Polish uprising of 1830-1831. called a rebellion organized by the gentry and the Catholic clergy in the Kingdom of Poland and the adjacent provinces of the Russian Empire.
The rebellion was aimed at separating the Kingdom of Poland from Russia and tearing away from Russia its ancestral western lands, which were part of the 16th-18th centuries. part of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The constitution granted by Emperor Alexander I to the Tsardom (Kingdom) of Poland in 1815 granted Poland broad sovereign rights. The Kingdom of Poland was a sovereign state that was part of the Russian Empire and was connected with it by a personal union. The All-Russian Emperor was at the same time the Tsar (King) of Poland. The Kingdom of Poland had its own bicameral parliament - the Sejm, as well as its own army. The Sejm of the Kingdom of Poland was inaugurated in 1818 by Emperor Alexander I, who hoped to receive in his person proof of the possibility of the peaceful development of the Polish nation within the Empire as a link connecting Russia with Western Europe. But in subsequent years, irreconcilable anti-government opposition intensified in the Seimas.
In the 1820s. In the Kingdom of Poland, in Lithuania and on the Right Bank of Ukraine, secret conspiratorial, Masonic societies arose and began preparing an armed rebellion. Guards second lieutenant P. Vysotsky in 1828 founded a union of officers and students of military schools and entered into a conspiracy with other secret societies. The uprising was scheduled for the end of March 1829 and coincided with the expected coronation of Nicholas I as Tsar of Poland. But the coronation took place safely in May 1829.
The July Revolution of 1830 in France gave rise to new hopes of Polish “patriots”. The immediate cause of the uprising was the news of the imminent dispatch of Russian and Polish troops to suppress the Belgian revolution. The governor of the Kingdom of Poland, Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich, was warned by the Polish ensign about the existing conspiracy in Warsaw, but did not attach any importance to it.
On November 17, 1830, a crowd of conspirators led by L. Nabeliak and S. Goszczynski broke into the Belvedere Palace, the Warsaw residence of the governor, and committed a pogrom there, injuring several people from among the Grand Duke’s associates and servants. Konstantin Pavlovich managed to escape. On the same day, an uprising began in Warsaw, led by the secret gentry officer society of P. Vysotsky. The rebels captured the arsenal. Many Russian generals and officers who were in Warsaw were killed.
In the conditions of the outbreak of the rebellion, the behavior of the governor looked extremely strange. Konstantin Pavlovich considered the uprising a simple outburst of anger and did not allow troops to move in to suppress it, saying that “Russians have nothing to do in a fight.” Then he sent home that part of the Polish troops that at the beginning of the uprising still remained loyal to the authorities.
On November 18, 1830, Warsaw fell into the hands of the rebels. With a small Russian detachment, the governor left Warsaw and left Poland. The powerful military fortresses of Modlin and Zamosc were surrendered to the rebels without a fight. A few days after the governor fled, the Kingdom of Poland was abandoned by all Russian troops.
The Administrative Council of the Kingdom of Poland was transformed into the Provisional Government. The Sejm elected General J. Chlopitsky as commander-in-chief of the Polish troops and proclaimed him a “dictator,” but the general refused dictatorial powers and, not believing in the success of the war with Russia, sent a delegation to Emperor Nicholas I. The Russian Tsar refused negotiations with the rebel government and on January 5 1831 Khlopitsky resigned.
Prince Radziwill became the new Polish commander-in-chief. On January 13, 1831, the Sejm announced the deposition of Nicholas I - depriving him of the Polish crown. The National Government headed by Prince A. Czartoryski came to power. At the same time, the “revolutionary” Sejm refused to consider even the most moderate projects for agrarian reform and improvement of the situation of peasants.
The national government was preparing to go to war with Russia. The Polish army grew from 35 to 130 thousand people, although only 60 thousand of them could participate in hostilities, having combat experience. But the Russian troops stationed in the western provinces were not ready for war. Here the vast majority of military garrisons were so-called. "disabled teams". The number of Russian troops here reached 183 thousand people, but it took 3-4 months to concentrate them. Field Marshal General Count I.I. was appointed commander-in-chief of the Russian troops. Dibich-Zabalkansky, and the chief of staff was General Count K.F. Tol.
Diebitsch hurried the troops. Without waiting for the concentration of all forces, without providing the army with food and without having time to equip the rear, on January 24-25, 1831, the commander-in-chief, together with the main forces, began an invasion of the Kingdom of Poland between the Bug and Narev rivers. A separate left column of General Kreutz was supposed to occupy the Lublin Voivodeship in the south of the Kingdom and divert enemy forces to itself. The spring thaw that soon began buried the original plan for the military campaign. On February 2, 1831, in the battle of Stoczek, a Russian brigade of mounted rangers under the command of General Geismar was defeated by the Polish detachment of Dvernitsky. The battle between the main forces of Russian and Polish troops took place on February 13, 1831 at Grochow and ended in the defeat of the Polish army. But Diebitsch did not dare to continue the offensive, expecting serious resistance.
Soon, Radziwill was replaced as commander-in-chief by General J. Skrzyniecki, who managed to raise the morale of his army after the defeat at Grokhov. The Russian detachment of Baron Kreutz crossed the Vistula, but was stopped by the Polish detachment of Dwernitsky and retreated to Lublin, which was hastily abandoned by Russian troops. The Polish command took advantage of the inaction of the main forces of the Russian troops and, trying to gain time, began peace negotiations with Diebitsch. Meanwhile, on February 19, 1831, Dvernitsky’s detachment crossed the Vistula at Pulawy, overthrew small Russian detachments and tried to invade Volyn. Reinforcements arrived there under the command of General Tol and forced Dwernicki to take refuge in Zamosc. A few days later, the Vistula was cleared of ice and Diebitsch began preparing a crossing to the left bank near Tyrczyn. But Polish troops attacked the rear of the main forces of the Russian troops and thwarted their offensive.
