Lavrov Petr Lavrovich
(2.06.1823-25.01.1900)
Philosopher, sociologist and publicist, one of the ideologists of populism. The son of a wealthy Pskov landowner. Brilliantly graduated (in 1842) from St. Petersburg artillery school, in 1844-1846. taught at military educational institutions. In the 1850-1860s Petr Lavrov got carried away philosophical problems. His first works on philosophy were “Hegelism” (1858), “Essays on the Issues of Practical Philosophical Personality” (1860), “Three Discourses on the Meaning of
modern philosophy" (1861).
In the early 1860s Lavrov Petr Lavrovich was involved in revolutionary activities, was a member of “Land and Freedom” (1861-1864), was close to N.G. Chernyshevsky, and participated in the student movement. In 1866, for involvement in N.A. Ishutin’s circle. Lavrov was exiled to the city of Totma, Vologda province. Here he wrote his famous " Historical letters", which were published under the pseudonym Mirtov in the newspaper "Nedelya" in 1869 (published as a separate book in 1870 and subsequently reprinted several times).
At that time, Lavrov believed that not only the people, but also the intelligentsia were not ready for an immediate “social revolution.” First of all, it needs to “educate itself,” and only then begin systematic mass propaganda work. Lavrov P.L. expounded on the idea of the intelligentsia’s “unpayable debt” to the people. He wrote that the intelligentsia owed their education and position to the hard work of the people. Therefore, she is obliged to “pay off” this debt by serving the people. Lavrov’s “historical letters” were very popular at that time, because they answered the most pressing questions that worried progressive youth. As the populist Rusakov N.S. recalled, Lavrov’s book “lay over our headboard, and while reading it, tears of ideological enthusiasm fell on it, overwhelming us with an immense thirst to live for noble ideas and die for them.”
In February 1870, Lavrov, with the assistance of German Lopatin, escaped from exile and soon appeared in Paris. Here he became close to the revolutionary workers and joined the First International. He actively participated in the Paris Commune of 1870 and wrote its history. Reviving the traditions of "The Bell", Pyotr Lavrovich Lavrov published the magazine "Forward!" in 1873-1877. and a newspaper with the same name.
At the turn of the 70-80s Lavrov P.L. came to the idea of “direct political action”, recognized the need for political terror as important means fight against autocracy. In 1882, Lavrov joined Narodnaya Volya, and in 1883-1886, together with P.N. Tkachev. edited the "Bulletin of the People's Will".
last years of life Petr Lavrovich Lavrov devoted to historical and sociological research. His main works, published in Russia (under a pseudonym) and abroad, are devoted to historical and sociological problems: “An Experience in the History of Thought” (St. Petersburg, 1875), “An Experience in the History of Thought of Modern Times” (Parts 1-2, Geneva ), "Tasks of understanding history" (M., 1898), " Key Points in the history of thought" (M., 1903, posthumously). He died and was buried in
30 09 13 Main works of foreign fiction Europe America Australia
Internet directoryLegende d'Ulenspiegel. 1867 ) - peculiar, ... the history of mankind in mainstagesdevelopment, agreeing with the author... Thackeray collaborated in newspapers radical direction, ... (Barchester towers. 1857 ) - novel, ... black bird; " Bells", where by means...
Main 1 media in the information society
DocumentFinancial elite. New stage V development states and funds...were bad. In summer 1867 Kraevsky agreed to...: very numerous and influential. IN mostly - newspapers, and in the capital, and in... the idea, and it appeared newspaper “Bell" (since July 1857 , until 1861 - ...
- Abstract of the dissertation
Period § 1. Basic Problems development 1857 year 12... Herzen" Bells". He... 202 and 5984; V 1867 newspapers stagedevelopment public education V...
Contents introduction chapter i the origin and development of the education system in the Kuban in the pre-reform period § 1 the main problems of the development of the education system in Russia in the 19th - early 20th centuries
Abstract of the dissertationPeriod § 1. Basic Problems development education systems in... 243 1857 year 12... Herzen" Bells". He... 202 and 5984; V 1867 year - 209 schools... theology, as well as newspapers and magazines. ...the beginning of the post-reform stagedevelopment public education in...
(1823 1900) Russian philosopher, sociologist, publicist, theorist revolutionary populism. Nicknames Arnoldi, Dolengi, Kedrov, Mirtov, Stoik, Stoletov, about 60 in total.
Born on June 2, 1823 in the village of Melikhovo, Velikolutsk district. Pskov lips in the family hereditary nobles. Having received home education, entered the St. Petersburg Artillery School, where he was considered best student M. Ostrogradsky, academician of military sciences. After graduating from college in 1842, he remained with him as a tutor, then as a mathematics teacher. In 18441846 he taught math subjects in military institutions of St. Petersburg.
Revolutions 18481849 European countries became an incentive for Lavrov’s spiritual maturation. Under their influence, he wrote a number of anti-government poems ( Prophecy, To the Russian people), which he sent to London to A.I. Herzen, who immediately published them. Encyclopedic educated, in 1852 he began publishing articles on issues military equipment, physical and mathematical sciences, natural sciences, pedagogy, philosophy. Lived literary work and teaching history and foreign languages as a home teacher, having lost his inheritance due to a quarrel with his father (he was dissatisfied with his marriage to a widow with two children).
Since 1857 he collaborated in the St. Petersburg publications “Domestic Notes”, “Library for Reading”, “ Russian word" His articles on controversial issues of our time were published in Herzen’s “Bell”, in which Lavrov wrote about the need to abolish serfdom and improve the situation of peasants .
In 1858 he was promoted to colonel and received academic degree professor, became assistant editor of the Artillery Journal. As part of the development of his own “practical philosophy”, the basis of which was, in his words, “anthropologism” as a universal philosophical understanding of the world, based on criticism of religious idealism and focused on man as a part of the universe, his articles were published: Hegelism(1858), Essays on issues of practical philosophy: personality (1860), Three conversations about modern meaning philosophy (1861).
In 1861 he took part in editing Encyclopedic dictionary compiled by Russian scientists and writers; soon became its editor-in-chief. Lavrov’s rapprochement with N.G. Chernyshevsky, N.K. Mikhailovsky and others dates back to this time revolutionary democrats, including the creators of the first organization “Land and Freedom”.
