The Franco-Prussian War and its consequences brought profound changes to the system international relations in Europe. Firstly, the contradictions between France and Germany not only were not overcome, but, on the contrary, became even more acute. Each article of the Frankfurt Peace of 1871 concealed the danger of a new war, giving rise to revanchist sentiments in France and, at the same time, Germany’s desire to get rid of this danger by the final defeat of its western neighbor.
On the other hand, the consequences of the war and Franco-German contradictions had a fairly noticeable impact on the relationships of other European states. Intensifying its foreign policy expansion, Bismarck's Germany took into account that in the event of a conflict with any European state, France would certainly take advantage of the opportunity for revenge, and therefore sought to leave it in international isolation. France, weakened after the war, sought to gain time to restore its military potential and was actively looking for allies on the continent.
From 1871 until his resignation (March 17, 1890), the de facto ruler of the German Empire was Chancellor Prince Otto von Bismarck. The Chancellor understood that Germany, with all its strength, was surrounded by terrible dangers from the outside, that for it it would be a loss great war due to geographical and economic conditions, it is always more dangerous than for any other power and that defeat for it can be tantamount to the destruction of a great power.
His entire policy was aimed at preserving what he had extracted, and not at acquiring new things. Even when he intended to attack France in 1875, this was explained by Otto von Bismarck's fear of the undoubted future war. He deliberately tried to discount everything that in any way increased the likelihood of Germany going to war with any great power or coalition of powers. “The nightmare of coalitions” - this is how it was defined state of mind Otto von Bismarck.
After 1871, a new balance of power emerged in Europe. During the Franco-German War, the unification of the country of Germany was completed, the German Empire arose, the regime of the Second Empire collapsed in France and the Third Republic emerged.
The peace treaty was signed on February 26, 1871 in Versailles. The French provinces of Alsace and Eastern Lorraine were transferred to Germany. In addition, a huge indemnity of 5 billion francs was imposed on France. Then negotiations between Germany and France in Frankfurt am Main led to the signing of a final peace on 10 May.
The Frankfurt Peace Treaty confirmed the annexation of Alsace and Eastern Lorraine to Germany. In addition, Germany additionally annexed the iron ore region west of Thionville, returning the minor fortress of Belfort to France. Thus, the treaty established a new Franco-German border. He also determined the procedure for paying the 5 billion indemnity. France assumed the costs of maintaining the German occupation forces, which remained on its territory until the final payment of the indemnity.
Russia viewed France as a counterweight to a united Germany, but had deep contradictions with England in Central Asia, in the Near and Middle East, she valued Germany's favorable position on the Eastern Question. Austria-Hungary also counted on German support in Southeastern Europe. Otto von Bismarck sought to play the role of mediator in the decision controversial issues between Russia and Austria-Hungary in the Balkans.
Thus, after the Franco-German war, the diplomatic and military-strategic situation changes dramatically: France loses its leadership role in European affairs, Italy is unified, Russia strengthens its position, and most importantly, another new state is created - the German Empire, which very quickly begins to strengthen their positions and claim hegemony in Europe.
The foreign policy line of Otto von Bismarck, which most contributed to the formation of the Triple Alliance, is a very interesting question. Otto von Bismarck himself believed that his main task as Imperial Chancellor was to constantly protect the German Empire from outside danger. Accordingly, he assessed internal political conflicts mainly in relation to the sphere of foreign policy, that is, to a possible threat to the empire from international revolutionary movements. Insurrection Paris Commune in the spring of 1871, which was perceived throughout Europe as the "lightning" of social revolutions, helped Otto von Bismarck to convince Europe of the danger, not for the first time since 1789, emanating from France, and of the need to unite all conservative forces in the face of the coming revolutionary upheavals.
The implementation of policies according to the logic of Otto von Bismarck is closely linked to the existence of a strategic alliance of Germany, Austria and Russia. Moreover, Otto von Bismarck emphasizes its significance precisely as an alliance based on the objective awareness of each of the participating powers of its necessity, and not on the thesis of monarchical and dynastic solidarity (on the contrary, in a number of places Otto von Bismarck complains about the too strong dependence of the foreign policy of monarchical countries on the personal will of the emperors and the presence of certain dynastic interests).
After the Russian-Turkish War, England for a time actually became the master of the Black Sea straits. She received the island of Cyprus, and her squadron was stationed in the Sea of Marmara. British warships could easily enter the Black Sea and threaten the southern shores of Russia, which did not yet have a fleet there. Despite the contradictions, Russia and Germany were connected by economic interests, the kinship of the Romanovs with the Hohenzollerns, monarchical solidarity and fear of revolution. Petersburg hoped, with the support of Berlin, to neutralize Vienna in the Balkans and prevent the British occupation of the Black Sea Straits.
Even when the immediate "alliance of the three emperors" collapsed, Otto von Bismarck made a lot of effort to ensure Germany's bilateral relations with Austria and Russia. Otto von Bismarck considers the wars between these three powers to be contrary to any logic and their own interests. Moreover, by maintaining good relations with both Austria and Russia, Germany is able to overcome the danger of isolation on the continent, as well as the equally formidable danger of the “Kaunitz coalition” between Austria, France and Russia. And the fact that in 1879 Otto von Bismarck was inclined to conclude a separate treaty with Austria directed against Russia does not mean, according to Otto von Bismarck, a rejection of the strategy of “wire to Russia.”
On the contrary, it is the alliance with Russia (and not with Austria, the progressive decline, the inconsistency of the internal political system and the growing social contradictions within which Otto von Bismarck was well aware of) that he pays the main attention within the framework of his foreign policy doctrine, and if an anti-Russian agreement was signed, then, as Otto von Bismarck emphasizes, it was determined, first of all, by the aggressively pan-Slavic foreign policy of Russia, which did not correspond to genuine Russian interests, and was of an emphatically temporary, rather than durable, nature. Otto von Bismarck repeatedly emphasizes that “between Russia and Prussia-Germany there are no such strong contradictions that they could give rise to a rupture and war.”
But after the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878. Relations between Russia and Germany deteriorated. Berlin supported Vienna in European commissions to establish new borders for the Balkan states, and in connection with the global agrarian crisis began to pursue protectionist policies. It consisted, in particular, in an almost complete ban on the import of livestock and the establishment of high duties on bread from Russia. Germany also protested against the return of Russian cavalry to the Baltic provinces after the war with Turkey. To the “customs war” a “newspaper war” was added. Throughout 1879, Slavophiles accused Germany of “black ingratitude” for Russia’s benevolent neutrality during the Franco-German War, and Berlin recalled its role in the partial preservation of the Treaty of San Stefano.
In St. Petersburg, sentiment in favor of rapprochement with France intensified, but in the late 1870s and early 1880s. there were no conditions for the implementation of this course. Russia, which was on the brink of war with England in Central Asia, was interested in the security of its western borders, and France, which pursued an active colonial policy in Africa and Southeast Asia, in turn, did not want complications with London and Berlin.
Otto von Bismarck, in conditions of cool relations with Russia, prepared the conclusion of the Austro-German alliance, the treaty of which was signed on October 7, 1879 (Appendix 1)
Initially, Otto von Bismarck sought from D. Andrassy an agreement that would be directed both against Russia and France, but failed. According to the agreement, in the event of an attack by Russia on one of the parties, the other was obliged to come to its aid, and in the event of an attack by another power, the other party had to maintain benevolent neutrality if Russia did not join the attacker.
Otto von Bismarck, who was familiar with the terms of the treaty, made it clear to Alexander II that Russia should not count on German support in the event of an Austro-Russian conflict. The Chancellor insisted on a tripartite alliance between Germany, Russia and Austria-Hungary.
The Austro-German Treaty of 1879 continued to exist independently of the Alliance of the Three Emperors. The Austro-German Treaty of 1879 is an event that is called a milestone in the foreign policy of the German Empire. The Austro-German Treaty turned out to be the most durable of all the treaties and agreements concluded by Otto von Bismarck. He marked the beginning of a “dual alliance” that lasted until the First World War. So, the initial link in the system of imperialist coalitions that strangled each other in the world battle was created by Otto von Bismarck 35 years before it began.