Unrest began in the areas adjacent to the Kingdom of Poland - Volhynia and Podolia, and open rebellion broke out in Lithuania. Lithuania was guarded only by a weak Russian division (3,200 men) stationed in Vilna. Diebitsch sent military reinforcements to Lithuania. In March, the Polish detachment of Dwernitsky set out from Zamosc and invaded Volyn, but was stopped by the Russian detachment of F.A. Roediger and was driven back to the Austrian border, and then went to Austria, where he was disarmed. The Polish detachment of Khrshanovsky, moving to help Dwernitsky, was met by the detachment of Baron Kreutz at Lubartov and retreated to Zamosc.
However, successful attacks by small Polish detachments exhausted Diebitsch's main forces. The actions of the Russian troops, moreover, were complicated by the cholera epidemic that broke out in April; there were about 5 thousand patients in the army.
At the beginning of May, Skrzynetsky's 45,000-strong Polish army launched an offensive against the 27,000-strong Russian Guards Corps, commanded by Grand Duke Mikhail Pavlovich, and drove it back to Bialystok - beyond the borders of the Kingdom of Poland. Diebitsch did not immediately believe in the success of the Polish offensive against the guard, and only 10 days after it began, he sent his main forces against the rebels. On May 14, 1831, a new major battle took place at Ostroleka. The Polish army was defeated. The military council, assembled by Skrzyniecki, decided to retreat to Warsaw. But a large detachment of the Polish general Gelgud (12 thousand people) was sent to the rear of the Russian army, to Lithuania. There he united with Khlapovsky’s detachment and local bands of rebels, his numbers doubled. Russian and Polish forces in Lithuania were approximately equal.
On May 29, 1831, Diebitsch fell ill with cholera and died on the same day. General Tol temporarily took command. On June 7, 1831, Gelgud attacked Russian positions near Vilna, but was defeated and fled to Prussian borders. Of the troops under his command, only Dembinski’s detachment (3,800 people) was able to break through from Lithuania to Warsaw. A few days later, the Russian troops of General Roth defeated the Polish gang Kolyshka near Dashev and near the village. Majdanek, which led to the pacification of the rebellion in Volyn. New attempts by Skshinetsky to move to the rear of the Russian army failed.
On June 13, 1831, the new commander-in-chief of the Russian troops, Field Marshal General Count I.F., arrived in Poland. Paskevich-Erivansky. There was a 50,000-strong Russian army near Warsaw; it was opposed by 40,000 rebels. The Polish authorities declared a general militia, but the common people refused to shed blood for the power of self-interested nobles and fanatic priests.
Paskevich chose Osek near Torun, near the Prussian border, as the crossing point to the left bank of the Vistula. From July 1, 1831, near Osek, the Russians built bridges across which the army safely crossed to the enemy shore. Skrzynetski did not dare to interfere with the crossing, but the discontent of Warsaw society forced him to move towards the main Russian forces. Under their onslaught, Polish troops rolled back to the capital. At the end of July, Skrzyniecki was removed and Dembinski became the new commander-in-chief of the Polish army, who wanted to give the Russians a decisive battle directly at the walls of Warsaw.
On August 3, 1831, unrest began in Warsaw. The Sejm dissolved the old government, appointed General J. Krukovetsky as head of government (president) and endowed him with emergency rights. On August 6, Russian troops began to besiege Warsaw, and commander-in-chief Dembinski was replaced by Malachowicz. Malakhovich again tried to attack the Russian rear in the north and east of the Kingdom of Poland. The Polish detachment of Romarino attacked the Russian troops of Baron Rosen, stationed on the Brest Highway - east of Warsaw, and on August 19, 1831, pushed them back to Brest-Litovsk, but then hastily retreated to protect the capital.
Paskevich's troops, having received all the necessary reinforcements, numbered 86 thousand people, and the Polish troops near Warsaw - 35 thousand. In response to the proposal to surrender Warsaw, Krukowiecki stated that the Poles rebelled for the sake of restoring their fatherland within its ancient borders, i.e. . to Smolensk and Kyiv. On August 25, 1831, Russian troops stormed Wola, a suburb of Warsaw. On the night of August 26-27, 1831, Krukowiecki and the Polish troops in Warsaw capitulated.
The Polish army, having left the capital, was supposed to arrive in the Płock Voivodeship in the north of the Kingdom to await further orders from the Russian Emperor. But members of the Polish government, who left Warsaw along with their troops, refused to comply with Krukowiecki’s decision to surrender. In September and October 1831, the remnants of the Polish army, which continued resistance, were expelled by Russian troops from the borders of the Kingdom to Prussia and Austria, where they were disarmed. The last fortresses to surrender to the Russians were Modlin (September 20, 1831) and Zamosc (October 9, 1831). The uprising was pacified, and the sovereign statehood of the Kingdom of Poland was eliminated. Count I.F. was appointed governor. Paskevich-Erivansky, who received the new title of Prince of Warsaw.
Bibliography
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8. National liberation movement of the Polish people in the 30-40s of the 19th century.