Having disagreed with the ideologists of Sovremennik over philosophical issues, Lavrov took part in the actions organized and carried out by them: he spoke at a student meeting in 1861, signed public protests against the arrest of the populist M.L. Mikhailov, against the draft university charter, which deprived universities of the right to autonomy. In the same year, he became one of the organizers and elders of the literary “Chess Club”, which became the center of meetings of the liberal intelligentsia.
In 1862 he became close to Chernyshevsky and N.V. Shelgunov, but did not approve of their attempts to call the peasants to revolution (“To the axe!”), considering it possible to peacefully achieve “harmony of interests of the individual from ruling class and the interests of the majority of the subordinate class,” raised the question of the implementation of “moral laws” in practice.
In 18641866 he was the unofficial editor of the Foreign Messenger. In April 1866, after D.V. Karakozov’s assassination attempt on Alexander II, he was arrested, in 1867 he was exiled to Totma, and then to the city of Kadnikov, Vologda province.
In 18681869 he published one of his most famous works in the magazine “Week” Historical letters, in which he formulated “ subjective method in Sociology,” which, according to contemporaries, became “the gospel of social revolutionary youth.” Glorified " human thought as the only active force transforming culture into civilization."
In February 1870, friends (among whom was G.A. Lopatin) helped him escape from exile. Emigrated with his family to Paris, where he was accepted as a member Anthropological Society. In the fall he joined the International Workers' Association (First International), in 1871 he became a member of the Paris Commune .
In 1871, on behalf of the Communards, he went to London, where he became close to K. Marx and F. Engels. Recognizing the proletariat as important social force, Lavrov remained of the opinion that the peasantry plays the main role in the development of Russia. In 1873–1875 he published the non-periodical publication “Forward”, in 1875–1877 a newspaper with the same name (published in Zurich and London). Lavrov’s articles on “the real worldview against the theological worldview,” on “the struggle of labor against the idle use of the blessings of life,” on “equality against monopoly” indicated that he had become an established social egalitarian, a supporter of social equality.
He considered his main task to be the propaganda of the ideas of revolution among the peasants, therefore the trend close to him in populism is called, after V.I. Lenin, “propaganda”. He shared the populist views on peasant community as the basis for the future social order, insisted on priority social problems before political ones, developed the idea of identity and uniqueness historical path Russia. Speaking against anarchism, rebellion, the revolutionary adventurism of M.A. Bakunin and the conspiratorial tactics of P.N. Tkachev, Lavrov believed that “revolutionary violence is possible to a certain minimum.” At the same time, in his opinion, “the restructuring of Russian society must be carried out not only for the purpose of the people’s good, not only for the people, but also through the people.”
In 1878 he established contact with the Polish and Russian revolutionary underground, and was the initiator of group meetings of Russian revolutionary emigration, promoting “practical actions of Russian socialists in Russia.” Associated with 1879 and with the “Black Redistribution”, and with “ People's will", he took over the latter's representation abroad. Believing that social revolution will come out in Russia not from the city, but from the village, called on intellectuals to train propagandists from among the people, but he himself was also inclined to recognize terror as a method of fighting the autocracy.
In 1882, together with V.I. Zasulich, he organized the “Red Cross of the People’s Will,” seeing in it “the only revolutionary party in Russia.” He was expelled by the authorities from Paris, but returned to this city under a different name. While living there, he constantly published in foreign and Russian magazines Otechestvennye zapiski, Dele, Znaniye, using different pseudonyms.
In 1883-1886 he was the editor of the “Bulletin of the People's Will” (together with L.A. Tikhomirov).
He maintained personal relations and correspondence with many Russian and foreign socialists from France, Poland, Germany, Serbia, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, England, Scandinavian countries, USA. Together with G.V. Plekhanov, he participated in the organization of the populist “Russian Social Revolutionary Library”.
Since 1889, he has been a delegate from Russia at the International Socialist Congress in Paris, a participant in the creation of the “Socialist Library” of the Zurich Literary Socialist Foundation. In the same year he attended the Paris Congress of the Second International, where he made a report on the development socialist ideas in Russia. In it, he was one of the first to point out the beginning of mass proletarian struggle in the country.
In 18921896 he took part in the publication Materials for the history of the Russian social revolutionary movement. Studying the history of socialist teachings, he developed his own theory of workers' socialism, based on the principles of common property, universal labor and an autonomous secular community. He noted the role of Marxism in scientific socialism, but was skeptical about the activities of the Social Democrats in Russia and Plekhanov’s “Emancipation of Labor” group.
Having defined his worldview as “anthropologism,” Lavrov considered himself the heir to world socio-theoretical thought, starting with Protagoras and the ancient skeptics and ending O.Kontom, L. Feuerbach , G. Spencer, neo-Kantians. Later he was influenced by some of Marx's ideas. IN philosophical works Lavrov, the spirit of “positive philosophy” reigned: it was substantiated crucial scientific knowledge, were strongly criticized various shapes metaphysics. This is where Lavrov’s irreconcilability towards the vulgar materialism of German naturalists (K. Büchner, L. Vocht) originated.
Lavrov was not the epigone of European positivism and materialism. His philosophical and sociological views were quite independent and original. At the center of his worldview there was always a certain “critically thinking personality”, capable of acquiring new views and possessing a rigid moral core. He considered the advanced intelligentsia “a small group of individuals” the engine social progress, but rather vaguely imagined it as striving “to be embodied in social forms truth and justice." Believing that only the unity of the intelligentsia with the people can create “moral socialism,” he wrote: “we do not want violent power to replace the old one... The future system of Russian society... must translate into action the needs of the majority, which they themselves have recognized and understood.” Socialism, in his opinion, was "the inevitable result modern process economic life", and more than other concepts of the public good, corresponded moral ideal humanity. But the “rural community and artel unions” were supposed to help make the transition to it. He called the Paris Commune a model of a socialist state.
Lavrov's controversial views have become a peculiar intermediate from the materialism of Chernyshevsky to the subjectivism of Mikhailovsky. “Laurism” was criticized by Plekhanov and Lenin. But the ranks of Lavrov's followers in Russia remained very close-knit; Social Democrats who moved away from practical activities and engaged in so-called “cultivation” (propaganda).
IN last years He wrote a number of general works during his life: Experience of the history of modern thought(started in 1898 and remained unfinished); Populists-propagandists 18731878(was published after his death in 1907). Left unfinished The Challenges of Understanding History And History of thought with reflections on revolution and morality.