In 1882, Italy joined him, dissatisfied with the transformation of Tunisia into a French protectorate.
Here the best diplomatic skills of Otto von Bismarck showed themselves. By encouraging the French government to seize Tunisia, Otto von Bismarck performed a clever diplomatic maneuver. He drew Italy and France into a bitter fight over this piece of North Africa. As paradoxical as it may sound, by providing France with diplomatic support against Italy, Otto von Bismarck made the Italians his allies. He, one might say, drove the small Italian predator into his political camp. At the time of the capture of Tunisia by the French, the ministry of B. Cairoli was in power in Italy. B. Cairoli was an ardent advocate of the annexation of Trieste and Tretino, which remained under Habsburg rule.
Shortly before the invasion of French troops in Tunisia, Cairoli publicly assured the alarmed Parliament that France would never commit such a treacherous act, but when this step was finally taken, B. Cairoli resigned. As he left, he declared that in his person the last Francophile ministry in Italy was leaving the stage. The conflict with France prompted Italy to seek rapprochement with the Austro-German bloc. The severely rugged coastline of Italy made it especially vulnerable to the English fleet, so allies were needed, especially in view of the possible deterioration of relations with England, with the beginning of Italy's African colonial policy. Italy could only make up elsewhere for what it had lost in Tunisia by relying on a strong military power. Otto von Bismarck dismissively but aptly called the Italians jackals who stalk larger predators.
In January 1882, the Italian ambassador Beauvais approached Otto von Bismarck with a wish on behalf of his government to strengthen Italy's ties with Germany and Austria-Hungary. For Germany, Italy was in the past an ally, but for Austria an enemy. This circumstance was taken into account by Otto von Bismarck when he formulated his response to the ambassador. Bismarck expressed doubts about the possibility of formalizing friendly relations between the three countries in the form of a written treaty and rejected the ambassador's request to draft one, but he did not completely reject the idea. They especially persistently sought an alliance with the Italian king Humbert I and the industrial bourgeoisie of Italy, who sought to protect themselves from French competition, advocated an alliance with Germany, but Otto von Bismarck let them know that “Italy can only find the keys to the German doors in Vienna.” Russia Germany Emperor Entente
No matter how difficult it was for him, the Italian government decided to make an attempt to get closer to Austria. In January 1881, an Italian secret agent also came to Vienna. The preference for secret agents instead of the usual methods of diplomatic relations was not an accident. It testified to the weakness of Italy; From this weakness arose the Italian government's self-doubt and fear of embarrassment if its advances were rejected. In view of this, it sought to act in the least official ways possible.
For Austria, rapprochement with the Italians promised to provide a rear in case of war with Russia. Therefore, Vienna, after a series of delays, agreed to an alliance with Italy, no matter how much the Austrian court despised this country. Otto von Bismarck needed Italy to isolate France. All this led to the signing alliance treaty between Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy (Appendix 2).
A secret treaty between Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy was signed on May 20, 1882 and was called the Triple Alliance. Concluded for five years, it was extended several times and lasted until 1915. The parties to the treaty pledged not to take part in any alliances or agreements directed against one of them. Germany and Austria-Hungary pledged to provide assistance to Italy if it were attacked by France, and Italy pledged to do the same in the event of an unprovoked French attack on Germany. As for Austria-Hungary, it was exempt from providing assistance to Germany against France; it was assigned the role of a reserve in case of Russia's entry into the war.
If there is an unprovoked attack on one or two parties to a treaty by two or more great powers, all three states go to war with them. If one of the powers that attacked Italy's partners was England, then Rome was freed from military assistance to its allies (the coasts of Italy were easily vulnerable to the English navy).
In the event of an unprovoked attack on one of the parties to the treaty by one of the great powers not participating in this treaty (except France), the other two parties pledged to maintain benevolent neutrality towards their ally. Thus, Italy's neutrality was guaranteed in the event of a Russian-Austrian war. Following the signing of the treaty, Germany and Austria-Hungary took note of Italy's statement, according to which Italy refused military assistance to its allies in the event of a war with Great Britain. In 1887, additions were made to the treaty in favor of Italy: it was promised the right to participate in resolving issues relating to the Balkans, Turkish coasts, islands in the Adriatic and Aegean seas. In 1891, a decision was recorded to support Italy in its claims in North Africa (Cyrenaica, Tripoli, Tunisia).
The powers were obliged, in the event of common participation in the war, not to conclude a separate peace and to keep the treaty secret. The Treaty of 1882 existed in parallel with the Austro-German Alliance of 1879 and the Alliance of the Three Emperors of 1881. By becoming the center of the three alliances, Germany was able to exert enormous influence on international relations. Romania also joined the Austro-German bloc. In 1883, she concluded a secret treaty with Austria-Hungary, according to which Austria-Hungary pledged to provide assistance to Romania in the event of an attack by Russia. The Romanian ruling elite associated themselves with the Triple Alliance, on the one hand, because of the fear of Russia’s seizure of the Black Sea straits, which could lead to Russian domination over the economic life of Romania, on the other, because of the desire to increase the territory of the Romanian state at the expense of Bessarabia, and also Silistria, Shumla and other Bulgarian cities and regions. The formation of the Triple Alliance marked the beginning of the formation of those military coalitions that later clashed in the First World War. The German military sought to use Triple Alliance to carry out their aggressive plans against France. Such an attempt was made at the end of January 1887, when in Germany it was decided to call up 73 thousand reservists for training camps. Lorraine was appointed as the gathering place. Inspired articles appeared in newspapers about France's supposedly intensified preparations for war with Germany. Crown Prince Friedrich, the future Emperor Frederick III, wrote in his diary on January 22, 1887 that, according to Otto von Bismarck, war with France was closer than he expected. However, the German Chancellor failed to secure Russia's neutrality in the event of a Franco-German conflict. And Otto von Bismarck always considered a war with France without confidence that Russia would not intervene in the conflict as dangerous and risky for Germany.
The emergence of the Triple Alliance in the center of Europe and the continuing deterioration of Franco-German relations, which reached their greatest tension by 1887, required the French government to quickly find ways to break out of the political isolation created for France. For a weakened France, in need of peace and at the same time never abandoning the thought of revenge, time was needed to eliminate the consequences of the war of 1870-1871. French politicians clearly understood that if new war with Germany (and the danger of new aggression from Germany was quite real), then France needs to have reliable allies, because combat with the German armed forces will not bring success. And France saw such an ally primarily in largest state, located in the east of Europe - in Russia, with which France began to seek cooperation the very next day after the signing of the Frankfurt Peace.
At the end of 1870 the struggle between the great powers and their allies for the final division of spheres of influence in the world is becoming more sharp character. The main reason for the strengthening of colonial expansion was caused by the emergence of new technologies rapid growth industrial production in Western countries, which led to the desire of governments to find new markets for the export of capital and sales finished products. No less important task was the seizure of sources of raw materials, the free exploitation of which allowed the industry of these countries to constantly increase production volumes without attracting additional funds.
Having gained the opportunity to solve economic problems through the unlimited exploitation of colonies and dependent countries, the governments of many European powers were able to mitigate internal social contradictions by redistributing the income received. This allowed the most economically developed metropolitan countries of Great Britain, France, the Netherlands and Belgium to subsequently avoid the social upheavals that Russia, Germany, Italy, Austria-Hungary, Spain and Portugal faced. The latter, for a number of reasons, were never able to economically develop and effectively exploit the markets of their no less extensive territorial possessions. However, most of these states, compensating for economic weakness military force, managed to take an active part in the struggle for the final division of spheres of influence in the world at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries.
For this reason, despite the difference in methods of expansion, all these countries can be classified as colonial empires, because their policy was based on the desire to seize or take control of as wide a territory as possible, towards the population of which the Europeans pledged to carry out a “civilizing mission” .