Uprising 1830-1831 in the Kingdom of Poland
The French Revolution of 1830 gave impetus to the struggle for Polish independence. The decisions of the Congress of Vienna consolidated the division of Polish lands between Prussia, Austria and Russia. On the territory of the former Grand Duchy of Warsaw that was transferred to Russia, the Kingdom (Kingdom) of Poland was formed. Unlike the Prussian king and the Austrian emperor, who directly included the Polish lands they captured into their states, Alexander I, as the Polish king, issued a constitution for Poland: Poland received the right to have its own elected diet (of two houses), its own army and a special government headed by the royal governor. In an effort to rely on broad circles of the gentry, the tsarist government proclaimed civil equality, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, etc. in Poland. However, the liberal course of tsarist policy in Poland did not last long. The constitutional order was not respected, and arbitrariness reigned in the administration of the kingdom. This caused widespread discontent in the country, in particular among the gentry and the emerging bourgeoisie.
Back in the early 20s, secret revolutionary organizations began to emerge in Poland. One of them was the “National Patriotic Society”, which consisted mainly of the gentry. The investigation into the case of the Decembrists, with whom members of the society maintained contact, enabled the tsarist government to discover the existence of the National Patriotic Society and take measures to liquidate it.
By 1828, a “Military Union” was formed in Poland, which began direct preparations for the uprising. The revolutions of 1830 in France and Belgium, having inspired Polish patriots, accelerated the revolutionary explosion in the Kingdom of Poland; on November 29, 1830, at the call of the “Military Union”, thousands of workers, artisans, and small traders of Warsaw rose up to fight. Grand Duke Constantine fled the city.
The leadership of the movement was in the hands of the aristocracy. Soon power passed to the protégé of the aristocratic elite, General Khlopitsky. He did everything to last the reconciliation with the tsarist government. Khlopitsky's policies caused great discontent among the masses and among democratically minded groups of the bourgeoisie and the left wing of the gentry. Under their pressure, the Sejm announced the deposition of Nicholas I as King of Poland. The regime of military dictatorship was replaced by a national government (Zhond Narodny) led by the wealthy magnate Prince Adam Czartoryski; The government also included representatives of democratic circles, for example the historian Lelevel.
The tsar's refusal to make any concessions to the rebel Poles and the deposition of Nicholas I by the Warsaw Sejm meant the inevitability of war with tsarism. Rising to fight against him, the progressive people of Poland saw their ally in the Russian people and sacredly honored the memory of the Decembrists. Then the wonderful slogan of the Polish revolutionaries was born: “For our and your freedom!”
At the beginning of February 1831, large forces of tsarist troops (about 115 thousand people) entered Poland to suppress the uprising. The Polish revolutionaries put up courageous resistance, but the strength of the Polish army did not exceed 55 thousand people, and they were scattered throughout the country. At the end of May, Polish troops suffered a heavy defeat at Ostroleka, losing more than 8 thousand people.
The most revolutionary elements of the movement, led by the Patriotic Society, sought to involve the peasantry in the uprising. But even a very moderate draft law on agrarian reforms, which provided for the replacement of corvée with quitrent, and even then only on state-owned estates, was not adopted by the Sejm. As a result, the masses of the peasantry did not actively support the uprising. This circumstance was the main reason for the defeat of the Polish uprising. The ruling circles, fearful of the activity of the masses, dissolved the Patriotic Society and refused to arm the people to fight against the troops of Tsarist Russia. On September 6, 1831, the army under the command of Prince I.F. Paskevich, which far outnumbered the Polish troops, began an assault on Warsaw. On September 8, Warsaw was surrendered. The uprising was soon suppressed in other parts of Poland.
Uprising 1830-1831 played a big role in the development of the revolutionary liberation movement of the Polish people; Although the uprising was led by conservative elements of the gentry, it pointed to the forces that could lead Poland to liberation. At the same time, the Polish uprising had great international significance: it dealt a blow to the reactionary forces of Europe - tsarism and its allies - Prussia and Austria, distracted the forces of tsarism and thus thwarted the plans of international reaction, which, led by tsarism, was preparing an armed intervention against France and Belgium.
After the defeat of the uprising, the left revolutionary-democratic wing strengthened in the Polish liberation movement, putting forward a program for eliminating landlordism and involving peasants in the national liberation struggle. One of the leaders of this wing was the young talented publicist Edward Dembowski (1822-1846), an ardent revolutionary and patriot. In 1845, Polish revolutionaries developed a plan for a new uprising in all Polish lands, including those that were under the rule of Austria and Prussia. It was scheduled for February 21, 1846. The authorities of Prussia and Russia, through arrests and repressions, managed to prevent a general Polish uprising: it broke out only in Krakow.
The French Revolution of 1830 gave impetus to the struggle for Polish independence.
The decisions of the Congress of Vienna consolidated the division of Polish lands between Prussia, Austria and Russia. On the territory of the former Grand Duchy of Warsaw that was transferred to Russia, the Kingdom (Kingdom) of Poland was formed.
Unlike the Prussian king and the Austrian emperor, who directly included the Polish lands they captured into their states, Alexander I, as the Polish king, issued a constitution for Poland: Poland received the right to have its own elected diet (of two houses), its own army and a special government headed by the royal governor.
In an effort to rely on broad circles of the gentry, the tsarist government proclaimed civil equality, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, etc. in Poland. However, the liberal course of tsarist policy in Poland did not last long. The constitutional order was not respected, and arbitrariness reigned in the administration of the kingdom. This caused widespread discontent in the country, in particular among the gentry and the emerging bourgeoisie.
Back in the early 20s, secret revolutionary organizations began to emerge in Poland. “One of them was the National Patriotic Society, which consisted mainly of the gentry. The investigation into the case of the Decembrists, with whom members of the society maintained contact, enabled the tsarist government to discover the existence of the National Patriotic Society and take measures to liquidate it.