Lavrov died in Paris on January 25 (February 6), 1900; his funeral at the Montparnasse cemetery was accompanied by a procession of eight thousand. Socialists from many countries spoke at the grave.
Lavrov's collected works were published in 14 issues in 1917-1920.
In 1923, a street in St. Petersburg was named after him.
Irina Pushkareva, Lev Pushkarev.
LITERATURE Volodin A.I., Itenberg B.S. Lavrov. M., 1981
Itenberg B.S. P.L. Lavrov in the Russian revolutionary movement. M., 1988
Vasiliev A.V. At the turn of the third millennium: on the 125th anniversary of the publication of P.L. Lavrov’s “Historical Letters”. M., Mariupol, 1995
successful escape from exile, Lavrov appears abroad, in Paris. Here he takes part in the events of the Paris Commune and joins the 1st International. In London he met K. Marx, F. Engels and subsequently maintained contacts with them. In 1873, the magazine “Forward!” was published in Zurich under the editorship of Lavrov, which became one of the most influential foreign press organs. The initiative to publish it was taken by the Tchaikovites, who had their own printing house in Zurich, in which many Russian students studying in this city worked. In 1872, the Russian colony in Zurich numbered about 50 people. Funds for the publication came both from Tchaikovsky and from a circle of Lavrov’s followers from St. Petersburg. It is known that under the influence of Lavrov’s stories about revolutionary girls who were later accused in the trial of 50, I.S. Turgenev began to provide support to the publication.
Lavrov was invited to lead the magazine as a person known by that time for his journalistic experience. His publications published in 1868-1869 brought him particular fame. in the newspaper "Nedelya" "Historical Letters", in which he outlined his theoretical program. The idea he expressed about the duty of the intelligentsia to the people and the need to repay this debt seemed especially attractive to young people.
In the first issue, which was published on August 1, 1873, Lavrov published the article “Forward. Our program,” where he outlined his views, which essentially expressed the ideas of the right wing of populism. Due to the moderation of his positions, many Russian emigrants initially perceived him as a “typical liberal.” The program of the magazine “Forward!” aimed at preparing a social revolution through long-term propaganda of socialist ideas among the people by the intelligentsia. Lavrov did not rule out the possibility of a conspiracy or spontaneous rebellion, but believed that without preliminary preparation, if successful, they could only lead to the establishment of the bourgeois system. He saw the Russian community as a unit of the future society. While agreeing with the Bakuninists in their denial of statehood, Lavrov differed with them in his views on organizing the uprising. The revolution, in his opinion, must have trained leaders. Thus, the “Forward!” program was directed against the anarchist views of Bakunin, who was convinced of the people’s readiness for revolution, as well as against the conspiratorial tactics of P. N. Tkachev.
As a “non-periodic review” the magazine was published separately.
thick books as they were produced: in 1873 one book was published, in 1874 - two (and the second, i.e. No. 3, was no longer in Zurich, but in London), in 1876 and 1877. - one each (No. 4 and 5).
Each room (with the exception of the 4th) consisted of two departments. The first published large articles of a programmatic nature. Their authors, as a rule, were Lavrov and the editorial secretary V.N. Smirnov. Sometimes other publications were placed in the first section. Thus, in March 1874, N. G. Chernyshevsky’s article “Letters without an address” was published, which was prohibited from publication in Sovremennik in 1862. The second section, which occupied half the volume of each issue, contained articles, correspondence and letters from Russia. Under the heading “Chronicle of the Labor Movement,” materials covering the events of the revolutionary movement abroad were published.
By the end of 1874, the editorial office's ties with Russia had expanded significantly. The publications were delivered to Russia through border smugglers in bales of 20 and 40 kg. The correspondence arrived “opportunistically.” Letters came from different cities of Russia. The influx has also increased Money. This allowed Lavrov to begin publishing the newspaper.
In January 1875, the first issue of the newspaper “Forward!” was published in London, conceived as “a two-week addition to the magazine on current issues of Russian life and the international labor movement in various countries" Soon the newspaper turned into the main organ of the Lavrov group. It had a clear structure. The titles of the sections came from the magazine. The editorial was usually followed by publications under the headings “What is happening at home?” and "Chronicle of the Labor Movement". At the end there were “Notices to Correspondents” and “Bibliographic News”. Forms for presenting materials were constantly updated. The section “What’s happening in the homeland” contained various thematic reviews. Thus, in 1875, reviews under the heading “The Rotten of the Old and the Growth of the New” appeared in six issues, and at the end of the same year - a series of publications “Bird’s Eye View”; new headings appeared: from February 1876, the heading “From the memorial books of old employees” was introduced, and from May reviews of internal life were systematically published under the heading “For two weeks.”
The newspaper was published regularly, twice a month, and during its two years of existence (from January 1875 to December 1876) 48 issues were published, ranging from 16 to 24 pages each.
Rich student N. G. Kulyabko-Koretsky, who helped organize the delivery of “Forward!” in Russia. G. A. Loiatin and the Ukrainian emigrant S. A. Podolinsky also published in publications. Individual works by N.P. Ogarev and G.I. Uspensky were published. P. N. Tkachev collaborated with the newspaper for a short time.
Well-established connections with Russia made it possible to regularly publish informative reviews and information about its internal life and political events in the newspaper. The editorial office received so many letters and correspondence from Russia that some of them had to be published in the form of a chronicle, and some remained unused. Lavrov’s extensive contacts with figures in the Western European labor movement provided the newspaper with a wealth of material about events in Europe.
Editions “Forward!” were spread in Russia by revolutionary circles, primarily in St. Petersburg, whose members were called “Laurists.” They supported “Forward!” and financially. Between 1870 and 1875 "Forward!" was the only organ of the revolutionary uncensored press, therefore, despite the prevailing Bakuninist, “rebellious” sentiments at that time and the disagreement with Lavrov’s political line of many radical participants in the movement, the readership of “Forward!” was very extensive and heterogeneous in its composition. The “Worker” of the Bakuninists and the “Nabat” of the Tkachevites, which appeared in 1875, could not compete with Lavrov’s publications in terms of popularity. The magazine's circulation in 1875 was 2,000, and the newspaper's circulation in 1876 reached 3,000 copies. With the magazine “Forward!” The Russian press constantly polemicized (especially actively - “Moskovskie Vedomosti” by M. N. Katkov), the emigrant press, and European newspapers also referred to Lavrov’s publications. The influence of Lavrov and his press organs was so significant that he was under the constant control of not only the Russian authorities, but the leaders of European states. Thus, in 1876, Bismarck banned the sale of “Forward!” in Germany. Lavrov’s role in emigration is evidenced by the constant attention paid to him by Russian foreign agents.
