After a long period of reforms, experiencing pressure from dissatisfied retrograde nobles, Alexander II gradually began to curtail reforms. After the suppression of the Polish uprising of 1863-1864. the reactionary nature of the reign of “Alexander the Liberator” intensified. The progressive part of Russian society feared the return of serfdom, even in a modified form.
The half-hearted nature of the peasant reform of 1861 was the reason for the further development and spread of the liberation movement in Russia. Since the 60-70s. XIX century The leading role in the liberation movement in Russia is no longer begun to be played by nobles, but by commoners (people from the middle classes, children of officials, priests, and townspeople). The dominant ideology of the common stage of the liberation movement (1861-1895) was populism.
Populism - social movement of the 60-90s. XIX century, which propagated and tried to implement in Russia the ideas of peasant utopian socialism, which involved a transition to socialism through the peasant community, bypassing capitalism. The main ideas of Russian peasant socialism were outlined in the works of A.I. Herzen and N.G. Chernyshevsky, who were the founders of the ideology of populism.
In the 70s - early 80s. The main direction in populism was revolutionary populism, which considered the peasant revolution to be the main means of achieving social justice. Three movements emerged in it: the “rebellious” (ideologist - nobleman, professional revolutionary, one of the founders of anarchism M.A. Bakunin), which put forward the demand for organizing an immediate and general peasant uprising; “propaganda” (ideologist - publicist and sociologist, son of the landowner P.L. Lavrov), who defended the need to conduct long-term propaganda among the people in order to prepare them for the socialist revolution; and “conspiratorial” (ideologist - publicist, participant in the student movement of the 60s P.N. Tkachev), who proposed the idea of seizing supreme power by a narrow group of revolutionaries in order to carry out socialist transformations.
Under the influence of the agitation of theorists of revolutionary populism in the mid-70s. XIX century a spontaneous “going to the people” began (1874 - 1879) - a mass visit by populists, revolutionary-minded youth, to rural areas with the aim of promoting the socialist revolution among the peasants. However, the peasants did not respond to calls for a general rebellion and a revolutionary overthrow of the autocracy. The first attempts at “going to the people” were unsuccessful and led to mass arrests of populists.
In the second half of the 70s. XIX century To coordinate the activities of individual populist circles, populist organizations began to be created. The first such organization was “Land and Freedom”, founded in December 1876 (leaders A.D. Mikhailov, G.V. Plekhanov, etc.), which continued unsuccessful attempts to conduct socialist propaganda among the peasants. Differences on tactical issues led to the split of this organization in 1879 into “People’s Will” (leaders A.I. Zhelyabov, S.L. Perovskaya, etc.), which fought tsarism using the method of individual terror (organizing assassination attempts on the emperor and the highest officials), and “Black Redistribution” (leaders G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich, etc.), whose members remained in propaganda positions and continued for some time the practice of “going to the people.” The assassination of Emperor Alexander II on March 1, 1881, organized by Narodnaya Volya, led to tougher repression and the curtailment of the activities of Narodnaya Volya and the Black Redistribution. On April 3, 1881, St. Petersburg was plastered with government announcements: “Today, April 3, at 9 o'clock state criminals will be sentenced to death by hanging: noblewoman Sofya Perovskaya, son of a priest Nikolai Kibalchich, tradesman Nikolai Rysakov, peasants Andrei Zhelyabov and Timofey Mikhailov." The Narodnaya Volya, the organizers of the assassination of the Tsar, were executed. In the early 80s. XIX century Most of the leaders of revolutionary populism were arrested or ended up abroad.
Liberal movement. The liberal movement, which emerged in the first half of the 19th century. and expressed during that period in the movements of Westerners and Slavophiles, in the 60-90s. XIX century continued to develop on the basis of the ideas of Westernism and European liberal ideology. The activities of the Slavophiles also had a certain influence on him. The liberal movement developed with particular force during the period of preparation for the peasant reform and projects of other bourgeois reforms of the 60-70s. XIX century Liberals (historians and lawyers K.D. Kavelin, B.N. Chicherin and others) supported the reforms carried out by the government of Alexander II, advocated freedom of speech, press, personal integrity, abolition of class privileges, judicial independence, and the development of local self-government.
The activities of the liberals were expressed in work in committees to prepare peasant reform, submitting petitions to the government to carry out liberal reforms, and speaking in the press. Liberal movement in Russia in the second half of the 19th century. opposed the revolution, putting forward the demand for liberal reforms carried out by the government “from above” with minimal participation of the people.
Of great importance for the development of the liberal movement was the zemstvo movement, which emerged after the zemstvo reform of 1864, which created local government bodies - zemstvos, and advocated the expansion of the rights of zemstvos, the creation of general zemstvo representative bodies, and the adoption of a constitution. In 1879, the first illegal general zemstvo congress took place, uniting the most radical representatives of the zemstvo liberal movement. The congress decided on the need to disseminate constitutional ideas in society, discussed the possibility of creating a secret society, but the activities of the congress did not have serious practical consequences.
