, the scope of activity of the College of Foreign Affairs was narrowed, and, in fact, it turned into an executive office under the Privy Council. This process was a reflection of the desire, inherent at that time, not only of the Russian Empress, but also of many monarchs, including European ones, to strengthen their personal power.
Some changes in the diplomatic department were carried out during the reign of Empress Catherine II. In an effort to strengthen her absolutism, she liquidated a number of colleges. Nevertheless, showing a particularly zealous attitude towards the sphere of international politics, Catherine II tried in every possible way to raise the authority of the College of Foreign Affairs of Russia to the European level. In 1779, the Empress issued a decree defining the staff of the College. Simultaneously with the staff of the central apparatus, the staff of Russian diplomatic missions abroad was also approved. As a rule, it was small and consisted of two or three people: the head of the representative office and his secretaries. The amounts of funds allocated for the maintenance of the Collegium were increased, and the salaries of its president and vice-president were increased.
By decree of Catherine II, a gradation of Russian diplomatic missions was introduced. In particular, the title of ambassador was awarded only to the Russian diplomatic representative in Warsaw. Most of the heads of other Russian diplomatic missions abroad were then called ministers of second rank. Some representatives were called Resident Ministers. Ministers of the second rank and minister-residents carried out representative and political functions. Consuls general, who monitored the interests of Russian merchants and the development of trade relations, were also equated to ministers. Specially trained people were appointed as ambassadors, ministers and consuls general - representatives of the ruling class who had received the necessary knowledge in the field of foreign relations and had the proper professional skills.
The end of the 18th - beginning of the 19th century. were characterized by the spread in Europe of a new, so-called Napoleonic, model of public administration. It was characterized by the features of a military organization that presupposed a high degree of centralization, unity of command, strict discipline, and a high degree of personal responsibility. Napoleonic reforms also had an impact on Russia. The leading principle of official relations was the principle of unity of command. Administrative reform was expressed in the transition from a system of collegiums to a system of ministries. On September 8, 1802, Emperor Alexander I issued a Manifesto on the establishment of ministerial positions. All boards, including the Board of Foreign Affairs, were assigned to individual ministers, and corresponding offices were established under them, which were essentially ministerial apparatuses. Thus, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia as such was formed in 1802. The first Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire was Count Alexander Romanovich Vorontsov (1741-1805).
Under Alexander I, the personnel of the Russian diplomatic service was strengthened; Russian ambassadors were sent to Vienna and Stockholm, envoys were appointed to Berlin, London, Copenhagen, Munich, Lisbon, Naples, Turin and Constantinople; The level of diplomatic representatives was raised to chargé d'affaires in Dresden and Hamburg, to consul general in Danzig and Venice.
The administrative reform of that time was completed by the document “General Establishment of Ministries” developed in 1811. In accordance with it, unity of command was finally established as the main organizational principle of the ministry. In addition, the uniformity of the organizational structure, record keeping and reporting of the ministry was established; strict vertical subordination of all departments of the ministry was established; the appointment of the minister and his deputy was made by the monarch himself. The Minister of Foreign Affairs at that time (1808-1814) was Count Nikolai Petrovich Rumyantsev (1754-1826).
It is clear that with such an administration system, the role of the College of Foreign Affairs objectively began to decline. In 1832, according to the personal decree of Emperor Nicholas I “On the formation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,” the Collegium was officially abolished and turned into a structural unit of the foreign policy department of the Russian Empire. According to this decree, all employees entering the service of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were enrolled only by the highest decree of the emperor. They were required to sign an undertaking not to disclose secrets of foreign affairs and to comply with the requirement “not to go to the courts of foreign ministers and not to have any kind of treatment or company with them.” A diplomat who violated the established procedure was threatened not only with removal from business, but also with “sanction to the fullest extent of the law.”