"Forward!" proved a significant influence on Russian youth. But many supporters of radical teachings considered “Lavrism” to be too abstract a theory and were critical of Lavrov’s preaching about the need for “comprehensive personal development” and preliminary scientific training of movement participants.
In 1876, due to disagreements within the editorial board and with the circle of “Lavrists” in St. Petersburg regarding issues of tactics and organization of the revolutionary struggle, Lavrov left the editorial office. The reason for the break was also Lavrov’s personal dissatisfaction associated with the failed attempt to make “Forward!” the center of all revolutionary forces in Russia, and also in connection with the failure of “going to the people” and, consequently, the tactics of the “propagandists”. Having broken with “Forward!” (the last, 5th issue of the magazine was published in 1877), Lavrov moved away from the populist factional struggle and became in fact the spiritual leader of the Russian revolutionary emigration, the keeper of Herzen’s traditions. Following the Herzen tradition was manifested not only in Lavrov’s cautious and balanced political positions, his rejection of the “nihilism” of the young and his desire to avoid extremes in revolutionary actions and their lack of preparedness. Lavrov was closest to Herzen in the development of the traditions of the Free Russian Press - in the content, ideas and typological features of the publications.
In the conditions of the 1870s, Lavrov develops Herzen’s themes about Russia and the West, and conducts polemics with the Russian and European press. It is no coincidence that the generations of the 80s, recalling the previous decades, most often singled out “The Bell” and “Forward!”
In November 1875, another magazine was published in Geneva - “Alarm”. The subtitle read: “The Organ of Russian Revolutionaries.” The editor of the magazine was P. N. Tkachev, who appeared abroad in 1873 and initially participated in Lavrov’s magazine “Forward!” “Alarm” was created with the support of a group of Russian-Polish emigrants of the Blanquist trend, led by K. Tursky and K. Janicki, and was aimed at educated, revolutionary-minded youth. 20 issues were published, including a number of double and triple ones; some issues were published in book form. The November issue for 1875 was published in two versions, which differed in type and content. The magazine was published in writing paper format, in two columns, first in Geneva, and from 1879 in London; was published irregularly, only in 1876 monthly, ranging from 16 to 24 pages. The type of publication itself changed, for example, in 1881 it was published in the form of a newspaper (“Revolutionary Newspaper”). In 1879, after the transfer of “Alarm” to London, Tkachev’s leading role in the magazine decreased. In 1880, an attempt was made to publish it in St. Petersburg, but the font sent to Russia was seized by the police. In 1881, publication resumed in Geneva under the editorship of K.-M. Tursky and P.V. Grigoriev (P. Gretsko).
meh his editor. From the very beginning, Tkachev opposed himself to the anarchist-Bakunin and propaganda-Laurist trends. The magazine became the organ of the Blanquist, conspiratorial (Jacobin) trend of revolutionary thought. In the magazine’s policy article, Tkachev wrote: “To sound the alarm, to call for revolution means to point out its necessity and possibility precisely in this moment to find out the practical means of its implementation, to determine its immediate goals.” He proclaimed the “state conspiracy” to be the most effective means of overthrowing the autocracy. Calling for an immediate revolution, Tkachev proceeded from the premise, which was later borrowed from him by the Narodnaya Volya, that the autocratic state has no class roots in Russia and is equally hateful to all social strata. The seizure of power by revolutionaries through a “state conspiracy” will, in his opinion, cause a nationwide revolt, which will consolidate the victory of the revolution. Tkachev defended in “Nabat” the idea of creating a strictly centralized revolutionary organization and tried to implement it practically by founding the “Society for People’s Liberation” in 1877, the organ of which “Nabat” became in 1878.
Tkachev's journal fully reflected the illusions and utopias common to populism. Thus, declaring that the Russian people are “revolutionary by instinct,” Tkachev repeated the mistakes of the Bakuninists, whom he opposed. He looked at the community as the basis of the future socialist system, relied on narrow circle conspirators establishing their dictatorship. His platform bore the stamp of eclecticism, like all populist ideology. When “Nabat” was at the disposal of Tursky, who approved of terrorist methods of struggle, the magazine turned into an organ of extreme terrorist direction. In his apology for terror as the only means of struggle, he went further than the Narodnaya Volya members, who considered terror only as one of the means political struggle.
Since its inception, the structure and content of the journal have reflected the diversity of issues discussed. Tkachev delivered programmatic articles on theoretical and political issues (“Revolution and the State”, “People and Revolution”, “Our Illusions”, etc.); life in Russia and the revolutionary movement were reported in the “Russia” section (under the headings “Corresion”, “They write to us”, “Is it true?”); the section “Foreign Review” reported on events abroad; political articles and notes, and
Also, a review of socio-political literature was presented in the section “Critical and Bibliographic Review”. From the 1st issue, the magazine introduced a “Feuilleton” section, the materials of which were placed in the “basement” under the heading “From the history of conspiracies and secret societies.” However, the structure of the magazine was not constant; it changed depending on the form, frequency of publication, and the presence of correspondence from Russia. Tkachev failed to rally like-minded people and establish permanent ties with Russia. IN better times The magazine's circulation did not exceed 1,500 copies.
During the same period, other printed organs of Russian emigrants of various directions were published abroad. These include the political and literary magazine “Common Cause,” published in Geneva from May 9, 1877 to November 1890. A total of 112 issues were published. Declared as monthly, it did not maintain periodicity. It was founded on the initiative of M. K. Elpidin, who took on the function of publisher. Edited in different time A. Kh. Khristoforov, V. A. Zaitsev, N. A. Belogolovy and N. A. Yurenev collaborated.
The direction of the magazine was uncertain. Essentially, he expressed liberal-bourgeois ideas and defended the constitutional-monarchist movement in Russia. The publishers, trying to turn Common Cause into a mouthpiece for the liberal opposition, hoped to make the magazine mass. These hopes were not destined to come true: only isolated copies of the magazine reached Russia, and hardly many knew about its existence.