Thus, the active trade, economic and military-political penetration of Western states into all regions of Asia and Africa was the final stage in the formation of the world economic system, within the framework of which competition continued between the great powers for control over the most profitable ones, both economically and militarily. strategically the territories. By the end of the 19th century. Substantial part Southern Hemisphere was divided between the great powers and their allies. Only a very few countries managed to maintain formal sovereignty, although they also became completely economically dependent on colonial empires. This happened with Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, China, Korea, Siam, Ethiopia, which, thanks to strong centralized power and tough government policies towards national minorities, managed to avoid the fate of India, Burma, Vietnam and other feudal states that fell into separate parts and were captured colonialists. The sovereignty of individual countries (Liberia, Uriankhai region) was guaranteed by the great powers (USA, Russia).
Particularly important in this regard are the aggravated contradictions between Germany and Great Britain - by and large the main factor in the international situation.
The alliance between Russia and France was dictated not only by the common military-strategic interests of both powers, but also by the presence of a threat from common enemies. By that time, the union already had a solid economic basis. Russia since the 70s was in dire need of free capital to invest in industry and railway construction; France, on the contrary, did not find a sufficient number of objects for its own investment and actively exported its capital abroad. It was from then on that the share of French capital in the Russian economy gradually began to increase. For 1869-1887 17 foreign enterprises were founded in Russia, 9 of them French.
French financiers very productively used the deterioration of Russian-German relations. Economic background The union also had a special military-technical aspect. Already in 1888, brother arrived in Paris on an unofficial visit Alexandra III Grand Duke Vladimir Alexandrovich managed to place a mutually beneficial order with French military factories for the production of 500 thousand rifles for the Russian army.
The cultural prerequisites for the alliance between Russia and France were long-standing and strong. No other country had such a powerful cultural impact on Russia as France. The names of F. Voltaire and J.J. Rousseau, A. Saint-Simon and C. Fourier, V. Hugo and O. Balzac, J. Cuvier and P.S. Laplace, J.L. David and O. Rodin, J. Wiese and C. Gounod were known to every educated Russian. In France they always knew less about Russian culture than in Russia about French culture. But since the 80s. The French, like never before, are joining the Russians cultural values. In the context of growing rapprochement between Russia and France, an alliance was advocated in both countries by advocates of an active offensive policy against Germany. In France, as long as it maintained a defensive position towards Germany, an alliance with Russia was not a burning need. Now, when France recovered from the consequences of the defeat of 1870 and the question of revenge arose on the order of the day for French foreign policy, the course towards an alliance with Russia sharply prevailed among its leaders (including President S. Carnot and Prime Minister C. Freycinet).
In Russia, meanwhile, the government was being pushed towards an alliance with France by the landowners and bourgeoisie, who were hurt by Germany’s economic sanctions and therefore advocated a turn of the domestic economy from German to French loans. In addition, wide (politically very different) circles of the Russian public were interested in the Russian-French alliance, which took into account the entire set of mutually beneficial prerequisites for this alliance. A “French” party began to take shape in society, in the government, and even at the royal court. Its herald was the famous " white general"M.D. Skobelev.
True, the “German” party was also strong at court and in the Russian government: Foreign Minister N.K. Gire, his closest assistant and future successor V.N. Lamzdorf, Minister of War P.S. Vannovsky, ambassadors to Germany P.A. Saburov and Pavel Shuvalov. In terms of influence on the tsar and the government, as well as in terms of energy, persistence and “caliber” of its members, the “German” party was inferior to the “French” one, but a number of factors were in favor of the first objective factors, impeding the Russian-French rapprochement.
The first of them was geographical factor remoteness. What hampered the union between Russia and France more were differences in their state and political system. Therefore, the Russian-French alliance took shape, although steadily, but slowly and difficultly. It was preceded by a number of preliminary steps towards rapprochement between the two countries - mutual steps, but more active on the part of France.
Otto von Bismarck entered into an alliance with Austria in 1879, an alliance with Italy in 1882 (thus creating the Triple Alliance) in order to have support in case of war with Russia or France. He strongly encouraged France's policy of conquest in Africa and Asia, firstly, in order to distract the French from the thought of revenge - about the reverse conquest of Alsace and Lorraine, and secondly, in order to thereby contribute to the deterioration of France's relations with England and Italy. Finally, he was very stingy and reluctant to create German colonies, so as not to get involved in dangerous quarrels with the great maritime power - England. This policy of abstinence and caution required many sacrifices, which irritated the ruling circles of Germany. But Otto von Bismarck, while yielding to them, still tried to yield as little as possible.
Using the idea of monarchical solidarity in maintaining “order” in Europe, in 1873 Otto von Bismarck managed to create the “Union of Three Emperors” - Germany, Austria-Hungary and Russia. The agreement was consultative in nature, but Germany's role in international relations immediately increased. However, the Soyuz was not, and could not be, stable. The contradictions between its participants were too significant. And although in 1881 the agreement was renewed, and in the form of a neutrality treaty, by the mid-80s. The Soyuz has completely exhausted its capabilities.
After the Russo-Turkish War, at the Berlin Congress of 1878, Germany did not support Russia's claims in the Balkans. In turn, Russia refused to remain neutral in the event of war between Germany and France. This kept Otto von Bismarck from attacking France again three times (in 1875, 1885 and 1887). In addition, after the mutual increase in customs duties on the import of goods between Germany and Russia in the late 70s. a real customs war began.
The deterioration of relations with Russia led to a military-political rapprochement between Germany and Austria-Hungary. In 1879, the governments of the two countries entered into a secret treaty of alliance, which provided for mutual assistance in the event of a Russian attack on either state and benevolent neutrality during a war with any other European country, unless Russia joined it. Defensive in form, the treaty was aggressive in nature, since it provided for a real situation in which, in the event of a military conflict between Germany and France, if the latter provided assistance from Russia, Germany would receive Austrian support, and the war would acquire a European scale.
Undoubtedly, Otto von Bismarck was the only outstanding diplomat of the German Empire. He was a representative of the Prussian Junkers and the German bourgeoisie during the struggle for the national unification of Germany, and then for the strengthening of the state he created. He lived and acted in an era when imperialism was far from being established.
A distinctive feature of Otto von Bismarck's foreign policy was its aggressive nature. When Otto von Bismarck saw the enemy in front of him, the chancellor’s first move was to find his most vulnerable places in order to hit them as hard as possible. Pressure and blow were for Otto von Bismarck a means not only to defeat the enemy, but also to make friends for himself. To ensure the loyalty of his ally, Otto von Bismarck always kept a stone in his bosom against him. If he did not have a suitable stone at his disposal, he tried to intimidate his friends with all sorts of imaginary troubles that he could allegedly cause them.
If pressure did not help, or, with all his ingenuity, Otto von Bismarck could not find any means of pressure or blackmail, he turned to his other favorite method - bribery, most often at someone else's expense. Gradually, he developed a kind of standard for bribes. He bought the British with assistance in Egyptian financial affairs, the Russians with assistance or freedom of action in one or another of the eastern problems, the French with support in the seizure of a wide variety of colonial territories. Otto von Bismarck had quite a large arsenal of such “gifts”.
Otto von Bismarck was less willing to use such a diplomatic technique as compromise. It wasn't his style. Otto von Bismarck was a great realist. He loved, when necessary, to talk about monarchical solidarity. However, this did not prevent him from supporting republicans in France, and in 1873 in Spain, as opposed to the monarchists, since then he believed that republican governments in these countries, from the point of view of the German Empire, would be the most convenient
Otto von Bismarck did not give room to feelings in his politics, but always tried to be guided solely by calculation. If some feeling sometimes interfered with his logic, it was most often anger. Anger and hatred were, perhaps, the only emotions that could sometimes divert the chancellor from the path of cold and sober calculation - and then only for a while.
Another character trait of Otto von Bismarck was exceptional activity. The first Chancellor of the German Empire was an energetic, extremely active person who literally knew no rest. Simplicity was not a feature of Bismarck's policy, despite the fact that its goal was usually expressed with the utmost clarity. Otto von Bismarck almost always clearly knew what he wanted and was able to develop an amazing amount of willpower to achieve his goal. He sometimes walked straight towards her, but more often - along complex, sometimes confusing, dark, always varied and restless paths.
Foreign policy fascinated Otto von Bismarck. One of the reasons that led directly to his resignation was disagreements between the Chancellor and the Kaiser on the issue of attitude towards Russia.