In 1828, a “Military Union” was formed in Poland, which began direct preparations for the uprising. The revolutions of 1830 in France and Belgium, inspiring Polish patriots, accelerated the revolutionary explosion in the Kingdom of Poland. On November 29, 1830, at the call of the “Military Union”, thousands of workers, artisans, and small traders of Warsaw rose up to fight. Grand Duke Constantine fled the city.
The leadership of the movement was in the hands of the aristocracy. Soon power passed to the protégé of the aristocratic elite, General Khlopitsky. He did everything to achieve reconciliation with the tsarist government. Khlopitsky's policies caused great discontent among the masses and among democratically minded groups of the bourgeoisie and the left wing of the gentry. Under their pressure, the Sejm announced the deposition of Nicholas I as King of Poland.
The regime of military dictatorship was replaced by a national government (Zhond Narodny) led by the wealthy magnate Prince Adam Czartoryski; The government also included representatives of democratic circles, for example the historian Lelevel.
The tsar's refusal to make any concessions to the rebel Poles and the deposition of Nicholas I by the Warsaw Sejm meant the inevitability of war with tsarism. Rising to fight against him, the progressive people of Poland saw their ally in the Russian people and sacredly honored the memory of the Decembrists. Then the wonderful slogan of the Polish revolutionaries was born: “For our and your freedom!”
At the beginning of February 1831, large forces of tsarist troops (about 115 thousand people) entered Poland to suppress the uprising. The Polish revolutionaries put up courageous resistance, but the strength of the Polish army did not exceed 55 thousand people, and they were scattered throughout the country. At the end of May, Polish troops suffered a heavy defeat at Ostroleka, losing more than 8 thousand people.
The most revolutionary elements of the movement, led by the Patriotic Society, sought to involve the peasantry in the uprising. But even a very moderate draft law on agrarian reforms, which provided for the replacement of corvée with quitrent, and even then only on state-owned estates, was not adopted by the Sejm.
As a result, the masses of the peasantry did not actively support the uprising. This circumstance was the main reason for the defeat of the Polish uprising. The ruling circles, fearful of the activity of the masses, dissolved the Patriotic Society and refused to arm the people to fight against the troops of Tsarist Russia. On September 6, 1831, the army under the command of Prince I.F. Paskevich, which far outnumbered the Polish troops, began an assault on Warsaw. On September 8, Warsaw was surrendered. The uprising was soon suppressed in other parts of Poland.
Uprising 1830-1831 played a big role in the development of the revolutionary liberation movement of the Polish people; Although the uprising was led by conservative elements of the gentry, it pointed to the forces that could lead Poland to liberation.
At the same time, the Polish uprising had great international significance: it dealt a blow to the reactionary forces of Europe - tsarism and its allies - Prussia and Austria, distracted the forces of tsarism and thus thwarted the plans of international reaction, which, led by tsarism, was preparing an armed intervention against France and Belgium.
After the defeat of the uprising, the left revolutionary-democratic wing strengthened in the Polish liberation movement, putting forward a program for eliminating landlordism and involving peasants in the national liberation struggle. One of the leaders of this wing was the young talented publicist Edward Dembowski (1822-1846), an ardent revolutionary and patriot.
In 1845, Polish revolutionaries developed a plan for a new uprising in all Polish lands, including those that were under the rule of Austria and Prussia.
The authorities of Prussia and Russia, through arrests and repressions, managed to prevent a general Polish uprising: it broke out only in Krakow.
Polish uprising of 1830-1831. Part I
Uprising of 1830, November Uprising, Russian-Polish War of 1830-1831 (Polish: Powstanie listopadowe) - “national liberation” (term of Polish and Soviet historiography) or “anti-Russian uprising” (term of Russian pre-revolutionary historiography) against the power of the Russian Empire in the territories of the Kingdom of Poland, Lithuania, partly Belarus and Right Bank Ukraine - that is, all lands that were previously part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Occurred simultaneously with the so-called “cholera riots” in central Russia.
Began on November 29, 1830 and continued until October 21, 1831. It was carried out under the slogan of restoring the “historical Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth” within the borders of 1772, that is, not just the secession of territories with a predominantly Polish population, but the complete secession of all territories inhabited by Belarusians and Ukrainians, as well as Lithuanians.
Poland under the Russian Empire
After the Napoleonic wars, by decision of the Congress of Vienna, the Kingdom of Poland was created (incorrectly translated into Russian as “The Kingdom of Poland” - a term that became widely used after the suppression of the uprising. (Polish: Królestwo Polskie) - a state that was in a personal union with Russia.
Congress of Vienna 1815
The state was a constitutional monarchy, governed by a two-year Diet and a king, who was represented in Warsaw by a viceroy. The Kingdom had its own army, staffed mainly by “legionnaires” - veterans of the Polish legions that fought during the Napoleonic wars against Russia, Austria and Prussia. The position of governor was taken by Kosciuszko's comrade-in-arms, divisional general of the French imperial army Zajoncek, while the brother of the Russian emperor, Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich, became the commander-in-chief of the Polish army, and after Zajoncek's death (1826) he also became governor.
Konstantin Pavlovich Romanov
Alexander I, who was very sympathetic to the Polish national movement, gave Poland a liberal constitution, but on the other hand, he himself began to violate it when the Poles, exercising their rights, began to resist his measures. Thus, the Second Sejm in 1820 rejected a bill that abolished jury trials (introduced in Poland by Napoleon); To this, Alexander declared that he, as the author of the constitution, has the right to be its sole interpreter.