The magazine had a circulation of 500 copies and was distributed mainly among Russian emigrants and Russians visiting abroad. It was published at the expense of N. A. Belogolovy, a famous doctor and friend of Saltykov-Shchedrin and Lavrov. The political indifference of the magazine allowed representatives of any forces opposing the autocracy to collaborate in it. V. I. Zasulich recalled: “The Common Cause stood aside, and it remained there. No one was angry with it, no one considered it shameful to put this or that statement in it, since it was necessary, but there was no organ of its own, but in general it had neither supporters nor opponents in the revolutionary emigration." Considering the long existence of the magazine (more than 13 years) compared to other emigrant publications that quickly succeeded each other, it is appropriate to assume that "Common Cause" was in constant demand among liberal-minded Russian emigration.
In addition to publications published in Europe, in the late 1860s - 1870s, the Russian free press began to be heard in America. By-
the appearance of the first Russian publication in the United States is associated with the name of Andrei (Agapiy) Goncharenko, a correspondent for Kolokol, who moved to London in the 1860s, worked as a typesetter in Herzen’s printing house, and then moved to America.
On March 1, 1868, the newspaper “Alaska Herald” was published in San Francisco in two languages (Russian and English). The newspaper was varied in content and had permanent sections: “Alaska”, “Russia”, “Siberia”, “Europe”, “America”, “Religion”. It was a liberal-bourgeois publication that aimed to protect the interests of Russians in America. The newspaper was published until 1874, changing its name, format, logo, and periodicity.
Along with it, A. Goncharenko is undertaking the publication of a leaflet entitled “Freedom. A simple speech published by Agapy Goncharenko.” In 1872-1873 Five issues were published. Goncharenko often emphasized his loyalty to the tradition of Herzen and Ogarev with his publications about Herzen’s “Bell” and the Decembrists.
The second half of the 1870s was marked by some decline in the development of Russian journalism in emigration. By 1877, any noticeable publications published in the 70s, with the exception of “Alarm”, “Common Cause” and “Community”, ceased to exist. By the end of the 70s, the center of uncensored press moved to Russia, where, in the wake of a new social upsurge, a need arose for publications for the practical guidance of the political movement. Theoretical organs and “socio-political reviews” are being replaced by agitation and propaganda publications.
The experience of emigrant journalism of the 70s is interesting not only because it inherited and developed the traditions of Herzen and other publications of the 60s in organizing, staging publications, attracting authors, establishing a distribution system, connections with Russia and among themselves. This experience also turned out to be fruitful in the inheritance of new species forms of print organs. Publications aimed at a specific readership appeared: for educated youth (“Alarm”), for workers (“Rabotnik”), for Russian Americans (“Freedom”), etc. In addition, following Herzen’s “Bell” Other bilingual publications appear in French with a Russian supplement, designed for Russian and foreign readers. As in the previous decade, in the 70s newspapers and magazines were published that did not have a clear party affiliation; they sought to reach wide emigrant circles with their influence and were intended “for everyone.”
On the pages of emigrant journalism, their own
figurative literary and genre forms. Leading place among them were editorial and journalistic articles, reviews of the press and correspondence, chronicles, documents, appeals, speeches in court, reports from trials, biographies of those convicted and sentenced, lists of the dead and executed, artistic works of small genre forms. It is quite understandable that some genres common in legal publications found almost no place in the uncensored press due to the specificity of its tasks and operating conditions. This, in particular, was the case with literary criticism.
Emigrant journalism of the 1870s brought forward new names of journalists who continued organizational and journalistic activities in the illegal press of Russia in the late 70s and in the new conditions of the 80s, which are associated with the next stage in the development of the emigrant press.
“POEMS GROWN WITH ROOTS IN THE RUSSIAN HEART”
When in the spring of 1875, the famous Russian revolutionary German Lopatin, who was in exile, received a letter from his friend, also a political emigrant, he could not even imagine that he was at the origins of one of the most curious literary hoaxes of the 19th century. The secret of this hoax will be revealed quite soon, but the events that took place then will receive documentary confirmation only a whole century later, which is why dozens of literary critics long years will be deprived of peace. The letter to G. Lopatin contained the following lines:
“Can I ask you to conspire with me? But I just need about ten minutes of your time and unconditional silence...”
A little time passed, and in June of the same 1875, he went to London to the editorial office of the non-periodical emigrant magazine “Forward!” a package arrived from G. Lopatin. In the hands of the editor of the publication - philosopher, publicist, theorist of Russian revolutionary populism P. L. Lavrov, there were poems, to which a small note was attached:
* Musical text"La Marseillaise" was officially installed in 1887 special commission led by composer Ambroise Thomas. Since July 14, 1975, it has been performed *in a new musical version.
P. L. Lavrov
“I am sending you one poem, given to me on my word of honor to remain unconditionally silent about the name of the author, even with the editor. I hope that you will not encounter any obstacles to its publication: the program, it seems to me, has been strictly followed, and literary form impeccable. Read and judge."
The poem sent by G. Lopatin was rewritten in his hand. There were no marks or blots along the text anywhere. At the end there was the phrase: “Well, how do you like it?..”
I liked the poems. The decision was made to publish them.
P. Lavrov began publishing his magazine in 1873 in Zurich. It was published rarely, almost one issue a year, and therefore, having moved to London, Lavrov also started publishing a newspaper with the same name*. By the time I received the letter from G. Lopatin, the next, twelfth, issue of the newspaper was being prepared for publication. The sent poem ended up on its pages.
The political program set out in it was indeed “strictly observed.” Unknown author, addressing working people, to his “starving brothers,” called for a fight against the tyrants who “are stealing your hard work with a greedy pack.” The author especially hated the king, who
The army needs soldiers: Bring your sons here! He needs feasts and chambers: Give him your blood!
* In total, 5 issues of the magazine and 48 issues of the newspaper “Forward!” were published.
The poem sounded a passionate appeal to rise “against thieves, against dogs - against the rich! Yes to the evil vampire king! everyone and everywhere “at once”: “from the Dnieper to White Sea, and the Volga region, and the distant Caucasus!” In the last, fifth, stanza, the author expressed confidence that
The sun of truth and brotherhood of people will rise behind the bloody dawn. We will buy peace with the last struggle; We will buy the happiness of children with blood.