Centers for the formation of the liberal movement of the 60-90s. XIX century In addition to zemstvos, there were universities, new courts, and a liberal press, one of the most famous publications of which was the monthly moderate-liberal magazine “Bulletin of Europe” (1866-1912).
Labor movement appeared in Russia in the 60s. XIX century in connection with the process of formation of the factory proletariat. Initially it was spontaneous and unorganized. In many cases, workers were limited to passive forms of struggle (submitting petitions to the administration of factories, the tsarist authorities, fleeing factories). At the initial stage of its development, in the 60-80s, the labor movement put forward mainly economic demands: increasing wages, limiting the length of the working day, and improving working conditions.
The first political organizations of workers that arose under the influence of the populists (the “South Russian Union of Workers” (1875) and the “Northern Union of Russian Workers” (1878-1879)) were quickly crushed by the police and did not have a noticeable impact on the development of the ideology of the labor movement.
The defeat of revolutionary populism led to the transition of some populists to Marxist positions: in 1883 in Geneva, the leaders of the populist organization “Black Redistribution” G.V. Plekhanov, V.I. Zasulich and others founded the “Emancipation of Labor” group, which set as its goal the propaganda of Marxism in Russia.
By the end of the century, the organized labor movement had strengthened. The main form of struggle of the labor movement in the 60-80s. there was a strike. In the 80s the strike movement begins to take on a massive and organized character. The largest strike of workers in the 60-80s. XIX century there was a Morozov strike in the city of Orekhovo-Zuevo, which occurred in 1885 at the Nikolskaya manufactory of the manufacturer T.S. Morozova. Of the 11,000 employees at the enterprise, about 8,000 people went on strike. The Morozov manufactory was famous for its sophisticated system of fines, for the years 1882-1884. wages were reduced 5 times. For every ruble earned, 30 to 50 kopecks were deducted in the form of fines.
The strike began on January 7 with spontaneous protests by workers who destroyed the factory store, administration apartments, and factory premises. However, its leaders (P.A. Moiseenko and others) were able to give the strike an organized character: the workers formulated demands, which they presented to the Vladimir governor who arrived at the factory. The administration did not make concessions - on the personal instructions of Alexander III, arrests began, the enterprise was cordoned off by troops, and workers were driven to work with bayonets. However, work at the enterprise resumed completely only at the end of January. The organizers of the strike were put on trial. However, the jury, having become familiar with the situation of the workers, was forced to acquit them.
The rise of the workers' strike movement at the end of the 19th century. forced the government to make some concessions and led to the creation of labor legislation that limited the use of female and child labor, the size of fines, and created a state factory inspection to which workers could complain about violations of their rights.
Counter-reforms of Alexander III. After the era of great reforms of the 1860-1870s. the country entered the next period of its history, called the period of counter-reforms of Alexander III. Under Alexander III, many of the reforms carried out during the reign of his father Alexander II not only did not receive further development, but were seriously curtailed. Alexander III was confident in the harmfulness of the system of broad rights and freedoms, considering it to provoke social upheaval. A significant role in this was played by the strengthening of the revolutionary populist movement, which resulted in the assassination of Alexander II.
The new Russian emperor was not the most democratic and enlightened person among the crowned heads. Alexander III did not at one time receive the necessary educational minimum required for the heir to the throne, since, being only the second son of Alexander II, he was preparing for military engineering service, and not for reign. With his great height (193 cm) and extraordinary physical strength, the emperor was distinguished by amazing endurance and self-control.
The image of Alexander III is interpreted differently by various historians; ignorance and even outright stupidity were often attributed to him, and the king was also accused of cowardice. Supporters of this interpretation pointed out that the tsar did not know Russian grammar well, lived with other people's ideas all his life, trusting dignitaries-administrators, after the murder of his father he hid for many years in the Mikhailovsky Palace (castle), etc. The other side argued: the king was educated, knew foreign languages, was smart and brave. As a crown prince, he personally took part in hostilities during the Russian-Turkish War (in 1877). During the crash of the Tsar's train in 1888, Alexander III saved his family by pulling his household members out from under the wreckage of the carriage. The emperor's political views were dominated by the desire for stability in society, which many researchers define as conservatism.
Alexander III did not rule the country for long - 13 years (1881-1894), dying early from a long illness - nephritis. The cause of the illness was apparently the colossal physical stress that he had to endure during the railway incident mentioned above. During the train crash, the roof of the carriage began to fall on the Tsar's family sitting at the dinner table. Alexander was forced to hold her at arm's length. In subsequent years, the disease worsened for another reason. Head of the Emperor's security P.A. Cherevin left behind diaries, from which it follows that the tsar constantly and immoderately drank alcohol.
serfdom russia reform
The eternal problem of Russian politics - the struggle between reforms and counter-reforms - manifested itself quite clearly during the reign of Alexander III. The conductors of both political lines at this time were, respectively, S.Yu. Witte and K.P. Pobedonostsev.