General Waldersee, who replaced the decrepit General von Moltke as Chief of the German General Staff in 1888, continued to insist on a preventive war against Russia. The young Kaiser was inclined to this point of view. Otto von Bismarck considered the war against Russia disastrous.
Sometimes in Western historiography Otto von Bismarck is portrayed as almost a friend of Russia. This is not true, he was her enemy, since he saw in her the main obstacle to German supremacy in Europe. Otto von Bismarck always tried to harm Russia, trying to drag it into conflicts with England and Turkey, but the chancellor was smart enough to understand what enormous power lay in the Russian people. Harming Russia in every possible way, Otto von Bismarck tried to do it with the wrong hands.
The lines dedicated by Otto von Bismarck to the problem of the Russian-German war sound like a terrible warning. “This war with the gigantic size of its theater would be full of dangers,” said Otto von Bismarck. “The examples of Charles XII and Napoleon prove that the most capable commanders only with difficulty extricate themselves from expeditions to Russia.” And Otto von Bismarck believed that a war with Russia would be a “great disaster” for Germany. Even if military luck had smiled on Germany in the fight against Russia, then even then " geographical conditions would make it infinitely difficult to bring this success to completion."
But Otto von Bismarck went further. He not only realized the difficulties of the war with Russia, but also believed that even if, contrary to expectations, Germany managed to achieve complete success in the purely military sense of the word, then even then it would not have achieved a real political victory over Russia, because the Russian people cannot be defeated. Polemicizing with supporters of an attack on Russia, Otto von Bismarck wrote in 1888: “This could be argued if such a war could really lead to the defeat of Russia. But such a result even after the most brilliant victories lies beyond all probability. Even the most favorable outcome of the war will never lead to the disintegration of the main strength of Russia, which is based on millions of Russians themselves... These latter, even if they are dismembered by international treaties, will just as quickly reunite with each other, like particles of a cut piece of mercury. This is an indestructible state The Russian nation is strong because of its climate, its spaces and limited needs..." These lines do not at all indicate the chancellor's sympathy for Russia. They speak of something else - Otto von Bismarck was careful and perspicacious.
Bismarck in to a large extent was a kind of personification of the alliance of the bourgeoisie with the Junkers. But as imperialist tendencies matured in the economy and politics of Germany, its policy increasingly became the policy of “state capitalism”
Bismarck's policy was aimed at preserving what was extracted, and not at acquiring new things. He intended to attack France, this was explained by Otto von Bismarck's fear of a certain future war. He deliberately tried to discount everything that in any way increased the likelihood of Germany going to war with any great power or coalition of powers.
Over time, using Italian-French colonial rivalry, Otto von Bismarck managed to attract Italy to the coalition. In 1882, Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy entered into a secret alliance agreement on mutual assistance in the event of war with France and common action in the event of an attack on one of the participants of two or more European countries. This is how the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy arose, which marked the beginning of the split of Europe into warring military factions.
Cleverly playing on the differences between European states, the Triple Alliance soon managed to win over Romania and Spain. However, all attempts by Otto von Bismarck and his successors to achieve England's participation in the union were fruitless. Despite acute colonial contradictions with France and Russia, England, as before, did not want to bind itself to an agreement with any European state, remaining faithful to the policy of “brilliant isolation.”
However, the likely accession of England to the German-Austrian bloc accelerated the military-political rapprochement between France and Russia. In 1891, the Franco-Russian alliance was formalized by a consultative pact, and in 1892, representatives of the general staffs of both countries signed a secret military convention on joint actions in case of war with Germany. The Convention, which was to remain in force for the duration of the Triple Alliance, was ratified in late 1893 and early 1894.
90s XIX century were characterized by a sharp intensification of German foreign policy and a change in its direction. Rapid development industry, which had outgrown the capabilities of the domestic market, forced the country's ruling circles to support German trade expansion in Europe and look for “new independent territories” for the sale of goods. Having embarked on the path of colonial conquests later than other countries, Germany was significantly inferior to them in terms of the size of the captured territories. The German colonies were twelve times smaller than the English ones, and also poor raw materials. The imperial leadership was acutely aware of such “injustice” and, intensifying its colonial policy, for the first time raised the question of redividing the world already divided by European countries.
Germany's transition to "world politics" was embodied in its claims to dominance in Europe, the desire to gain a foothold in the Near, Middle and Far East, the desire to redistribute spheres of influence in Africa." The main direction of German expansion was the Middle East. In 1899, the Kaiser obtained consent from the Turkish Sultan to build a transcontinental railway, which was supposed to connect Berlin and Baghdad, after which the active penetration of German capital into the Balkans, Anatolia and Mesopotamia began.
German advance to the east and undisguised territorial claims Germany led to a sharp deterioration in its relations with the largest colonial state in the world - England. By the beginning of the 20th century. Anglo-German contradictions become central to the system of international relations. The economic, political and colonial rivalry between the two countries was complemented by a naval arms race. By launching the construction of a powerful navy in 1898, Germany challenged the “mistress of the seas,” threatening its intermediary trade and relations with the colonies.
For a long time, confident in the invulnerability of England's island position and the advantage of its navy, British diplomats considered the best foreign policy not to tie their hands with alliances with other states, to encourage conflicts between them and to benefit England from these conflicts. To maintain the “European balance,” Great Britain usually opposed the strongest continental state, preventing it from taking a dominant position in Europe.
However, deterioration international situation countries at the beginning of the 20th century. forced the British government to change its foreign policy course. The sharp increase in Germany's military and naval power and its overt territorial claims created a real threat to the existence of the British Empire. The policy of isolation was becoming dangerous, and British diplomacy began to look for allies on the continent in a future clash with Germany.
In 1904, after the settlement of mutual colonial claims in Africa, England entered into a military-political agreement with France, which was called the Entente ("Concord of the Heart"). In 1907, the Entente became tripartite: having signed a convention with England on the division of spheres of influence in Iran, Afghanistan and Tibet, Russia also joined it. Thus, as a result of the agreements of 1904-1907. has finally taken shape military-political bloc three states, opposed to the countries of the Triple Alliance.
The formation of the Entente in 1904 became a serious warning to Germany in its expansionist plans. On the eve of the inevitable clash with England, the Franco-Russian alliance of 1891-1893 became much more dangerous for it. Therefore, the Kaiser and German diplomacy repeatedly made attempts to break the hostile environment, inspiring the aggravation of Anglo-Russian differences and fueling the mistrust of the Russian ruling circles towards France.
After France had established a “cordial agreement” with England, all that remained was to tie up the loose ends: to convince England and Russia of the need for rapprochement. It was not an easy task.
Anglo-Russian relations after the Crimean War were very tense. Despite Russia's defeat in this war, Britain continued to be concerned about its activity in areas of British interest. The British were also worried about the prospect of the Russians taking possession of the Black Sea straits. After all, it was from the Mediterranean that the shortest route to India began - the Suez Canal. Defeat of Russia in Russko- Japanese war and the revolution of 1905-1907. finally convinced England that it was not Russia that now posed a danger to British interests. England, like France, needed a military alliance against Germany more than Russia. Therefore, the old Russian-English differences in the face of general German aggression were resolved. In 1907, England and Russia managed to agree on the division of spheres of influence in Iran, Afghanistan and Tibet. So in 1907 Russia joined the Entente.
The results of the development of international relations from 1871 to 1893 can be summarized in the words of Engels: “The major military powers of the continent were divided into two large camps that threatened each other: Russia and France on the one hand, Germany and Austria on the other.” England remained outside these two blocs for now; she continued to base her policy on their contradictions. Moreover, until the mid-90s. its diplomacy gravitated more towards the German group, although objectively Anglo-German antagonism had been growing for quite some time.
Therefore, in his work V.P. Potemkin - “History of Diplomacy” put it this way: “If the imperialist struggle for colonies and spheres of influence is overlooked as a factor in the impending world war, if the imperialist contradictions between England and Germany are also overlooked, if the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine by Germany is a factor in the war , is relegated to the background before the desire of Russian tsarism for Constantinople, as a more important and even determining factor in the war, if, finally, Russian tsarism represents last stronghold pan-European reaction - then isn’t it clear that the war, say, of bourgeois Germany with tsarist Russia is not an imperialist, not a predatory, not an anti-people war, but a war of liberation, or almost a war of liberation?