In the second half of the 19th century. reforms in the system of supreme and central authorities in Russia continued. Naturally, innovations could not be ignored by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which from 1856 to 1882 was headed by one of the most outstanding Russian diplomats and statesmen of that time, His Serene Highness Prince Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov (1798-1883). In the process of reform, he achieved the liberation of the Ministry from a number of functions unusual for it, including censorship of political publications, management of the outskirts of the Russian Empire, and conduct of ceremonial affairs. Under the leadership of A. M. Gorchakov, who soon also became chancellor and at the same time headed the country’s government with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russia’s role in international affairs increased, it sought to develop broad international ties in the political and economic spheres, and gained increasing international political weight.
Solving the foreign policy tasks set by Chancellor A. M. Gorchakov required a significant expansion of the network of Russian diplomatic missions abroad. By the beginning of the 90s. XIX century There were already 6 embassies, 26 missions, 25 consulates general, 86 consulates and vice-consulates of the Russian Empire functioning abroad. Under A. M. Gorchakov, the main tasks facing the Russian Foreign Ministry and its structures were defined as follows:
Maintaining political relations with foreign countries;
Patronage in foreign lands of Russian trade and Russian interests in general;
Petition for the legal protection of Russian subjects in their cases abroad;
Assistance in satisfying the legal requirements of foreigners regarding their cases in Russia;
Publication of the Yearbook of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which published the most important documents of current policy, such as conventions, notes, protocols, etc.
Under A. M. Gorchakov, other important changes were made in the Russian diplomatic service. In particular, Russia has finally abandoned the appointment of foreigners to posts in its diplomatic missions abroad. All diplomatic correspondence was translated exclusively into Russian. The criteria for selecting persons entering the diplomatic service have increased significantly. Thus, since 1859, Russia has introduced a requirement that everyone hired by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have a diploma of higher education in the humanities, as well as knowledge of two foreign languages. In addition, the applicant for the diplomatic service had to demonstrate broad knowledge in the field of history, geography, political economy, and international law. A special Oriental school was established under the Ministry, which trained specialists in oriental languages, as well as rare European languages.
The next reform of the system of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was prepared in 1910 by the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alexander Petrovich Izvolsky (1856-1919). According to it, a comprehensive modernization of the entire apparatus of the Ministry and the creation of a single political department, a press bureau, a legal department and an information service were provided for. A system of mandatory rotation of officials of the central apparatus, foreign diplomatic and consular institutions was introduced; provided for equalization of conditions of service and remuneration for diplomats serving in the central office of the Ministry and in its missions abroad. The practice included the systematic distribution of copies of the most important diplomatic documents to all foreign missions of Russia, which allowed their leaders to keep abreast of current foreign policy events and the efforts undertaken by the Russian diplomatic service. The ministry began to actively work with the press, using it to create a favorable public opinion about Russia and the activities of its diplomatic service. The Ministry became the main source of foreign policy information for most Russian newspapers: I The Ministry's Press Bureau held regular meetings with representatives of the largest newspapers in the empire.
A serious innovation by A.P. Izvolsky was a special, complicated competitive exam for those wishing to apply for the diplomatic service. The qualification exam was conducted by a special “meeting”, which included all department directors and heads of departments of the Ministry; the question of admitting a candidate to the diplomatic service was decided collectively.
The First World War, which began in 1914, radically changed the nature of the activities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In the context of Russia’s entry into the war, the main task of the Ministry was to ensure a foreign policy environment favorable for the successful conduct of hostilities by Russian troops, as well as work on preparing the conditions for a future peace treaty. At the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, a Diplomatic Chancellery was created, the functions of which included regularly informing Emperor Nicholas II on all the most important issues of foreign policy and maintaining constant communication between the monarch and the Minister of Foreign Affairs. During the war, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which in those years was headed by Sergei Dmitrievich Sazonov (1860-1927), found itself in a situation where it had to directly participate in making not only foreign policy, but also domestic policy decisions.
The beginning of the war coincided with the implementation of another reform of the central apparatus in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which was based on the law “On the Establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs” issued in June 1914 by Emperor Nicholas II. According to this law, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the new conditions had to pay special attention in its activities to solving the following tasks:
1) protection of Russian economic interests abroad;
2) development of trade and industrial relations in Russia;
3) strengthening of Russian influence on the basis of church interests;
4) comprehensive observation of the phenomena of political and social life in foreign countries.