S.Yu. Witte was the Russian Minister of Finance (1892-1903) and the most prominent figure among reformers at the turn of the two centuries. His main aspiration was, in Witte’s own words, to give Russia the same “industrial coming of age as the United States of North America is already entering.” Under him, Russia had powerful banking and tax systems, was integrated into the world economy, and the ruble became convertible in 1897. The public sector in the economy was quite large (100% of defense factories, 70% of railways, 30% of land). Much of the above took place after the death of Alexander III, but the foundations of this path were laid precisely under him. Such shifts in the country's economic course could not but meet resistance in the Tsar's conservative circle. Witte's main opponent was Pobedonostsev.
Under Alexander III, Witte introduced a state wine monopoly, which significantly strengthened the country's budget and provided financial resources to begin other reforms. A skilled diplomat, Witte knew how to find a common language with K.P. himself. Pobedonostsev, on whom a lot depended in those years.
K.P. Pobedonostsev occupied the department of civil law at Moscow University and was the tutor first of Alexander III, and then of Nicholas II (he taught them jurisprudence). From 1868 - senator, from 1872 - member of the State Council, and from 1880 to 1905 - chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod. These positions, especially the last one, allowed Pobedonostsev to actively influence the country's domestic and foreign policy, and the position of the emperor's educator further expanded his capabilities. He used them to the fullest, especially in the first years of the reign of Alexander III.
Pobedonostsev saw his main task as eliminating the liberal institutions introduced by Alexander II and protecting the political course from the penetration of socialist ideas. Witte, paying tribute to the education and talents of this politician, called Pobedonostsev one of the “pillars of conservatism.”
Alexander III, who sought to surround himself with loyal and intelligent administrators, gave preference to a courtier he knew well from his youth and immediately entrusted him with the preparation of the royal manifesto. The Manifesto of April 25, 1881 proclaimed the program of the new reign - a course towards counter-reforms and strengthening of autocracy. The political course was based on the ideas of unlimited monarchy, extreme nationalism and militant Orthodoxy.
After writing this document, Pobedonostsev concentrated control of the country in his hands, began to slow down and even openly torpedo liberal reforms, and brutally persecute free thought, the liberal press, publicists and writers. It was he who began the persecution of L.N. Tolstoy, who then expounded in philosophical publications the idea of “God in the soul” or “God without a church,” and achieved the public excommunication of the great writer from the church. The most furious persecutor of the Narodnaya Volya was the same Pobedonostsev.
“Guardian Angel of the Throne,” as contemporaries called K.P. Pobedonostsev, was neither a lackey nor a careerist. He served “for the idea” and did it consistently and persistently, fighting to strengthen the country through the consolidation of autocracy. In many ways, he prevented Witte from carrying out progressive economic and political reforms under Alexander III and became the ideologist of the main counter-reforms of that time.
Administrative arbitrariness spread in the country, the activities of the political police reached incredible proportions, and a return to feudal-serfdom began to be consolidated in law. Almost immediately after the murder of Alexander II by the Narodnaya Volya, the new emperor took the first step in counter-reforms - he issued the “Regulation on measures to protect state order and public peace” (1881). This document gave governors the right to declare a state of emergency in the provinces, carry out arrests without trial or investigation, bypass existing laws, close print media, and stop the activities of public organizations. The “regulation” was extended every three years until 1917.
One of the most important counter-reforms of the 80-90s. was the provision adopted in 1889 on zemstvo district commanders (peasant counter-reform), which had the goal of restoring the administrative and judicial power of landowners over the peasantry, which they had lost after the peasant reform of 1861. Zemstvo chiefs, appointed by the Minister of Internal Affairs from among the landowners, hereditary nobles, received the right to control and supervise bodies of peasant self-government, the right to make arrests, apply corporal punishment, and cancel decisions of village assemblies and elected officials. The functions of justices of the peace were transferred to the zemstvo chiefs, and the justices of the peace themselves were henceforth abolished.
In 1890, the “Regulations on provincial and district zemstvo institutions” (zemstvo counter-reform) was published. According to this document, the system of elections to zemstvo bodies was changed. The first electoral curia began to include only nobles, the number of vowels from it increased. The number of vowels from the second curia decreased, the property qualification increased. Peasant gatherings now elected only candidates for the council. The list of candidates was considered at congresses of zemstvo chiefs and was finally approved by the governor.
The “City Regulations”, issued in 1892 (urban counter-reform), increased the property qualification for voters in elections to city government bodies, about half of the voters lost their voting rights, city mayors and members of the council were transferred to the category of civil servants and, therefore, fell into under the full control of the administration.