After Russo-Japanese War 1904-1905, using family connections of the Romanovs and Hohenzollerns, Wilhelm II increased pressure on Nicholas II, proving in correspondence that France's neutrality during the war bordered on treason, and that the Anglo-French agreement of 1904 was directed against Russia. During a personal meeting in Björk (Finland) in 1905, he managed to convince Russian Emperor conclude a secret treaty of mutual assistance with Germany, however, this diplomatic success remained inconclusive. Under pressure from the highest dignitaries of the empire, Nicholas II was soon forced to cancel this agreement. Equally futile was the attempt by German diplomacy to tear Russia away from its Entente allies during the Potsdam meeting of the two emperors in 1910.
By fueling disagreements between European states, Germany sought, among other things, to ensure unimpeded penetration into the Middle East. At the same time, it tried to establish itself in North Africa, laying claim to part of Morocco that had not yet been captured by the Europeans. However, on the European "colonial exchange" Morocco had long been recognized as a sphere of French interest, and William II's intervention in Moroccan affairs in 1905 caused a sharp deterioration in international relations. The Moroccan crisis almost led to the outbreak of a European war, but the conflict was resolved diplomatically. An international conference convened in Algeciras (Spain) in 1906, contrary to the expectations of the Germans, recognized France's preferential rights to Morocco.
In 1911, taking advantage of the unrest in the Fez region, France, under the pretext of “pacification,” sent its troops into the Moroccan capital. This caused an unexpected demarche in Germany. “After a noisy campaign in the press demanding the division of Morocco, the German government sent the gunboat Panther and then a light cruiser to its shores, provoking the second Moroccan crisis.” French government took the “Panther Jump” as a challenge and was ready to defend its colonial “rights.” However, the war, which threatened to acquire European proportions, did not begin this time either. The decisive statement of the British government about its readiness to fight on the side of France forced Germany to retreat and recognize the French protectorate over for the most part Morocco.
To the spicy international conflict led to the Bosnian crisis of 1908. Under the terms of the Berlin Treaty of 1878, Bosnia and Herzegovina were occupied by Austria-Hungary, but formally remained part of the Ottoman Empire. After the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, the Austrian government concluded that the moment had arrived for the final annexation of these two Slavic provinces. At the same time, Russia’s consent was secured by a promise to support its demands regarding the opening of the Black Sea straits to Russian warships. But this promise was never fulfilled, since Russia’s claims were not supported by either England or France. At the same time, the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina strengthened Austrian positions in the Balkans and dealt a strong blow to the national liberation movement of the South Slavs.
The annexation provoked a sharp protest from Serbia, which publicly declared disrespect for the rights of the Slavic peoples and demanded that Austria-Hungary grant political autonomy to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Russia supported it, proposing to convene to solve the Bosnian problem international conference. However, Russia's Entente allies took a neutral position, and the German government openly invited Russia to confirm the annexation and force Serbia to do so. Having received an ultimatum warning from Berlin that in case of refusal, Germany would support Austria-Hungary in an attack on Serbia, and being left alone, Russia was forced to concede.
Italy also took advantage of the weakening of the once powerful Ottoman Empire, which had long encroached on its possessions in North Africa. Having secured the support of major European states, in 1911 it began military operations against Turkey and captured two of its provinces - Tripolitania and Cyrenaica. Political isolation and the onset of a new crisis in the Balkans forced the Turkish government to make concessions, and under the Treaty of Lausanne, Turkey renounced its rights to Cyrenaica and Tripolitania, which became part of the Italian possessions in North Africa called Libya. According to the treaty, Italy pledged to return the occupied Dodecanese Islands to Turkey, but never fulfilled the promise.
The aggravation of international relations at the beginning of the 20th century, the confrontation between two warring military-political blocs - the Triple Alliance and the Entente - was accompanied by an unprecedented arms race. The parliaments of European countries, one after another, pass laws on additional appropriations for the rearmament and increase in the size of armies, the development of fleets, and the creation of military aviation. Thus, in France in 1913 a law was passed on three-year military service, which increased the number French army in peacetime up to 160 thousand people. In Germany for five pre-war years(1909-1914) military spending increased by 33% and accounted for half of the entire state budget. In 1913, its army numbered 666 thousand people.
Table 1
The degree of militarization of European countries in the 80s. XIX - early XX centuries
Long before the start of the war, the British government began to intensively arm the country. In the ten pre-war years, England's military spending tripled. Created in 1910, the Committee for Imperial Defense developed a strategic plan on an imperial scale. Along with strengthening the fleet, an army was created in England, ready, if necessary, for battles on the continent.
The onerous naval arms race prompted British diplomacy to make a last attempt to reach a compromise with Germany.
For this purpose, in 1912, the Minister of War, Lord Holden, was sent to Berlin, who proposed that the German government stop competition in the construction of battleships in exchange for colonial concessions in Africa.
But England's desire to maintain its naval superiority at any cost doomed Holden's mission to failure. Germany was not going to yield to the “mistress of the seas” in anything, and by the beginning of 1914 it already had 232 new warships at its disposal.
The First World War was a war between two coalitions of powers: Central Powers, or Quadruple Alliance(Germany, Austria-Hungary, Türkiye, Bulgaria) and Entente(Russia, France, Great Britain).
A number of other states supported the Entente in the First World War (that is, they were its allies). This war lasted approximately 4 years (officially from July 28, 1914 to November 11, 1918). This was the first military conflict on a global scale, in which 38 of the 59 independent states that existed at that time were involved.
During the war, the composition of the coalitions changed.
Europe in 1914
Entente
British Empire
France
Russian empire
In addition to these main countries, more than twenty states grouped on the side of the Entente, and the term “Entente” began to be used to refer to the entire anti-German coalition. Thus, the anti-German coalition included the following countries: Andorra, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, China, Costa Rica, Cuba, Ecuador, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Italy (from May 23, 1915), Japan, Liberia, Montenegro , Nicaragua, Panama, Peru, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Serbia, Siam, USA, Uruguay.
Cavalry of the Russian Imperial Guard
Central Powers
German Empire
Austria-Hungary
Bulgarian kingdom(since 1915)
The predecessor of this block was Triple Alliance, formed in 1879-1882 as a result of agreements concluded between Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy. According to the treaty, these countries were obliged to provide support to each other in the event of war, mainly with France. But Italy began to move closer to France and at the beginning of the First World War declared its neutrality, and in 1915 withdrew from the Triple Alliance and entered the war on the side of the Entente.
Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria joined Germany and Austria-Hungary during the war. The Ottoman Empire entered the war in October 1914, Bulgaria in October 1915.
Some countries participated in the war partially, others entered the war already in its final phase. Let's talk about some of the features of individual countries' participation in the war.
Albania
As soon as the war began, the Albanian prince Wilhelm Wied, a German by origin, fled the country to Germany. Albania assumed neutrality, but was occupied by Entente troops (Italy, Serbia, Montenegro). However, by January 1916, most of it (Northern and Central) was occupied by Austro-Hungarian troops. In the occupied territories, with the support of the occupation authorities, the Albanian Legion was created from Albanian volunteers - a military formation consisting of nine infantry battalions and numbering up to 6,000 fighters in its ranks.
Azerbaijan
On May 28, 1918, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic was proclaimed. Soon she concluded a treaty “On Peace and Friendship” with the Ottoman Empire, according to which the latter obliged “ provide assistance with armed force to the government of the Republic of Azerbaijan, if necessary to ensure order and security in the country" And when the armed formations of the Baku Council people's commissars launched an attack on Elizavetpol, this became the basis for the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic to turn to the Ottoman Empire for military assistance. As a result, the Bolshevik troops were defeated. On September 15, 1918, the Turkish-Azerbaijani army occupied Baku.
M. Diemer "World War I. Air combat"
Arabia
By the beginning of the First World War, it was the main ally of the Ottoman Empire in the Arabian Peninsula.