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Alexander I
In 1819, preliminary censorship was introduced, which Poland had never known before. The convening of the third Sejm was delayed for a long time: elected in 1822, it was convened only at the beginning of 1825. After the Kalisz Voivodeship elected oppositionist Wincent Nemojewski, the elections there were canceled and new ones were called; when Kalisz again elected Nemoevsky, he was deprived of the right to elect at all, and Nemoevsky, who had come to take his place in the Sejm, was arrested at the Warsaw outpost. The Tsar's decree abolished the publicity of Sejm meetings (except for the first). In such a situation, the Third Diet unquestioningly accepted all the laws presented to it by the emperor. The subsequent appointment of the Russian governor, Konstantin Pavlovich, alarmed the Poles, who feared a tightening of the regime.
On the other hand, violations of the constitution were not the only or even the main reason for the discontent of the Poles, especially since the Poles in other areas of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, that is, Lithuania and Rus' (the so-called “eight voivodeships”), did not have any constitutional rights and guarantees ( despite the fact that they retained complete land and economic dominance). Violations of the constitution were superimposed on patriotic feelings that protested against foreign power over Poland and hoped for the revival of an independent Polish state; in addition, the so-called “Congress Poland”, the brainchild of Alexander I at the Congress of Vienna, the former “Duchy of Warsaw” created by Napoleon, occupied only a small part of the historical lands of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which is ethnic Poland. The Poles (plus the “Litvins”: the Polish gentry of Western Rus', that is, Belarus, Ukraine and Lithuania), for their part, continued to perceive their homeland within the borders of 1772 (before the partitions) and dreamed in reality of driving out the Russians, hoping for help from Europe.
Patriotic movement
In 1819, Major Walerian Lukasiński, Prince Jabłonowski, Colonels Krzyzanowski and Prondzinski founded the National Masonic Society, whose members were about 200 people, mostly officers; after the ban on Masonic lodges in 1820, it was transformed into the deeply conspiratorial Patriotic Society. At the same time, there were secret societies outside congress Poland: patriots, friends, promenists (in Vilna), Templars (in Volyn), etc. The movement had especially wide support among officers. The Catholic clergy also contributed to the movement; Only the peasantry remained on the sidelines. The movement was heterogeneous in its social goals and was divided into hostile parties: aristocratic (with Prince Czartoryski at the head) and democratic, the head of which was considered Professor Lelewel, the leader and idol of university youth;
Adam Adamovich Czartoryski Joachim Lelewel
its military wing was subsequently headed by second lieutenant of the guards grenadiers Vysotsky, an instructor at the School of Sub-Schools (military school), who created a clandestine military organization within the national movement itself. However, they were separated only by plans for the future structure of Poland, but not about the uprising and not about its borders. Twice (during the Kyiv contracts) representatives of the Patriotic Society tried to enter into relations with the Decembrists, but the negotiations did not lead to anything. When the Decembrist conspiracy was discovered and the connection of some Poles with them was discovered, the case about the latter was transferred to the Administrative Council (government), which, after two months of meetings, decided to release the accused. The hopes of the Poles were greatly revived after Russia declared war on Turkey (1828). Plans for the speech were discussed, given that the main Russian forces were deployed in the Balkans; the objection was that such a speech might interfere with the liberation of Greece. Vysotsky, who had just then created his own society, entered into relations with members of other parties and set the date for the uprising at the end of March 1829, when, according to rumors, the coronation of Emperor Nicholas I with the crown of Poland was to take place. It was decided to kill Nikolai, and Vysotsky volunteered to personally carry out the action.
The coronation, however, took place safely (in May 1829); the plan was not implemented.
Preparations for the uprising
The July Revolution of 1830 in France brought Polish nationalists into extreme excitement. On August 12, a meeting was held at which the question of immediate action was discussed; however, it was decided to postpone the performance, since it was necessary to win over one of the high-ranking military men to their side. In the end, the conspirators managed to win over the generals Khlopitsky, Stanislav Pototsky, Krukovetsky and Shembek to their side.
Joseph Grzegorz Chlopicki Jan Stefan Krukowiecki
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Stanislav Iosifovich Pototsky
The movement covered almost all army officers, gentry, women, craft guilds, and students. Vysotsky’s plan was adopted, according to which the signal for the uprising was to be the murder of Konstantin Pavlovich and the seizure of the barracks of Russian troops. The performance was scheduled for October 26.
In early October, proclamations were posted on the streets; An announcement appeared that the Belvedere Palace in Warsaw (the seat of Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich, the former governor of Poland) was being rented out from the new year.
Belvedere Palace
But the Grand Duke was warned about the danger by his Polish wife (Princess Łowicz) and did not leave the Belvedere.
The last straw for the Poles was Nicholas's manifesto on the Belgian revolution, after which the Poles saw that their army was destined to be the vanguard in the campaign against the rebel Belgians. The uprising was finally set for November 29. The conspirators had 10,000 soldiers against approximately 7,000 Russians, many of whom, however, were natives of the former Polish regions.
"November Night"
As the evening approached on November 29, armed students gathered in the Lazienki Forest, and regiments in the barracks were arming themselves. At 6 o’clock in the evening, Pyotr Vysotsky entered the guards’ barracks and said: “Brothers, the hour of freedom has struck!” They answered him with shouts: “Long live Poland!” Vysotsky, at the head of 150 sub-guards, attacked the barracks of the Guards Lancers, while 14 conspirators moved towards the Belvedere. However, at the moment when they burst into the palace, Chief of Police Lyubovitsky raised the alarm and Konstantin Pavlovich managed to run in one robe and hide. However, this failure did not have an impact on the further course of events, since Constantine, instead of organizing an energetic rebuff to the rebels with the help of available forces, showed complete passivity.