The policy of counter-reforms of the 80-90s. contributed to the slowdown in the socio-political development of the country, but could not completely eliminate the results of the bourgeois transformations of the 60-70s.
Consistently carrying out counter-reforms prepared by Pobedonostsev, Alexander III increasingly began to understand the need for forward movement in the economic and political fields. He increasingly turns to Witte, and in the depths of the counter-reformist government, preparations for future reforms begin. Witte writes in “Memoirs” that the tsar began to rush him to prepare a law on the responsibility of factory owners to workers. “We must go forward, we must create,” the tsar said, urging not to succumb to the influence of Pobedonostsev and his supporters. “I have long stopped taking their advice into account.”
Alexander III went down in history as “Alexander the Peacemaker”, because. Under him, Russia waged no wars at all. The peacemaking idea that guided him was expressed in diplomatic efforts to ensure guaranteed peace on the European continent. “Strong and lasting alliances cannot be established through force and war,” said Alexander III. In the world, Russia's position was appreciated. “Happy is humanity and the Russian people that Emperor Alexander III firmly held to the idea of universal peace and considered the implementation of this idea his first and greatest duty,” the London Times wrote at the time. However, in the course of implementing peacekeeping diplomacy, Russia had to give up many things. Thus, Alexander III destroyed the achievements of the previous reign in the Balkans. In the Far Eastern region, a conflict with Japan was already brewing under him. During the reign of Alexander III, there was a gradual deterioration in Russian-German relations. At the same time, Russia is moving towards rapprochement with France, which ended with the conclusion of the Franco-Russian alliance (1891-1893). Peacemaking resulted in increasing destabilization of Russia's relations with a number of countries, which subsequently led to wars.
The publication of the “regulations” on peasant reform caused complete disappointment in the radical circles of the nobles. The well-known Russian revolutionary democrat N. Chernyshevsky, A. Herzen and N. Ogarev, who were in exile, as well as the Belarusian revolutionary, poet and publicist Vikenty Konstantin Kalinovsky, who, taking advantage of peasant discontent, acted together with the Poles, spoke out about the half-heartedness of the peasant reform of 1861 , raised in 1863 - 1864. in Belarus, a peasant uprising, trying to give it the status of a national liberation movement against Russian domination.
Peasant unrest in 1861 - 1863 caused a rise in anti-government protests among students. Students of Kazan in 1861, immediately after the execution of peasants in the village of Bezdna, demonstratively organized a memorial service for Anton Petrov and his dead like-minded people, at which the democratic historian A. Shchapov gave a speech. He expressed confidence that the bloody sacrifice in the village of Bezdna would “call the people to rebellion and freedom” and expressed the idea of introducing a constitutional system in Russia. The first street demonstrations by students were celebrated in St. Petersburg and Moscow.
At the same time, the activity of the nobility in opposition to the tsarist government intensified, the core of which were revolutionary democrats led by N. Chernyshevsky. From July 1861, the illegal printed leaflet “Velikorus” and other proclamations began to be distributed. They demanded the liberation of peasants with land, the introduction of a democratic system in the country and the provision of complete freedom and independence to the peoples of Russia. In September of the same year, the proclamation of Shelgunov and Mikhailov “To the Young Generation”, printed in Herzen’s London printing house, appeared in Russia. She called on young people to organize revolutionary circles and put forward a broad program of struggle for the overthrow of the autocratic system and the establishment of democratic orders. In the first half of 1862, the organizer of the revolutionary students in Moscow, Zaichnevsky, wrote the proclamation “Young Russia,” which put forward the slogan of creating a “Russian democratic republic.”
At the end of 1861, the secret society “Land and Freedom” arose in Russia, the ideological leader of which was the generally recognized head of the revolutionary democratic camp, N. G. Chernyshevsky. The Land and Freedom Society was associated with the emigrants Herzen and Ogarev; its leadership core included close associates of Chernyshevsky - brothers Nikolai and Alexander Serno-Solovyevich, N. Obruchev, A. Sleptsov, V. Kurochkin, N. Utin and others. The program “Land and Freedom” spoke about the convening of a classless people’s assembly, about the right of everyone to land, self-government of peasant communities, election of the government.
The government of Alexander II was forced to carry out repressions against the revolutionary-democratic camp. On July 7, 1862, N. Chernyshevsky was arrested, and soon the same fate befell N. Serno-Solovyevich, a prominent revolutionary figure of the Armenian people, M. Nalbandian, and a number of other revolutionary figures accused of having connections with “London propagandists.” The publication of the magazine “ Contemporary", promoting revolutionary democratic ideas.
National liberation uprisings in Poland, Belarus and Lithuania in 1863 - 1864. revived the activities of “Land and Freedom”. The society entered into an alliance with the Red Party and issued proclamations calling for support for these uprisings. Herzen speaks in “The Bell” in defense of the independence of Poland, and also speaks out for the self-determination of the peoples of Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine.