Libya
The Muslim Sufi religious and political order Senusiya began to wage military operations against the Italian colonialists in Libya back in 1911. Senusia- a Muslim Sufi religious-political order (brotherhood) in Libya and Sudan, founded in Mecca in 1837 by the Great Senussi, Muhammad ibn Ali al-Senussi, and aimed at overcoming the decline of Islamic thought and spirituality and the weakening of Muslim political unity). By 1914, the Italians controlled only the coast. With the outbreak of the First World War, the Senusites received new allies in the fight against the colonialists - the Ottoman and German Empire, with their help, by the end of 1916, Senusia drove the Italians out of most of Libya. In December 1915, Senusite troops invaded British Egypt, where they suffered a crushing defeat.
Poland
With the outbreak of the First World War, Polish nationalist circles in Austria-Hungary put forward the idea of creating a Polish Legion in order to gain the support of the Central Powers and with their help partially resolve the Polish question. As a result, two legions were formed - Eastern (Lviv) and Western (Krakow). The Eastern Legion, after the occupation of Galicia by Russian troops on September 21, 1914, dissolved itself, and the Western Legion was divided into three brigades of legionnaires (each with 5-6 thousand people) and in this form continued to participate in hostilities until 1918.
By August 1915, the Germans and Austro-Hungarians occupied the territory of the entire Kingdom of Poland, and on November 5, 1916, the occupation authorities promulgated the “Act of Two Emperors,” which proclaimed the creation of the Kingdom of Poland - an independent state with a hereditary monarchy and a constitutional system, the boundaries of which were clearly defined were not.
Sudan
By the beginning of the First World War, the Darfur Sultanate was under the protectorate of Great Britain, but the British refused to help Darfur, not wanting to spoil their relations with their Entente ally. As a result, on April 14, 1915, the Sultan officially declared the independence of Darfur. The Darfur Sultan hoped to receive the support of the Ottoman Empire and the Sufi order of Senusiya, with which the Sultanate established a strong alliance. A two-thousand-strong Anglo-Egyptian corps invaded Darfur, the army of the sultanate suffered a number of defeats, and in January 1917 the annexation of the Darfur Sultanate to Sudan was officially announced.
Russian artillery
Neutral countries
The following countries maintained full or partial neutrality: Albania, Afghanistan, Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Denmark, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg (it did not declare war on the Central Powers, although it was occupied German troops), Mexico, Netherlands, Norway, Paraguay, Persia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Tibet, Venezuela, Italy (August 3, 1914 - May 23, 1915)
As a result of the war
As a result of the First World War, the Central Powers bloc ceased to exist with defeat in the First World War in the fall of 1918. When signing the truce, they all unconditionally accepted the terms of the victors. Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire disintegrated as a result of the war; states created on the territory Russian Empire, were forced to seek support from the Entente. Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Finland retained their independence, the rest were again annexed to Russia (directly to the RSFSR or entered the Soviet Union).
World War I- one of the most widespread armed conflicts in the history of mankind. As a result of the war, four empires ceased to exist: Russian, Austro-Hungarian, Ottoman and German. The participating countries lost about 12 million people killed (including civilians), and about 55 million were wounded.
F. Roubaud "The First World War. 1915"
The Entente (from the French Entente, Entente cordiale - cordial agreement) - an alliance of Great Britain, France and Russia (Triple Entente), took shape in 1904-1907 and united more than 20 states during the First World War (1914-1918) against the coalition of the Central Powers , including the USA, Japan, Italy.
The creation of the Entente was preceded by the conclusion of a Russian-French alliance in 1891-1893 in response to the creation of the Triple Alliance (1882) led by Germany.
The formation of the Entente is associated with the disengagement of the great powers at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century, caused by a new balance of power in the international arena and the aggravation of contradictions between Germany, Austria-Hungary, Italy on the one hand, France, Great Britain and Russia, on the other.
The sharp intensification of Anglo-German rivalry, caused by Germany's colonial and trade expansion in Africa, the Middle East and other areas, and the naval arms race, prompted Great Britain to seek an alliance with France and then with Russia.
In 1904, a British-French agreement was signed, followed by a Russo-British agreement (1907). These treaties actually formalized the creation of the Entente.
Russia and France were allies bound by mutual military obligations determined by the military convention of 1892 and subsequent decisions of the general staffs of both states. The British government, despite contacts between the British and French general staffs and naval commands established in 1906 and 1912, did not make specific military commitments. The formation of the Entente softened the differences between its participants, but did not eliminate them. These differences were revealed more than once, which Germany took advantage of in an attempt to tear Russia away from the Entente. However, strategic calculations and aggressive plans of Germany doomed these attempts to failure.
In turn, the Entente countries, preparing for war with Germany, took steps to separate Italy and Austria-Hungary from the Triple Alliance. Although Italy formally remained part of the Triple Alliance before the outbreak of World War I, the ties of the Entente countries with it strengthened, and in May 1915 Italy went over to the Entente side.
After the outbreak of the First World War, in September 1914 in London, an agreement was signed between Great Britain, France and Russia on the non-conclusion of a separate peace, replacing the allied military treaty. In October 1915, Japan joined this agreement, which in August 1914 declared war on Germany.
During the war, new states gradually joined the Entente. By the end of the war, the states of the anti-German coalition (not counting Russia, which withdrew from the war after the October Revolution of 1917) included Great Britain, France, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Haiti, Guatemala, Honduras, Greece, Italy, China, Cuba, Liberia, Nicaragua , Panama, Peru, Portugal, Romania, San Domingo, San Marino, Serbia, Siam, USA, Uruguay, Montenegro, Hijaz, Ecuador, Japan.
The main participants of the Entente - Great Britain, France and Russia, from the first days of the war entered into secret negotiations on the goals of the war. The British-French-Russian agreement (1915) provided for the transfer of the Black Sea straits to Russia, the London Treaty (1915) between the Entente and Italy determined the territorial acquisitions of Italy at the expense of Austria-Hungary, Turkey and Albania. The Sykes-Picot Treaty (1916) divided Turkey's Asian possessions between Great Britain, France and Russia.
During the first three years of the war, Russia drew off significant enemy forces, coming quickly to the aid of the Allies as soon as Germany launched serious offensives in the West.
After the October Revolution of 1917, Russia’s withdrawal from the war did not disrupt the Entente’s victory over the German bloc, because Russia fully fulfilled its allied obligations, unlike England and France, who more than once broke their promises of help. Russia gave England and France the opportunity to mobilize all their resources. The struggle of the Russian army allowed the United States to expand its production power, create an army and replace Russia, which had emerged from the war - the United States officially declared war on Germany in April 1917.
After the October Revolution of 1917, the Entente organized an armed intervention against Soviet Russia - on December 23, 1917, Great Britain and France signed a corresponding agreement. In March 1918, the Entente intervention began, but the campaigns against Soviet Russia ended in failure. The goals that the Entente set for itself were achieved after the defeat of Germany in the First World War, but the strategic alliance between the leading Entente countries, Great Britain and France, remained in the following decades.
General political and military leadership activities of the block in different periods carried out: Inter-Allied conferences (1915, 1916, 1917, 1918), Supreme Council Entente, Inter-Allied (Executive) Military Committee, Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces, General Staff Supreme Commander, commanders-in-chief and headquarters in individual theaters of military operations. Such forms of cooperation were used as bilateral and multilateral meetings and consultations, contacts between commanders-in-chief and general staffs through representatives of the allied armies and military missions. However, the difference in military-political interests and goals, military doctrines, an incorrect assessment of the forces and means of the opposing coalitions, their military capabilities, the remoteness of the theaters of military operations, and the approach to the war as a short-term campaign did not allow the creation of a unified and permanent military-political leadership of the coalition in the war.
The material was prepared based on information from RIA Novosti and open sources
Formation of the Entente.
Entente.
Military-political blocs during World War I.