« New song" was the title of a poem by an unknown author. The fact that this is really a song was evidenced by the refrain after each stanza:
Rise up, rise up, working people! Stand up to your enemies, hungry brother! Ring out the cry of people's vengeance! Forward!
It was not necessary to be a great connoisseur of music to be convinced that the “New Song” exactly “fits” with the music of “La Marseillaise,” which was already well known by that time in the revolutionary circles of Russia.
The one who owned enough French and knew the original text of the Marseillaise, he could easily determine that its Russian version was very far from the original and could in no way be a direct translation. Moreover, the “New Song” generally reflected other ideas and proclaimed other goals.
It must be said that the revolutionary pathos of the French anthem has long attracted poets different countries. Most of the songs created based on his music differed favorably from the original source, about which F. Engels wrote that, “despite all the inspiration, it is not of very high dignity.” This text in Russian was also not the first.
In general, “La Marseillaise” was known in Russia almost from the first year of its existence: already in 1796 it appeared on store shelves in the form of variations for harpsichord under the names “Military March” or “Luckner March”. It was sung by soldiers of the Russian army returning from France after the victorious campaign of 1812, although they sang it then (and several decades later) in French.
"Marseillaise" was popular among the Decembrists, it was heard at their "secret meetings and then, in the Siberian
link. The participants sang it Polish uprisings 1830 and 1863, it sounded at the “Fridays” of the Petrashevites. They tried to set previously written poems to its melody, but none of the attempts was successful. More often than others (after 1863), the verses written back in 1846 by Alexei Pleshcheev and which became the anthem of the Petrashevites were sung to the melody of “Marseillaise”:
Forward! without fear and doubt
To a valiant feat, friends!..
Let us be a guiding star,
Holy truth burns;
And, believe me, the voice is noble
Not for nothing will it sound in the world!..
And yet, until the end of the 70s of the 19th century, “Marseillaise” was not widespread in Russia. And the point is not only that the texts were not combined with the melody of Rouget de Lisle - none of them reflected the feelings that overwhelmed the revolutionary-minded people, and only the text that P. L. Lavrov published in London in 1875 became close to everyone.
For the first time in the song there was a call for the overthrow of the autocracy. For the first time, the suffering of the people was spoken about not tearfully and dejectedly, but with anger and belligerence. And finally, for the first time, words and melody merged into a single whole, revealing to the world a new revolutionary anthem - “Russian Marseillaise”. And when they began to sing it, it turned out that the melody became somewhat different: its melody became simpler, but sounded more passionately, with greater pressure, with greater power.
Let's renounce the old world!
Let's shake his ashes off our feet!
All of revolutionary Russia knew these words, and they were understandable and close to everyone.
When “New Song” was published in the newspaper “Forward!”, there was no signature under it. Ten years later, collections began to appear in which this poem was presented either without a signature, or signed with only the letter “L”, and only later did it appear full last name author. It turned out to be... Lavrov himself.
No one doubted that Pyotr Lavrovich Lavrov could write “New Song”: poetic creativity it was common knowledge. But why did he need to send his own poem to the editor, and even involve a person with an impeccable reputation in the “conspiracy” - German Lopatin? Since there was no direct evidence of Lavrov’s authorship, for the next hundred years attempts were made either to discover this evidence or to find the true author of the Russian Marseillaise, because the letter “L” could also indicate the surname of Lopatin, who also wrote poetry.
Only in 1973, after International Institute social history in Amsterdam sent by way of mutual exchange a microfilm consisting of 346 frames, materials were published that shed light on this mysterious story. The microfilm captured letters from P. L. Lavrov to German Lopatin for the years 1874-1876, and among them was a piece of paper with the “New Song”, written in Lavrov’s hand. And full text accompanying letter:
“Can I ask you to conspire with me? But we just need ten minutes of your time and unconditional silence. If possible, open the attached sheet, write down what is contained there” and send it to me, as if you received it from the person who demanded unconditional silence, for “Forward”. Send it in a letter that you could show to others if necessary. The thing is not satisfactory enough to admit, but I think it will be useful for the magazine if others find it strong. You can send it and give your most frank opinion. Firstly, I wish to reject any suspicion, and secondly, I will not complain at all. But unconditional silence.”
The modesty of P. Lavrov, who was not confident enough in the value of his poetic creation, his desire to present the poem to his editorial colleagues for objective assessment they did not allow him to sign it. However, the desire to create a new song for revolutionary Russia, which could become a kind of program for the fight against tsarism, was great, and Lavrov decided to publish the “New Song”.
And such a song was extremely necessary at that time: populism, which for almost two decades became almost the only direction in Russian liberation movement, experienced an extraordinary rise. It is no coincidence that it was in the second half of the 70s that the songs “You Fell as a Victim” and “Tortured by Heavy Captivity” appeared.
Populism has swept large masses population of Russia than the movement of noble revolutionaries, and Lavrov, as one of its most important ideologists, could not help but understand the role that populist literature was supposed to play. In his poem “To the Russian People,” he himself called: “Wake up, my native land... Arise!.. Undo the shackles!..”
It's hard to name the exact date, when Lavrov decided to publish his magazine “Forward!”, which became the organ of not only the Russian revolutionary, but also the tribune of the international labor movement. However, we can safely say that he chose the name not by chance. Back in 18.17, he wrote the poem “Forward!”, in which he clearly outlined his program:
Forward, brother people, in the name of knowledge,
In the name of the fatherland, in the name of love!
Forward, even on the road of severe suffering!
Forward, even in the heat of the moment! Forward, even in blood!
May the power of the lawless kings collapse!
May the altars of the dead gods collapse!
Long live reason! Long live the right!
May the sun of the coming dawn shine on us!
May the world be enlivened by the breath of freedom!
May the chains of tradition fall forever!
May the nations of the earth become brothers
Based on the principle of knowledge, love and work!
P. L. Lavrov knew the assessment that N. A. Nekrasov gave to his poetry, who called his poems “rhymed newspaper reports and editorials,” but the main thing for him was that these poems are read, they know, they rewrite what is in them - his program to combat tsarism. Later, he outlined it in a statement made by the magazine “Forward!”: “The future structure of Russian society... must translate into action the needs of the majority, created and understood by them...” So the creation of the “Russian Marseillaise” for Lavrov was not accidental . But why did he choose the melody of “La Marseillaise”?
The news that those exiled former student St. Petersburg University German Lopatin and dismissed “from service, without the benefits acquired by it,” former colonel Peter Lavrov showed up in Paris, caused a stir in the police and famous excitement in Russian revolutionary circles.