At the same time, in the Volga region, a group of Kazan students decided to start an uprising in order to divert the forces of Russian troops from suppressing the uprising in the western provinces, but their plan was discovered, and the participants in the “Kazan conspiracy” were shot.
Westerners and Slavophiles, frightened by the wide scale of peasant unrest and national liberation uprisings in a number of Russian colonies, united after the reform of 1861 into the liberal camp, dissociated themselves from the revolutionary democratic movement in the country and fully supported the reactionary policies of the tsarist government. The liberals actually took the position of “serf owners.” The liberal Westerner K. Kavelin publicly stated that representative government for Russia is a “meaningless dream”, that the Russian people allegedly “have not matured” to a constitution.
818.19 test No. 1 "Revolutionary populism"
A Choose one correct answer:
1. Ideology and movement of the various intelligentsia in Russia in the second
half of the 19th century - This:
1) reformism 3) socialism 2) Marxism 4) populism
2. The strengthening of the revolutionary movement after the reform of 1861 was
due to:
1) elimination of class barriers
2) weakening of the political regime in post-reform Russia
3) the moderation of reforms and the inconsistency of the authorities in their
carrying out
4) an increase in the number and influence of “raznochintsy”
3. The foundations of the ideology of populism were laid in the 50s:
1) M. A. Bakunin, P. L. Lavrov
2) P. N. Tkachev, M. A. Bakunin
3) A. I. Herzen, N. G. Chernyshevsky
4) G. V. Plekhanov, S. L. Perovskoy
4. One of the reasons for the strengthening of the revolutionary movement in Russia after
peasant reform of 1861 became
1) obtaining personal freedom by serfs
2) dissatisfaction of the nobles with the decision to free the peasants from serfdom
dependencies
3) Alexander II retained many in leading government positions
figures of pre-reform times
4) disappointment of the peasants who remained in the position of temporarily obliged
5. Ideological leader of the revolutionary movement in Russia in the late 50s and early
60s of the 19th century N.G. Chernyshevsky in his articles spoke
1) for expanding the rights and freedoms of citizens
2) for freedom of entrepreneurial activity
3) for maintaining the old order
4) for the peasant revolution, the creation of a revolutionary organization
6. The ideologist of the propaganda trend in populism was
1) M. Bakunin 2) P. Lavrov 3) P. Tkachev 4) A. Herzen
Part B.
11. Establish a correspondence between ideologists and trends in
populism
Ideologist
A) M.A. Bakunin
B) P.L. Lavrov
B) P.N. Tkachev
Direction
1) propaganda
2) conspiratorial
3) rebellious
2. Place events in chronological order.
A) identifying the main ideological directions in the ideology of populism:
propagandistic, rebellious, conspiratorial
B) the assassination of Emperor Alexander II
C) the emergence of the organization “Land and Freedom” in St. Petersburg
D) abolition of serfdom
3. Name the provisions that are the main ideas of the revolutionary
populism
1) Abolition of serfdom (reform).
2) Capitalism in Russia is an alien phenomenon, imposed “from above.”
3) The future of Russia is socialism, bypassing capitalism.
4) Russia is a constitutional monarchy. Guarantee of rights and freedoms.
5) The power of the king is not limited. The monarch takes into account the opinion of the people.
6) The cell of socialism in the country is the peasant community.
7) General control of the state over all spheres of social life.
8) Russia has a special path of historical development.
4. Name historical figures who are ideologists
revolutionary populism
1) N. Bukharin 2) P. Tkachev 3) A. Herzen
4) M. Bakunin 5) P. Lavrov 6) N. Ogarev
5.Read an excerpt from the text and determine what it is about
direction in populism does it say?
“The peasantry is not capable of independently implementing
revolution. The revolution must take the form of a coup,
which will be committed by a strictly secret organization
revolutionaries, whose members were strictly selected and
subject to iron discipline. But first this
Option 1
Part A
1. Temporarily obliged peasants had to
A) pay quitrent or serve corvee in favor of its former owner
B) work for free for the state 2 times a week
C) take part in public works in your county
2. What did the circular about “cook’s children” prescribe?
A) prohibited the admission of children of lower social classes to the gymnasium
B) open special schools for children of low-paid workers
B) allowed factory owners to hire children from the age of 6
3. What are segments
4.Who is a global mediator?