Entente- a military-political bloc of Russia, England and France, created as a counterweight to the “Triple Alliance” ( A-Entente); formed mainly in 1904-1907 and completed the delimitation of the great powers on the eve of the First World War. The term arose in 1904, initially to designate the Anglo-French alliance, and the expression was used l'Entente cordiale(“cordial agreement”) in memory of the short-lived Anglo-French alliance in the 1840s, which bore the same name.
The creation of the Entente was a reaction to the creation of the Triple Alliance and the strengthening of Germany, an attempt to prevent its hegemony on the continent, initially from Russia (France initially took an anti-German position), and then from Great Britain. The latter, in the face of the threat of German hegemony, was forced to abandon the traditional policy of “brilliant isolation” and move to - however, also traditional - a policy of blocking against the strongest power on the continent. Particularly important incentives for this choice of Great Britain were the German naval program and the colonial claims of Germany. In Germany, in turn, this turn of events was declared an “encirclement” and served as a reason for new military preparations, positioned as purely defensive.
The confrontation between the Entente and the Triple Alliance led to the First World War, where the enemy of the Entente and its allies was the Central Powers bloc, in which Germany played a leading role.
The Triple Alliance is a military-political bloc of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy, formed in 1879-1882, which marked the beginning of the division of Europe into hostile camps and played an important role in the preparation and outbreak of the First World War (1914-1918).
The main organizer of the Triple Alliance was Germany, which concluded a military alliance with Austria-Hungary in 1879. After this, in 1882, Italy joined them. The core of an aggressive military group was created in Europe, directed against Russia and France.
On May 20, 1882, Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy signed the secret Treaty of the Triple Alliance ( Austro-German Treaty of 1879, also known as Dual alliance- Treaty of Alliance between Austria-Hungary and Germany; signed in Vienna on October 7, 1879.
Imprisoned for a period of 5 years, subsequently renewed several times. Article 1 established that if one of the contracting parties was attacked by Russia, then both parties were obliged to come to the aid of each other. Article 2 provided that in the event of an attack on one of the contracting parties by any other power, the other party undertakes to maintain at least benevolent neutrality. If the attacking side receives Russian support, then Article 1 comes into force.
The treaty, directed primarily against Russia and France, was one of the agreements that led to the creation of a military bloc led by Germany (Triple Alliance) and to the division of European countries into two hostile camps, which subsequently opposed each other in the 1st World War war).
They made a commitment (for a period of 5 years) not to take part in any alliances or agreements directed against one of these countries, to consult on issues of a political and economic nature and to provide mutual support. Germany and Austria-Hungary pledged to provide assistance to Italy in the event that it “would, without a direct challenge on its part, be attacked by France.” Italy was to do the same in the event of an unprovoked French attack on Germany. Austria-Hungary was assigned the role of a reserve in case Russia entered the war. The allies took note of Italy's statement that if one of the powers that attacked its partners was Great Britain, then Italy would not provide them with military assistance (Italy was afraid of entering into conflict with Great Britain, since it could not withstand its strong navy). The parties pledged, in the event of common participation in the war, not to conclude a separate peace and to keep the Treaty of the Triple Alliance secret.
The treaty was renewed in 1887 and 1891 (with additions and clarifications made) and automatically extended in 1902 and 1912.
The policy of the countries participating in the Triple Alliance was characterized by increasing aggressiveness. In response to the creation of the Triple Alliance in 1891-1894, the Franco-Russian alliance, in 1904 an Anglo-French agreement was concluded, in 1907 - an Anglo-Russian agreement, the Entente was formed.
Since the end of the 19th century, Italy, which was suffering losses from the customs war waged against it by France, began to change its political course. In 1902, she entered into an agreement with France, pledging to remain neutral in the event of a German attack on France.
After the conclusion of the London Pact, Italy entered World War I on the side of the Entente, and the Triple Alliance collapsed (1915). After Italy left the alliance, Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire joined Germany and Austria-Hungary to form the Quadruple Alliance.
BRITISH-RUSSIAN NEGOTIATIONS IN 1907
At the beginning of 1906, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Lamzdorf, retired. Instead, Izvolsky, a former envoy to Copenhagen, who had long moved in the Germanophobic Danish court environment, was appointed. Izvolsky was very inclined towards Anglo-Russian rapprochement. He was very afraid of new complications with Japan and sought to prevent them through an agreement with England. He also hoped that such an agreement would allow Russian diplomacy to resolve the issue of the straits.
In March 1907, the Russian fleet visited England, Portsmouth. A group of Russian officers arrived in London at the invitation of the king; here they were given a warm welcome. Gray himself was present at the performance, organized for Russian sailors.
Izvolsky’s fears regarding Japan were well founded. Negotiations for a fishing convention, which began on the basis of the Portsmouth Treaty, did not proceed smoothly. At the beginning of 1907, they led to a new aggravation of Russian-Japanese relations. In St. Petersburg they were afraid that Japan would take advantage of Russia's temporary powerlessness to take away its Far Eastern possessions. Izvolsky believed that an agreement with England would be the best way achieve certain guarantees against Japan. The Foreign Office also understood that it was necessary to secure the Russian rear in the Far East in order to fully use Russia against Germany. However, England and Japan remained allies. In August 1905, during the Portsmouth negotiations, the Anglo-Japanese Alliance Treaty was renewed. Union obligations were also extended in the event of an attack by any power on India. The treaty effectively recognized Japan's protectorate over Korea. Thus, British diplomacy retained Japanese insurance both against Russia and in the event of war with Germany. But now England had to improve Russian-Japanese relations in order to extend the insurance to its future Russian ally.
On July 28, 1907, the fishing convention was finally signed; On July 30, 1907, a Russian-Japanese political agreement was concluded. Japan recognized Northern Manchuria - north of the Hunchong line, Lake Birten, the mouth of the Nonni River - as Russia's sphere of influence. For its part, Tsarist Russia recognized Southern Manchuria and Korea as the sphere of Japan. This agreement significantly improved Russian-Japanese relations. If Russian fears for the security of Vladivostok, Primorye and the Chinese Eastern Railway were not completely dispelled, they were nevertheless weakened. Shortly before the conclusion of the Russian-Japanese agreement, an agreement took place between Japan and France (June 10, 1907).
Finally, on August 31, 1907, not without the assistance of France, an Anglo-Russian agreement was signed. On the Russian side it was signed by Izvolsky, on the English side - by the ambassador in St. Petersburg, champion of the English-Russian Entente A. Nicholson.
The agreement covered Afghanistan, Tibet and Persia. Persia was divided into three zones: northern - Russian, southern (more precisely, southeastern) - English and middle - neutral. Each party pledged not to seek concessions of a political or commercial nature in the “foreign” zone and not to interfere with their partner’s obtaining them. In the neutral zone, each party retained the right to seek concessions without interfering with the same actions of the other party to the agreement.
The agreement provided for the right to control the income of the Persian government in the Russian and English zones. Control was supposed to be introduced in the event of a failure of the Persian government in making payments on loans to the Russian Accounting and Loan Bank or the English Shahinshah Bank. At the same time, the Russian government could establish control over the income of the Persian treasury coming from the regions classified as the Russian zone. The British government received appropriate opportunities within its zone. Both governments pledged to “preliminarily enter into a friendly exchange of views regarding the determination by mutual agreement of the said control measures.”
Tsarist Russia recognized Afghanistan as being “outside the sphere of Russian influence” and pledged to “use the mediation of the British government for all its political relations with Afghanistan.”
Both Russia and England pledged not to interfere in the internal affairs of Tibet, not to violate its territorial integrity and to communicate with it exclusively through the suzerain Chinese government.
Despite the efforts of Izvolsky, Constantinople and the straits were not mentioned in the agreement: England did not give Russia any obligations in this regard.
The 1907 agreement created the so-called Triple Entente - Triple Entente composed of England, France and Russia, opposing the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy.
World history of diplomacy.
http://www.diphis.ru/anglo_russkoe_soglashenie-a370.html
THE END OF THE ENGLISH-RUSSIAN “GREAT GAME” IN ASIA
During the critical years, Russia's foreign policy seemed to fade into the background before its domestic policy, but it was during this time that a significant turn took place in it. Until then, the main features of Russian politics were an alliance with France, good relations with Germany, an agreement with Austria on Balkan affairs, rivalry with England along the entire “front” of Asia, and open hostility with Japan, just interrupted by the Treaty of Portsmouth.