Vysotsky’s attack on the Uhlan barracks also failed, but soon 2,000 students and a crowd of workers came to his aid. The rebels killed six Polish generals who remained loyal to the Tsar (including War Minister Gauke). The arsenal was taken. The Russian regiments were surrounded in their barracks and, not receiving orders from anywhere, were demoralized. Most of the Polish regiments hesitated, restrained by their commanders (the commander of the guards horse rangers Zhimirski even managed to force his regiment to fight against the rebels in Krakow Przedmiescie, and then joined Konstantin with the regiment, who left Warsaw at night). Constantine called in Russian regiments, and by 2 a.m. Warsaw was cleared of Russian troops. After this, the uprising spread throughout Poland at once.
Constantine, explaining his passivity, said: “I don’t want to participate in this Polish fight,” meaning that what was happening was a conflict exclusively between the Poles and their king Nicholas. Subsequently, during the war, he even demonstratively showed pro-Polish sympathies. Representatives of the Polish government (Administrative Council) began negotiations with him, as a result of which Constantine undertook to release the Polish troops who were with him, not to call upon the troops of the Lithuanian Corps (the Russian troops of Lithuania and Rus' subordinate to him) and to leave for the Vistula. The Poles, for their part, promised not to disturb him and to supply him with supplies. Constantine not only went beyond the Vistula, but completely left the Kingdom of Poland - the fortresses of Modlin and Zamosc were surrendered to the Poles, and the entire territory of the Kingdom of Poland was liberated from Russian power.
Organization of government. Deposition of Nicholas I
Nicholas I informs the guard about the uprising in Poland
The day after the start of the uprising, November 30, the Administrative Council met, which was at a loss: in its appeal, it defined the coup as an event “as regrettable as it was unexpected,” and tried to pretend that it was governing on behalf of Nicholas. “Nicholas, King of Poland, is waging war with Nicholas, Emperor of All Russia,” was how Finance Minister Lyubetsky described the situation.
Nicholas I
On the same day, the Patriotic Club was formed, demanding the purge of the council. As a result, a number of ministers were expelled and replaced by new ones: Vladislav Ostrovsky, General K. Malakhovsky and Professor Lelewel. General Khlopitsky was appointed commander-in-chief.
Sharp differences immediately emerged between the right and left wings of the movement. The left tended to view the Polish movement as part of the pan-European liberation movement and were associated with the democratic circles in France that carried out the July Revolution; they dreamed of a nationwide uprising and war against all three monarchies that divided Poland, in alliance with revolutionary France. The right was inclined to seek a compromise with Nicholas on the basis of the 1815 constitution. At the same time, however, they also had no doubt about the need to return the “eight voivodeships” (Lithuania and Rus'). The coup was organized by the left, but as the elite joined in, influence shifted to the right. General Khlopitsky, appointed commander-in-chief of the army, was also right. However, he also enjoyed influence among the left, as an ally of Kosciuszko and Dombrowski.
On December 4, a Provisional Government was formed with 7 members, including Lelewel and Julian Niemcewicz. The council was headed by Prince Adam Czartoryski - thus, power passed to the right. The most active left leaders, Zalivsky and Vysotsky, were removed from Warsaw by Khlopitsky, the first to organize an uprising in Lithuania, the second as a captain in the army. He even tried to bring the underlings to justice. On December 5, Khlopitsky accused the government of empty rhetoric and condoning the violence of the clubs, and proclaimed himself a dictator. At the same time, he expressed his intention to “rule in the name of the constitutional king,” who just then (December 17) issued a manifesto to the Poles, branding the rebels and their “vile betrayal,” and announced the mobilization of the army. The Sejm, which consisted mostly of leftists, took away the dictatorship from Khlopitsky, but then, under the pressure of public opinion (Khlopitsky was extremely popular, and he was seen as the savior of Poland), returned it, after which Khlopitsky achieved the suspension of the Sejm meetings.
Sejm meeting
Delegates (Lyubitsky and Yezersky) were sent to St. Petersburg to negotiate with the Russian government. The Polish conditions boiled down to the following: the return of the “eight voivodeships”; compliance with the constitution; voting of taxes by chambers; compliance with guarantees of freedom and transparency; publicity of the sessions of the Sejm; guarding the kingdom exclusively with its own troops. With the exception of the first, these demands were within the framework of the Vienna Convention of 1815, which guaranteed Poland's constitutional rights. Nicholas, however, did not promise anything other than an amnesty. When on January 25, 1831, the returning Yezersky reported this to the Sejm, the latter immediately adopted an act deposing Nicholas and banning representatives of the Romanov dynasty from occupying the Polish throne. Even earlier, under the impression of the first news of Russia’s military preparations, the Sejm again took away the dictatorship from Khlopitsky (who, well aware that Europe would not support Poland and the uprising was doomed, categorically insisted on a compromise with Nicholas). The Sejm was ready to leave him command, but Khlopitsky refused him too, declaring that he intended to serve only as a simple soldier. On January 20, command was entrusted to Prince Radziwill, who was completely devoid of military experience.
Mikhail Gedeon Radziwill
From this moment on, the outcome of the Polish uprising was to be decided by the combat of Russian and Polish weapons.
The beginning of hostilities. Grokhov
By November 1830, the Polish army consisted of 23,800 infantry, 6,800 cavalry, with 108 guns. As a result of active government measures (recruitment of recruits, enrollment of volunteers, creation of detachments of cosigners armed with scythes placed upright on the shaft), in March 1831 the army had 57,924 infantry, 18,272 cavalry and 3,000 volunteers - a total of 79,000 people with 158 guns. In September, at the end of the uprising, the army numbered 80,821 people.