A) a representative of landowners participating in the development of peasant reform
B) a representative of the peasant community participating in dispute resolution
C) the person who drew up the charter and resolved disputes between the landowner and the peasants
5.Zemstvo institutions were created
A) in provinces and districts B) only in districts C) only in volosts
6. Zemstvos should have
A) exercise local political power B) control the activities of government officials
C) deal with issues of local self-government, improvement, medicine, education
7.What was the name of one of the first workers’ organizations that arose in 1878 in St. Petersburg
A) “Northern Union of Russian Workers” B) “Union of Salvation”
B) “Liberation of labor”
8. During the period of reforms “from above”, conservatives considered their main tasks
A) disrupt reforms by any means
B) adjust reforms in the interests of landowners
C) collaborate with representatives of the radical movement
9. During what period of the peasants of the emperor was the temporary obligation of the landowners abolished?
A) Alexander II B) Alexander III C) Nicholas II
10. The main political demands of “Land and Freedom” were
A) establishment of a constitutional monarchy B) convening of the Zemsky Sobor
B) establishment of a democratic republic
11.The leaders of “Land and Freedom” believed that mass peasant uprisings would take place in 1863, since this year
A) the deadline for signing Charter Charters between landowners and peasants was expiring
B) the temporarily obliged state of peasants was introduced
B) the assassination of Alexander II was planned
12. In 1866, D. Karakozov made an attempt on the life of Alexander II in St. Petersburg. What organization did Karakozov belong to?
A) to Ishutin’s circle B) to the organization “Land and Freedom” C) to the “Northern Union of Russian Workers”
13.When the populists undertook their “walk among the people”
A) 1861 B) 1874 C) 1881
14. Which active participant in the populist movement expressed the idea of replacing the state in a revolutionary way with free autonomous societies
15.The strengthening of the revolutionary movement after the reform of 1861 was due to
A) weakening of the political regime in post-reform Russia
B) moderation of reforms and inconsistency of the authorities in their implementation
B) the elimination of class barriers
16.Which direction of social thought belonged to B. Chicherin, K. Kavelin, who defended the introduction of a constitution, democratic freedoms and the continuation of reforms
A) liberal B) conservative C) radical
17.Which organization was engaged in terrorist activities in Russia
A) “Black redistribution” B) “People’s Will” C) “Northern Union of Russian Workers”
18. Agreement between the landowner and the peasant, which fixed the size of the plot to be redeemed and the terms of the purchase
A) “Letter of Gift” B) “Charter of Charter” C) “Land Agreement”
19.Prominent ideologist of conservatism under AlexanderII was
A) A. Herzen B) M. Katkov C) S. Muromtsev
20. Name the Russian artist, author of the painting “Menshikov in Berezovo”
A) V. Serov B) M. Vrubel C) V. Surikov
Part B
1. Read excerpts from poems and give written answers to the questions
Are you ready? Well! Now look! And now from all sides
Go through the cities and villages. Other fighters are going to battle...
And talk about the future. They go to the tormented people,
A lively verb. They go to hungry villages;
(N. Ogarev) Into the battle for the people's salvation. (P. Lavrov)
What period in the history of Russian populism are discussed in the poems? Give the exact start date of this period.
2. Match the program settings with the names of the populists: M.A. Bakunin, P.L. Lavrov, P.N. Tkachev
A) “Go, go “to the people,” but not with your lousy propaganda, but with direct revolutionary agitation and remember the words of the great teacher: “The passion for destruction is at the same time a creative passion”... Our people deeply and passionately hate the state, hates all his representatives in whatever form they appear before him"
B) “The first effort to prepare a social revolution in Russia should be the organization of a revolutionary minority that understands the tasks of workers’ socialism... And under the influence of their people, long known to them, long close, the masses will go to battle, which will have the opportunity to take place on the principles of workers’ socialism.”
C) “The immediate, immediate goal of the revolution should be nothing other than to seize government power and transform a given conservative state into a revolutionary state. It is easier and more convenient to accomplish this through a state conspiracy... But anyone who recognizes the need for a state conspiracy must thereby recognize the need for a disciplined organization based on the centralization of power...”
3. Which of the following was part of the zemstvo reform?
A) the elective nature of zemstvos
B) zemstvos were elected on the basis of property qualifications
C) provincial officials could be appointed only with the consent of zemstvos
D) in a number of provinces it was decided not to create zemstvos
D) zemstvos maintained hospitals, schools, roads
E) at the head of all zemstvos was the central zemstvo
G) peasants were not elected to zemstvos
4. Read an excerpt from a document of the second half of the 19th century and indicate the year of its adoption
“1. Defense of the throne and fatherland is the sacred duty of every Russian subject. The male population, regardless of condition, is subject to military service.2. Cash ransom from military service and hunting by a hunter is not allowed<...>17. The total period of service in the ground forces for those entering by lot is determined at 15 years, of which 6 years of active service and 9 years in reserve.”
5. What changes in the social structure of Russian society occurred in the 2nd half of the 19th century
A) strengthening the dominant position of the nobility in the life of society
B) involving peasants in market relations
C) strengthening the stratification of the peasantry and nobility
D) loss of political role by peasants in the country
D) widespread participation of the nobility in entrepreneurship
E) the emergence of new classes: the bourgeoisie and the proletariat
Test on the history of Russia, second half of the 19th century, grade 8
Option 2
Part A
What two types of farming have developed in the agricultural sector of Russia after the reform of 1861
A) medium and small farm
B) private farms and state agricultural enterprises
B) large landowners and small peasants
2.What rights did the reform of 1861 retain for landowners?