And it was like this. G. Lopatin, who was arrested in the case of the “Ruble Society” * and spent eight months in the “Third Department of His Majesty’s Own Chancellery” on the Fontanka embankment and in the Peter and Paul Fortress, was exiled to Stavropol at the end of 1868. P.L. Lavrov was arrested two years earlier in the case of Dmitry Karakozov, who shot the Tsar. The reason for the arrest was poetry sent to A.I. Herzen at one time. After a nine-month imprisonment, Lavrov was dismissed, deprived of his chair at the Artillery Academy, where he taught mathematics, and exiled to the Vologda province.
In February 1870, G. Lopatin fled from Stavropol. He stopped at Kadnikov, where Lavrov was serving his exile, and with him on March 13 ended up in Paris. True, then their paths diverged somewhat. Lopatin moved to England in the summer of 1870, as a member of the International, he became close friends with K. Marx and began translating “Capital” into Russian**. In September he was even included in the General Council of the First International, but in the winter he went illegally to Russia in the hope of organizing N. G. Chernyshevsky’s escape from Siberian exile. Nothing came of this venture: Lopatin was arrested in Irkutsk. After his escape, he remained in exile.
* "Ruble Society" - a revolutionary organization in St. Petersburg and Moscow in 1867-1868, named after the size of the membership fee. Organized by G. A. Lopatin and F. V. Volkhovsky.
** G. Lopatin failed to complete the translation of “Capital”: during one of his illegal visits to Russia, while working to recreate the destroyed “Narodnaya Volya”, he was arrested and convicted in the “Case of the 21st” eternal imprisonment V Shlisselburg fortress, where he spent 18 years in solitary confinement, until 1905. The translation of Capital was completed by the Russian economist Nikolai Danielson and published in 1872. Russia was the first country in which a translation of Capital was published.
After his arrival in France, Lavrov’s life became completely unexpected turn. In the hot autumn of 1870, in the days when Napoleon III led his country to military disaster, P. Lavrov becomes a member of one of the sections of the International. He was recommended by Louis Varlin, a bookbinder and one of the leaders of the French labor movement. Lavrov joins the army, works in a hospital detachment National Guard and takes part in all activities of the Commune.
Defeat French army near Sedan, captivity of 83 thousand French soldiers led by Napoleon himself led to popular uprising. On September 4, France is declared a republic.
Lavrov actively speaks at rallies and meetings. The bourgeoisie seizes power in the country again, and he angrily denounces the government of “national treason.” Lavrov draws up a proclamation “For the cause!” and calls for the creation of a workers' republic. And such a republic was created: on March 18, 1871, for the first time in history, power passed into the hands of the proletariat. And three days later, the first correspondence about the Paris Commune in the European press appeared in the Belgian weekly Internationale. The author of the correspondence was Lavrov. From it the world learned that the proletarian revolution had won in France.
But the Commune needed support, and Lavrov was sent to K. Marx for help. He is given a large sum of money, with which it is planned to purchase the most necessary things for the Commune, and first of all, weapons. Thus, a citizen of Russia became the first ambassador of the first proletarian state in the history of mankind and the first communard with whom K. Marx spoke. Lavrov was also one of the first historians of the Paris Commune: he published an article on the fourth anniversary, and a book on the eighth anniversary. V.I. Lenin considered this book the best book about the Commune after “ Civil War in France" by K. Marx.
“... Without the proletariat, no revolutions could take place, except palace ones; and a series of regicides, the replacement of some “anointed ones” by others... is not at all included in the historical revolutionary tradition.
All revolutions before 1871 were carried out by the bourgeoisie, and the proletariat was its weapon...
1871. This is the first revolution of the proletariat...
It's not about defeat. There are defeats that are more honest than other victories, and there are condemned people who ascend to the scaffold of history with more high consciousness that they have done their job than the consciousness with which the executioners, nominated by the same history for their execution, raise an ax over their heads...”
And Lavrov knew how the Communards died. When he was unable to buy weapons for the Commune either in Belgium or in England, he returned to Paris and, using the money entrusted to him, began to actively help the hiding Communards: he obtained passports for them, organized | leaving for emigration. Before his eyes, members of the Commune were tried and sentenced to death. He heard how at first | “Mar-Iselieza” sounded over the barricades, and then from the scaffolds.
After France declared war on Prussia on July 19, 1870, Napoleon III ordered the Marseillaise to be played among the troops. And they played and sang it, only the chorus was different: “We march, we march to the banks of the Rhine, | to defeat the Prussians." There was no time for the ideas of Freedom, Equality and Brotherhood!
“The singing of the Marseillaise in France is a parody,” K. Marx noted in those days in a letter to F. Engels.
But then the Commune was proclaimed, and the song was again in the ranks of the fighters for social justice. They fight with her on the barricades, with her the little Parisian gavrouches die, with her the communards stand under the bullets of the Versaillese in the Père Lachaise cemetery. It was then that this anthem sank into Lavrov’s soul. And we can assume that the article “ Paris Commune 1871" and "New Song" were written by Lavrov at the same time (or almost simultaneously). In any case, the dates of their writing almost completely coincide, and this cannot be an accident.
P. Lavrov’s “New Song” was not the first “Workers’ Marseillaise” in the history of the proletarian movement in Europe. To the tune of Rouget de Lisle, in revolutionary Germany in 1848, the songs of Ferdinand Freiligrath “The Awakening” and Heinrich Bauer’s “The Call” were sung, and the “Workers’ Marseillaise” created in 1864 by Jacob Audorf became the battle song of the First International.
Even in Germany itself there were “Marseillaise Workers”. 1848 and 1871. But the text of Lavrov’s song was already qualitatively different, for it appeared in the era of the formation of the working class in the arena of political struggle, and the author understood this perfectly well. His Marseillaise reflected primarily the experience of the Paris Commune.
The popularity of the Lavrov Marseillaise is incomparable to anything. For the first time in Russian proletarian poetry there was an open call for the overthrow of the autocracy.
Even if P. L. Lavrov had not created anything other than the “New Song” in his life, he would still have been worthy of having his name forever included in the history of the proletarian struggle in Russia. But it was not the “Workers” (or, as it was sometimes called, the “Russian”) Marseillaise that brought wide fame to Pyotr Lavrovich Lavrov.