Guard of Jan Zygmund Skrzyniecki
This was almost equal to the Russian army deployed against Poland. However, the quality of the army was much inferior to that of the Russians: they were mostly recently drafted and inexperienced soldiers, with veterans dissolved in the mass. The Polish army was especially inferior to the Russian in cavalry and artillery.
Emilia Plater (commander of the cosigner detachment)
For the Russian government, the Polish uprising was a surprise: the Russian army was located partly in the western, partly in the internal provinces and had a peaceful organization. The number of all troops that were supposed to be used against the Poles reached 183 thousand (not counting 13 Cossack regiments), but it took 3-4 months to concentrate them. Count Dibich-Zabalkansky was appointed commander-in-chief, and Count Tol was appointed chief of the field headquarters.
Ivan Ivanovich Dibich-Zabalkansky
By the beginning of 1831, the Poles had about 55 thousand completely ready; on the Russian side, Baron Rosen alone, commander of the 6th (Lithuanian) Corps, could concentrate about 45 thousand in Brest-Litovsk and Bialystok. For political reasons, Khlopitsky did not take advantage of the favorable moment for offensive actions, but positioned his main forces of troops in echelons along the roads from Kovn and Brest-Litovsk to Warsaw. Separate detachments of Sierawski and Dwernitski stood between the Vistula and Pilica rivers; Kozakovsky's detachment observed the Upper Vistula; Dziekonski formed new regiments in Radom; in Warsaw itself there were up to 4 thousand national guards under arms. Khlopitsky's place at the head of the army was taken by Prince Radziwill.
By February 1831, the strength of the Russian army had increased to 125.5 thousand. Hoping to end the war immediately by inflicting a decisive blow on the enemy, Dibich did not pay due attention to providing the troops with food, especially to the reliable arrangement of the transportation unit, and this soon resulted in major difficulties for the Russians.
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On February 5-6 (January 24-25, old style), the main forces of the Russian army (I, VI Infantry and III Reserve Cavalry Corps) entered the Kingdom of Poland in several columns, heading into the space between the Bug and Narev. Kreutz's 5th Reserve Cavalry Corps was supposed to occupy the Lublin Voivodeship, cross the Vistula, stop the armaments that had begun there and divert the enemy's attention. The movement of some Russian columns towards Augustow and Lomza forced the Poles to advance two divisions to Pułtusk and Serock, which was quite consistent with Diebitsch’s plans - to cut up the enemy army and defeat it piece by piece. The unexpected thaw changed the state of affairs. The movement of the Russian army (which reached the Chizhev-Zambrov-Lomza line on February 8) in the accepted direction was considered impossible, since it would have to be drawn into the wooded and swampy strip between the Bug and Narew. As a result, Dibich crossed the Bug at Nur (February 11) and moved to the Brest Highway, against the right wing of the Poles. Since during this change the extreme right column, Prince Shakhovsky, moving towards Lomza from Augustow, was too far away from the main forces, it was given complete freedom of action. On February 14, the battle of Stoczek took place, where General Geismar and a brigade of horsemen were defeated by Dvernitsky’s detachment.
Jozef Dwernicki
Battle of Stoczek
This first battle of the war, which turned out to be successful for the Poles, greatly raised their spirit. The Polish army took a position at Grochow, covering the approaches to Warsaw. On February 19, the first battle began - the Battle of Grokhov.
Battle of Grokhov on February 13. The Grokhov position was located on a vast low-lying plain, crossed by swamps and drainage ditches. From M. Grokhov past Kavenchin and Zombka to Byalolenka there stretches a swampy strip 1-2 versts wide.
Shembek's division was located south of B. Grokhov, and abatis were set up in the grove. Zhimirsky's division occupied Alder Grove, north of M. Grokhov (about 1 verst along the front and 3/4 verst in depth, cut through by a fathom ditch). The marshy soil was frozen and allowed movement. Roland's brigade scattered a thick chain of skirmishers along the edge with strong reserves behind. The main body of the brigade stood behind the ditch in deployed formation with intervals between units so that the overthrown front troops could move back and settle under the cover of battle fire and the bayonets of deployed units. Chizhevsky's other brigade stood behind, in reserve. Nearby, behind the grove, epalements for the batteries that ran through the entire grove were dug up. 2 batteries fired at the area to the left from the grove to Kavenchin. Behind Zhimirsky's division stood Skrzhinetsky, who was also intended to defend the grove.
Lubensky's cavalry stood between the highway and the village of Targuvek. Uminsky Cavalry Corps (2 divisions with 2 horse batteries) - at the count. Elsner. Krukovetsky acted against Shakhovsky at Brudno; near Prague - militias with scythes (cosinieres) and parks. There was no general reserve, because cosigners could not be counted as it.
Advantages of the position: Russian troops did not have sufficient space for deployment and had to do so when leaving the forest under artillery and even rifle fire. Disadvantages: the left flank hung in the air, which gave Dibich the basis for his bypass of this flank with Shakhovsky’s corps, but it was unsuccessful - in the rear there is a large river with one bridge, so retreat is dangerous.
Poles' forces - 56 thousand; of which 12 thousand were cavalry; without Krukovetsky - 44 thousand; Russians - 73 thousand, of which 17 thousand cavalry; without Shakhovsky - 60 thousand.
At 9 1/2 o'clock the Russians began a cannonade, and then their right flank began to move to the right to attack Alder Grove. The attacks were carried out incorrectly: troops were brought into battle in parts, there was no artillery preparation and through encirclement. At first, 5 battalions burst into the edge, but ran into reserves behind a ditch and were driven out of the grove by Roland's battalions. Reinforced by 6 battalions. The Russians broke in again, but Chizhevsky, together with Roland (12 battalions), again forced them to retreat. The Russians bring in 7 more battalions. A long line (18 battalions) of Russians quickly rushes towards the Poles and knocks out the entire division from the grove at about 11 o'clock in the morning. Zhimirsky himself is mortally wounded. But, not supported by sufficient artillery, the Russians suffered greatly from Polish grapeshot. Khlopitsky brings Skrizhenetsky's division into action. 23 Polish battalions take possession of the grove.