A) ownership of the lands they own
B) ownership of a quarter of their former possessions
C) ownership of all people who worked on the landowner’s estate
3. In what year was the Regulation on Zemstvo Institutions published?
A) 1864 B) 1874 C) 1881
4. What changes did military reform involve?
A) universal conscription was introduced
B) 25-year service life has been maintained
B) recruitment kits were announced
5.What was the procedure for making redemption payments by peasants according to the reform of 1861
A) immediately 100% of the value of the received plot
B) immediately 20-25% of the value of the received plot, and 75-80% was paid by the state
B) 100% of the cost of the received plot with installments for 50 years
6.What was the function of zemstvos
A) solving administrative and cultural issues of local importance
B) in performing local police functions
B) in the leadership of military units in the field
7.What is the date of signing of the Manifesto on the liberation of the peasants
8. What did the peasants receive according to the Manifesto?
A) personal freedom B) equal rights with the nobility C) equal rights with all classes
9.Who monitored the implementation of peasant reform on the ground
A) peace mediators B) governors C) nobles
10. What are segments
A) land that was allocated to peasants under the reform of 1861.
B) land that was cut off from landowners in favor of peasants
C) part of the peasant allotment that turned out to be “extra” compared to the norm established in 1861
11. What was the purpose of “going to the people”
A) train peasants in various specialties B) cause a revolutionary explosion in the village
C) explain to the peasants the meaning of the abolition of serfdom
12.Which active participant in the populist movement expressed the idea of replacing the state with free autonomous societies by revolutionary means?
A) P. Tkachev B) P. Lavrov C) M. Bakunin
13. What was the name of the first populist organization in Russia
A) “Land and Freedom” B) “Emancipation of Labor” C) “People’s Will”
14. A movement that unites supporters of the parliamentary system, civil and economic freedoms
A) socialism B) liberalism C) conservatism
15.The main provisions of revolutionary populism were
A) an immediate socialist revolution based on the peasant community
B) support for reforms “from above”
16. In what year was the 1st “Land and Freedom” formed?
A) 1856 B) 1860 C) 1861
17. What organizations did “Land and Freedom” split into in 1879?
A) “Black redistribution” and “People’s will”
B) “People’s Will” and “People’s Retribution”
B) “Black redistribution” and “Liberation of labor”
18.Which organization prepared and carried out the assassination attempt on Alexander II
A) “Black redistribution” B) “People’s will” C) “Liberation of labor”
19. What did the reform of judicial institutions introduce?
A) class of the court B) publicity of proceedings
C) mandatory presence of jurors at all jury meetings
20. Why zemstvos were not introduced in Siberia and Arkhangelsk province
A) noble land ownership here was insignificant
B) these places had a small population
B) it required additional costs
Part B
1. Read an excerpt from the document and answer the questions
“The attitude towards the accused was twofold. In the higher spheres, where they always disdained Trepov, they found that she was Bogolyubov’s undoubted mistress and still a “scoundrel,” but they treated her with some curiosity... The middle class had a different attitude. There were enthusiastic people in it who saw in Zasulich the new Russian Charlotte Korda; there were many who saw in her shot a protest for desecrated human dignity - a menacing specter of public anger...” (A.F. Koni)
State the first and last name of the accused.
2. The economic program of S. Yu. Witte included
A) introduction of excise taxes on vodka and tobacco
B) introduction of a state monopoly on the production and sales of vodka
B) the introduction of the gold ruble
D) state support for agriculture
D) protection of Russian industry from foreign competition
E) widespread attraction of foreign capital
3.Which of the following was part of the judicial reform
A) police department from the investigation
B) competitiveness of the parties during the trial
C) punishment with rods of those found guilty
D) publicity of the trial
D) periodic rotation of judges
E) creation of a special court for nobles
G) introduction of jury trials
I) the Emperor became the highest court
4. Read an excerpt from a document from the second half of the 19th century and name the event in question
“In the spring of 1874, young people who accepted the movement program were sent by rail from the centers to the provinces. Each young man could find behind his boot a false passport in the name of some peasant or tradesman, and in his bundle peasant clothes... the propagandist made acquaintances among the closest peasants or workers, at first without a specific goal, then little by little he began to talk with them about revolutionary topics and give them various revolutionary books to read or own.”
5. Read an excerpt from a contemporary’s diary and name the reform discussed in the excerpt.
“When they read the manifesto in the Stublensky church, the people began to be indignant at our priest that he had read the manifesto incorrectly, they said that the land should remain their property, and not the property of the landowner, and that there should be no corvee.”