Having once met amazing fate this man, you will forever be captivated by his extraordinary charm, his pure and bright soul.
Professor of mathematics, 35-year-old colonel tsarist army, holder of three orders, author of numerous works on military equipment, owner of 14 villages, three hundred souls of serfs... He could spend his entire life, living in prosperity and comfort, calmly read his lectures at the Artillery Academy and publish articles. in pedagogy, philosophy, history of physical and mathematical sciences, raise children by quoting to them by heart the works of Schiller, Hugo, and Shakespeare in their original language at their leisure. He could become the pride of his people without doing anything revolutionary activities. But even while doing it, he was able to become one of the largest historians and anthropologists of his time, a member of the Paris Anthropological Society.
However, as he himself wrote in the poem “Apostle”, in the days
When with an iron hand
The oppressive authorities are crushing us everywhere,
When insane tyranny
He rules a tormented people,
When no one in the whole country
For fear he does not dare to open his lips
And the forces of the best people
In heavy slumber they become numb,
Lavrov could not remain indifferent to what was happening in Russia. “Destroy; the whole formation existing life must be destroyed..." he called.
Rapprochement with N.G. Chernyshevsky, joining the secret revolutionary society “Land and Freedom” were the first stages on the path to participation in the open struggle against the autocracy. Using his enormous authority among young people, he began to conduct propaganda work. Being one of the elders of the Chess Club, he organized discussions there on political topics, and on Tuesdays he gathered students and young officers and discussed pressing issues with them.
In September 1861, during student unrest, Lavrov signed a public protest against the reactionary draft of the new university charter, the persecution of students in the press, the arrest of M. L. Mikhailov, and when troops were sent to suppress the students, he helped organize self-defense. As the secret police agent reported, Lavrov inspired the students with “words and interference in their violent enterprises” and had “clashes with the police.”
The chess club was closed, " encyclopedic Dictionary, compiled by Russian scientists and writers,” in which Lavrov edited philosophical articles, was banned, and Lavrov himself was subject to “particularly strict surveillance.” His participation in the publication of illegal literature did not go unnoticed by the secret police. Lavrov's arrest and exile followed.
While in exile, Lavrov wrote his famous “Historical Letters,” about which G. V. Plekhanov said that they had almost the same success as Chernyshevsky’s most significant works. "Historical letters" became moral and theoretical program revolutionaries of the 70s.
P. L. Lavrov was in those years one of the ideologists of revolutionary populism, its herald, its tribune. His poems also called for “going among the people”:
Among suffering and shackles
Enslaved people
Go through villages, cities,
Shout: “Long live freedom!”
V.I. Lenin, speaking about the brilliant galaxy of revolutionaries of the 70s as the direct predecessors of Russian social democracy, singled out Lavrov, calling him “a veteran revolutionary theory" Being a close friend of K. Marx, Lavrov shared many of his ideas, but was never able to move to the position of scientific socialism. Until 1897, he could not believe that the formation and revolutionary education of the working class was taking place in Russia, so he firmly believed in the possibility of a peasant revolution in Russia and did everything to prepare for it.
In 1867, Kolokol, the first Russian revolutionary newspaper, ceased to exist in Geneva. For Lavrov it was absolutely clear: revolutionary movement Russia needs a periodical printed organ, and it begins to publish its own magazine and newspaper under the same name “Forward!”
“Far from our homeland we plant our banner, banner social revolution for Russia, for the whole world...” wrote Lavrov. He was convinced that this banner would be taken up by new generations of revolutionaries. And I was not mistaken. In their struggle, the Social Democrats relied on the experience of the populists - on their successes and achievements, and learned from their mistakes. According to V.D. Bonch-Bruevich, Lenin “read Lavrov’s thick magazine “Forward” very carefully during his emigrant years in Geneva.”
Lavrov himself believed in the correctness of the ideas proclaimed by the Social Democrats only shortly before his death. “You are on the right path,” he told Bonch-Bruevich.
P. L. Lavrov died in 1900. Of the 77 years of his life, he spent 30 in exile, but he always emphasized: “I remain Russian in my soul.”
“There are... poems that are rooted in the Russian heart; you can’t tear out Pleshcheyev’s “Forward, without fear and doubt”, Lavrov’s “Let’s renounce the old world,” wrote Alexander Blok in 1919, except with blood. And this also happened because these poems were sung to the music of the immortal “La Marseillaise.”
In 1918, in Moscow, for the first anniversary of the October Revolution, in accordance with Lenin's plan for monumental propaganda, 11 monuments were opened, perpetuating the revolutionary past of mankind. However, already on the night of November 6-7, one of them - the monument to Robespierre - was destroyed by bandits. And then nearby another one appeared. It did not have to be erected: simply from the monument to the 300th anniversary of the House of Romanov, which some people had generally proposed to demolish, on the recommendation of V.I. Lenin, the old inscription was removed and a new one was carved. The names of those who made a significant contribution appeared on the stone obelisk in the development of the theory of socialism. Next to the names of Marx, Engels, Lassalle, Liebknecht, Plekhanov, Chernyshevsky, Bakunin, Bebel, Campanella, Fourier, the name of Lavrov was engraved. Lavrov himself could hardly have imagined that his name would be carved on any monument; he was a modest person, it is no coincidence that his pseudonym was “One of Many.”
“Herzen created the free Russian press abroad,” wrote V.I. Lenin, “this is his great merit" Lavrov continued the work begun by A.I. Herzen.
In 1876, in a poem dedicated to Herzen’s friend and comrade-in-arms N.P. Ogarev, Lavrov, paying tribute to the great past of the “Bell” and kneeling before the fighters for the people’s happiness, indirectly noted the activities of his generation of revolutionaries. The lines of this poem are filled with inexhaustible faith in the victory of the revolutionary people:
We remember the “Bells” ringing! He woke Russia from sleep; And now, from all sides, other fighters are coming to battle.
They believe in victory, In the victory of truth and freedom; The holy days will come, the holy days will come, the sleeping nations will rise,
The madness of centuries will pass, Their eternal suffering will pass, And the future building will be sealed with the blood of present fighters.
Then, on the bright day of celebration, People of a happy generation will count the deeds, read the words of the Fighters for their liberation,
They will remember in the past a number of names of Those who suffered for the truth, And the menacing “Bell” ringing will be recorded in the eternal tablets.