At 12 noon, Dibich strengthens the attack with another 10 battalions and begins to surround the grove on the right and left, where new batteries are deployed on the flanks. Having successfully pushed out from the edge, the Russians on the right could only reach a large ditch; but on the left, the fresh regiments of the 3rd division went around the grove and went far ahead, but came under the closest fire from the batteries.
Khlopitsky, wanting to take advantage of this moment, brings into action both divisions (Zhimirsky and Skrzhinetsky) and 4 fresh battalions of guards grenadiers, which he personally leads into the attack. Seeing their beloved leader in their midst - calm, with a pipe in his teeth - the Poles, singing “Poland has not yet perished,” with uncontrollable force attack the tired, frustrated Russian regiments. The latter begin to retreat. The Poles gradually capture the entire grove, their columns approach the very edge, the skirmishers run forward.
Prondzinsky, pointing to the Russian battery, shouts: “Children, another 100 steps - and these guns are yours.” Two of them were taken and directed to the height where Dibich stood.
This was the last desperate effort of the Poles. The field marshal sends what infantry he can (2nd Grenadier Division) into the grove; strengthens the artillery: more than 90 guns operated on the sides of the grove and, moving forward from the right side (from the north), heavily hit the Polish batteries behind the grove; To bypass the grove on the right, the 3rd Cuirassier Division was moved with His Highness's Life Guards Uhlan Regiment and 32 guns in order to facilitate the capture of the grove, and at the same time break the front of the retreating Poles and try to throw back at least their right flank to the swamps near the Brest Highway. Even further to the right, the Lithuanian grenadier brigade of Muravyov with the Uhlan division occupied the colonies of Metsenas and Elsner, advanced forward, connecting with the cuirassiers on the left flank.
The excited Dibich gave spurs to his horse and, galloping up to the retreating troops, shouted loudly: “Where are you going, guys, the enemy is there!” Forward! Forward!" - and, standing in front of the regiments of the 3rd division, led them into the attack. A huge avalanche hit the grove from all sides. The grenadiers, not responding to the Polish fire and lowering their bayonets, burst into the grove; they were followed by the 3rd Division, then by Rosen's 6th Corps. In vain Khlopitsky, already wounded in the leg, personally goes around the front line and tries to inspire the Poles. The Russians cross the ditch over the piles of bodies and finally take possession of the grove.
Khlopitsky orders Krukovetsky to move to the grove, and Lubensky with the cavalry to support the upcoming attack. Lubensky replied that the terrain was inconvenient for cavalry operations, that Khlopitsky was an infantry general and did not understand cavalry affairs, and that he would carry out the order only after receiving it from the official commander-in-chief Radziwill. This is the critical moment at which Khlopitsky’s position was incorrect. He went to Radziwill. On the way, the grenade hit Khlopitsky's horse, exploded inside and injured his legs. His activities ceased. The entire Poles' business fell into disarray, general management disappeared. Radziwill was completely at a loss, whispered prayers and answered questions with texts from the Holy Scriptures. The faint-hearted Shembek cried. Uminsky quarreled with Krukovetsky. Only Skrzhinetsky retained his presence of mind and showed management.
Diebitsch entrusted the leadership of the actions of the cavalry mass to Tol, who became carried away by details and scattered his cavalry across the field; only one cuirassier regiment of Prince Albert, headed by the division of Lieutenant Colonel von Sohn, rushed to pursue the randomly retreating Poles. The regiment went through the entire enemy battle formation, and only near Prague itself did 5 Polish Lancer squadrons take the Zone in the flank. But he deftly led his cuirassiers onto the highway and escaped from the fire of the infantry and rocket battery. The attack lasted 20 minutes over 2 1/2 miles. Although the losses of the cuirassiers reached half of their strength (Zon was mortally wounded and captured), the moral effect of the attack was enormous. Radzwill and his retinue galloped off to Warsaw.
The Olviopol hussars dashingly attacked Shembek, pinned two regiments to the Vistula and scattered them. The Poles were pushed back everywhere. Skrzyniecki gathered and arranged the remnants behind the position on the sandy hills.
At about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, Shakhovsky finally appeared, who had shown complete inactivity that day. The delighted Dibich did not make any reproach, he only announced that the honor of completing the victory belonged to them, and he himself became the grenadier at the head. But when they approached the enemy position, it was 5 o’clock, the day was approaching evening. The field marshal thought for a moment and, after some hesitation, ordered the battle to stop.
Poles lost 12 thousand, Russians 9,400.
Meanwhile, the Poles were in terrible disorder. Troops and convoys crowded at the bridge, only by midnight the crossing ended, under the cover of Skrzhinecki
Under such conditions, it would not be difficult for the Russians to cope with Skrzhinetsky, and then storm the Prague tete-de-pont. It is completely unclear why Diebitsch did not do this. His plan was to end the uprising with one blow and as quickly as possible. The opportunity just presented itself, and the field marshal did not take advantage of it. The dark question of the causes is still not cleared up by history
The first Russian attacks were repulsed by the Poles, but on February 25 the Poles, who by that time had lost their commander (Khlopitsky was wounded), abandoned their position and retreated to Warsaw. The Poles suffered serious losses, but they themselves inflicted them on the Russians (they lost 10,000 people against 8,000 Russians, according to other sources, 12,000 against 9,400).