In accordance with the tasks defined by the law, the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs also changed. In particular, the central apparatus of the Ministry was divided into two independent divisions, each of which was headed by a comrade (deputy) minister. The first division was the Political Department, whose functions included coordinating actions in the development, adoption and implementation of foreign policy decisions. In 1915, a second division was created - the Information (Information) Department, which a year later was transformed into the Press and Information Department. During the war, there was also a need to create several additional departments of the Ministry that would deal with the problems of prisoners of war, inquiring about Russian citizens who found themselves abroad, including in enemy countries, and making money transfers to those who found themselves in a foreign land.
These and other innovations in the Russian diplomatic service were aimed at reorganizing the central apparatus of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, better adapting it to the requirements of the time. It should be recognized that as a result of the reforms carried out, it was possible to increase the flexibility and efficiency of the work of the Russian Foreign Ministry, consolidate the priority of political departments, clearly delineate the powers of individual divisions, minimize parallelism in their work, and increase the efficiency of the diplomatic service and Russian diplomacy as a whole.
MOSCOW, February 10. /TASS/. Employees of the central office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Russian foreign agencies celebrate their professional holiday on Saturday - Diplomatic Worker's Day. It was on February 10, 1549 that the first written mention of the Ambassadorial Order dates back to when Tsar Ivan the Terrible instructed Duma clerk Ivan Viskovaty to “conduct ambassadorial business.” Over almost 500 years, many events have happened, but the operating principle has remained unchanged: defending the interests of the Fatherland, foreign policy is a continuation of domestic policy.
“The legacy left to us obliges us to do a lot. Moreover, the situation in the world is not becoming calmer,” said Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, congratulating his colleagues.
Priorities on the world stage
Russian President Vladimir Putin, in a congratulatory message to employees and veterans of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, recalled the main priorities of the work - upholding the key role of the UN in world affairs, consolidating the international community in the fight against the threat of terrorism, strengthening the foundations of strategic stability and non-proliferation regimes of weapons of mass destruction. “The international situation is very difficult, but despite the obvious difficulties, you are doing a lot to ensure favorable foreign policy conditions for the sustainable socio-economic development of Russia, and are actively protecting the rights of Russian citizens and compatriots abroad,” he said.
“A diplomat is on duty around the clock: at any moment, something can happen in some part of the world that requires a quick and competent reaction based on a good analysis, which should also be an express analysis,” the head of the Russian Foreign Ministry noted.
One of the main problems that gives rise to others is the crisis of the Western partners’ ability to negotiate. This is confirmed by the general state of affairs in North Africa and the Middle East, especially in Syria, the situation in Ukraine and the situation with the implementation of the agreement on the Iranian nuclear program, and the deplorable state of Russian-American relations. Moscow reminds us that attempts to isolate Russia and turn it into a slave state are doomed to failure.
“We will develop our partnership and working contacts with all countries that share our approach,” Lavrov said. “We will always be open to close and honest interaction on the basis of equality, mutual respect and balance of interests.”
Relying on tradition
One of the first diplomatic voyages was a visit to Constantinople in 838, when Rus' was first presented at the court of the Byzantine emperor as an independent state. It is worth highlighting the “great embassy” of Peter the Great of 1697-1698.
The "Ambassy Prikaz" repeatedly changed its official sign - ministry, collegium, people's commissariat, and for the first time the current name appeared in September 1802, the minister was called chancellor and was the second person after the emperor. The country owes many victories to Chancellor Alexander Gorchakov, a representative of the first graduating class of the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum. After the Crimean War (1853-1856), he managed to bring Russia out of international isolation and returned its position as a military maritime power. Another lyceum student, Alexander Pushkin, also tried himself in the diplomatic field.
Other names are also associated with the “order” - Afanasy Ordin-Nashchokin, Alexander Griboedov, Fyodor Tyutchev, People's Commissar Georgy Chicherin, Minister Andrei Gromyko.