Answers
Option 1
Part A
1.A
2.A
3.B
4.B
5.A
6.B
7.A
8.B
9.B
10.B
11.A
12.A
13.B
14.V
15.B
16.A
17.B
18.B
19.B
20.V
Part B
1) "Walking among the People" 1874
2) A) Bakunin
B) Lavrov
B) Tkachev
3) A, B, D, D, G
4) 1874
5) B, C, E
Option 2
Part A
1.B
2.A
3.A
4.A
5 B
6.A
7.B
8.A
9.A
10.B
11.B Part B
12.B 1) Vera Zasulich
13.B
14.B 2) B, C, D, E
15.A
16.C 3) A, B, D, D, G
17.A
18.B 4) "Going among the people"
19.B
20.A 5) Abolition of serfdom/Peasant reform
The opposition movement in the country was represented by liberal-minded writers, scientists, doctors, teachers, journalists, and zemstvo leaders. The liberal opposition expressed its dissatisfaction with administrative arbitrariness, demanded “improvement” of the state system (the introduction of openness, representative government, even a constitution), but was afraid of social upheaval, advocating resolution of pressing problems from above, peacefully. Liberal opposition sentiments and demands found their expression in periodicals - newspapers "Voice" And "Zemstvo" magazines "Bulletin of Europe", "Legal Bulletin" And "Russian Thought".
In the liberal opposition movement of the 60-70s, a significant place was occupied by Slavophiles. More recent studies refute the previously established idea that after the reform of 1861 there began a period of decline and collapse of Slavophilism, its transformation into an exclusively reactionary movement. In fact, it was during the post-reform period that the liberal opposition activities of the Slavophiles intensified, aimed at solving the problems posed by the socio-economic development of Russia.
At that time, such prominent Slavophiles as V. A. Cherkassky, A. I. Koshelev, Yu. F. Samarin, who took an active part in the preparation and implementation of peasant and other reforms of the 60-70- s of the XIX century. In the post-reform period, the activities of the publicist and journalist-publisher I. S. Aksakov, editor of the newspapers Den, Moskva, Moskvich, and Rus, which were repeatedly subjected to censorship persecution, expanded widely.
Slavophiles did not stand aside from the burning problems of the political and social structure of post-reform Russia. They proposed their program of reforms of local and central government, the development of education, the construction of railways in Russia, the exploitation of mineral resources, the establishment of banks and commercial enterprises.
In the post-reform era, the Slavophil idea of convening an all-class legislative council under the tsar, the Zemsky Sobor, was further developed as an exponent of “public opinion.” The Zemsky Sobor, without limiting the autocratic power of the tsar, was supposed to become an instrument of “unity between the tsar and the people” and a guarantor against revolutionary upheavals. But the Slavophiles’ defense of autocracy as a political institution was fully combined with sharp criticism of the Russian monarchs and their political regimes. The Slavophiles did not deny the possibility and desirability of introducing a constitution in Russia, but pointed out that at the moment Russia was not yet ready for it. “We cannot yet have a people’s constitution, and a constitution that is not people’s, i.e., the domination of a minority acting without a power of attorney on behalf of the majority, is a lie and deception,” wrote Yu. F. Samarin.
At the turn of the 70-90s of the XIX century. perked up zemstvo liberal opposition movement. It manifested itself primarily in illegal meetings of zemstvo residents in order to develop their demands, which were presented in a loyal form in the form of “addresses,” “notes,” and other petitions to the tsar. They spoke of devotion to the throne, but at the same time they expressed requests to allow the holding of zemstvo congresses on issues of “local benefits and needs”, statements were made about the need to “crown the building of zemstvo self-government” by convening an all-Russian zemstvo body in the form of a “General Zemstvo Duma” or “ Zemsky Sobor", demands were made to fill the State Council with elected representatives from the Zemstvo people. Thus, the Zemstvo people of the Tver province, in a note submitted to Alexander II in 1879, asked to grant Russia self-government, “the inviolability of individual rights, the independence of the court, and freedom of the press.”
On April 1, 1879, an illegal congress of representatives of the vowels of the Chernigov and Tver zemstvos, as well as some professors of Moscow and Kyiv universities, gathered in Moscow under the chairmanship of Moscow University professor M. M. Kovalevsky. He decided to “organize the local dissemination of constitutional ideas” and present constitutional demands to the government. However, due to the impossibility of conducting such propaganda in the censored press of Russia, brochures with these demands were published abroad.
In their addresses and notes, liberal zemstvo members, demanding concessions from the tsar, pointed out that the limitations of reforms give rise to the strengthening of the revolutionary movement, and the means to extinguish it is the development of previously granted reforms. At the same time, some liberals entered into contacts with the populists in order to “dissuade” them from terrorist activities.
The events of March 1, 1881 sparked a new targeted campaign by liberal Zemstvo citizens. Their appeals to Alexander III spoke with indignation about the actions of the revolutionaries, expressed complete loyalty to the government and extreme moderation of demands. Now Zemstvo residents no longer put forward demands for further reforms, limiting themselves to petitions for admission to government committees and commissions to resolve administrative and economic issues.