New English ambassador Sir Arthur Nicholson arrived in St. Petersburg in May 1906 with instructions to establish Anglo-Russian rapprochement; he met with a sympathetic attitude in this from the new Minister of Foreign Affairs A.P. Izvolsky. The British government at first relied heavily on Russian “cadet” circles; but Sir A. Nicholson soon came to the conclusion that the bet should be placed not on the Duma, but on Stolypin, and was greatly alarmed when the English Prime Minister Campbell-Bannerman, after the dissolution of the First Duma, exclaimed at an interparliamentary banquet: “The Duma is dead - long live the Duma.” . King Edward VII was no less annoyed by this than the ambassador.
Back in the summer of 1906, the visit of English ships to Russian ports was canceled at the request of Russia. But negotiations on resolving controversial Asian issues nevertheless began.
On August 18 (31), 1907, the Anglo-Russian agreement was signed. England abandoned Tibet; both powers recognized China's sovereignty over this country. Russia renounced its claims to Afghanistan; both powers pledged to respect its independence and integrity. Persia was divided into three zones: the northern, with Tabriz, Tehran, the southern coast of the Caspian Sea and the central region, up to Ispagan and Khanikin, was part of the Russian sphere of influence; the southeastern part, adjacent to Afghanistan and India, was considered the English zone; and between them there remained a “neutral” common strip, which included almost the entire coast of the Persian Gulf. Both powers mutually pledged to protect the integrity and independence of Persia.
The Russian press, in general, greeted the agreement with sympathy. “New Time” called the agreement with Japan and England “liquidation”, the completion of old calculations and wrote: “The agreement of August 18 marks a new phase in the Asian grouping: it signifies the abandonment of that Indian campaign that has more than once fired the imagination in Russia...” A similar idea was expressed by Foreign Minister A.P. Izvolsky, defending the draft agreement in the Council of Ministers. "We must put our interests in Asia to its proper place, otherwise we ourselves will become an Asian state, which would be the greatest misfortune for Russia.”
S.S. Oldenburg. Reign of Emperor Nicholas II
http://www.empire-history.ru/empires-211-16.html
ROLE OF A.P. IZVOLSKY IN CONCLUSION OF THE ENGLISH-RUSSIAN AGREEMENT
After the formation of the Anglo-French Entente, Russian diplomacy had to balance between its ally and its recent irreconcilable enemy - England. Russia needed the support of England to stabilize the situation in the Far East: while still envoy to Japan, Izvolsky came to the conviction that the key to mutual understanding between St. Petersburg and Tokyo lay in London. The course towards an agreement with England meant a turn in the country's foreign policy. However, influential conservative circles in Russia insisted on the need, in the conditions of the revolutionary crisis, to maintain and strengthen ties with the monarchical governments of Germany and Austria-Hungary. Izvolsky had to take these views into account. He also began to reorganize his own department, in which, according to the minister, “stagnation and decay” reigned. The Minister brought the ministry's information service to a modern level and introduced the systematic distribution of copies of basic diplomatic documents to foreign missions. He managed to change the entire ministerial leadership. New minister reduced the number of diplomatic missions in Germany and increased the number of full-time consulates abroad. This increased the efficiency of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The first stage of Russia's negotiations, which began in May - June 1906 with England, Japan and Germany, can be considered as a period of diplomatic probing and identification of mutual demands. The weakness of Russia's foreign policy positions dictated Izvolsky's tactic of first putting forward non-main issues at the negotiations, as well as convincing the governments of the three powers that the policy of an agreement with each of them was not directed against the other and was not intended to disrupt the existing balance of power in Europe and the Far East. The tactics of maneuvering also suggested to Izvolsky the diplomatic methods of its implementation - intensive and systematic personal contacts with his foreign colleagues and heads of government, both official and private, first used on such a large scale by the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs.
However, Izvolsky's main difficulties at this stage were related to internal political problems. Already in June 1906, having barely become accustomed to the duties of a minister, Izvolsky was forced to get involved in eliminating the government crisis that arose in connection with the dispersal of the Duma and the resignation of the government of I.L. Goremykina. Negotiations with England were suspended. Izvolsky made a proposal to create a “responsible ministry” with the participation of the liberal opposition. But the most difficult thing for Izvolsky was to overcome resistance in the ruling circles of Russia to his new course when developing the terms of agreements with England and Japan. During the discussion of the terms of the agreement with England on the delimitation of spheres of influence in Persia and Afghanistan, his main opponent was the Chief of the General Staff F. Palitsyn, who insisted on expanding the “Russian zone” in Persia. In the SDO (Council of State Defense), Izvolsky was forced to fight against plans for a revanchist war with Japan. When developing and discussing the terms of agreements with Japan and England, Izvolsky showed flexibility, perseverance, and especially the ability to persuade. Subsequently, he confessed to the French ambassador in Paris: “You cannot imagine all the struggle that I had to endure in 1907 with everyone, right down to my colleagues in the ministry.”
At the beginning of 1907, Izvolsky managed to win Stolypin over to his side and, with the help of Kokovtsov, change the mood of the members of the special meeting, as well as break the resistance of the military in the SGO. He skillfully used the press to convince the public of the benefits of rapprochement with England and Japan. The final stage Negotiations with these powers covered the period from the beginning of 1907 until the signing of the conventions in June - August of the same year.
Izvolsky's approach to developing the terms of agreements was distinguished by realism. Aware of the weakening positions of Russia in Central Asia, the need to abandon, at least temporarily, an active policy in this region, but at the same time to protect the gains already made, he agreed to English sentence on the division of Persia into three zones: northern (“Russian”), southern (“English”) and neutral, with equal opportunities for the two countries. This consolidated the actual situation in the entire complex of relations between the two rivals in Persia. The principle of consolidating the status quo also extended to Tibet, whose territorial integrity under the sovereignty of China was recognized by Russia and England. Fierce disputes were associated with Afghanistan, which Russia for the first time recognized as lying outside its sphere of interests. For concessions in Iran and Afghanistan, Izvolsky did not fail to receive compensation from British diplomacy that was important for his future policy in the Middle East: a promise to support Russia in resolving the issue of the straits. In determining the terms of the political delimitation with Japan, Izvolsky rejected Japanese demands that went significantly beyond the scope of the Portsmouth Treaty, and at the same time, in the name of achieving an agreement, he paid for it with significant concessions, mainly in economic matters.
Alexander Petrovich knew how to highlight the main problems, subordinate secondary issues the main one is political. Thus, by the end of 1906, negotiations with Japan on the implementation of the terms of the Portsmouth Treaty had reached a dead end, he proposed raising them by more high level negotiations on the conclusion of a general political convention. In pursuing the “policy of agreements,” Izvolskoy quite successfully used the tactics of active foreign policy maneuvering, taking advantage of the interest in Russia of both blocs of powers. In practice, this position was expressed in not forcing negotiations with England without first improving relations with Germany, and exactly as much as necessary, so as not to sow illusions in Germany about the possibility of reviving the monarchical Union of the Three Emperors and at the same time not arouse the suspicions of the Entente . At the same time, it was intended to prevent the agreement with England from becoming anti-German. In negotiations with Japan and England, the goal was to use Tokyo’s dependence on London and Paris, the Entente’s interest in Russia’s speedy return to Europe; Therefore, it was necessary to coordinate negotiations with both countries, giving them a certain synchronicity, giving priority to the agreement with Britain, because this, it was thought, would advance the conclusion of the Russian-Japanese agreement. However, feedback was also in mind: in negotiations with Japan they expected to use the American card.
Izvolsky managed to achieve generally acceptable terms of agreements with England and Japan. Although contemporaries accused Izvolsky of being too accommodating to his partners, the latter were reproached by their compatriots for the same thing. Most historians recognize that both agreements generally corresponded to the real balance of power in the Far East and Central Asia and fixed the positions of the powers occupied by that time. And yet, Izvolsky’s diplomatic art was defeated in negotiations with Germany. The scale and severity of the contradictions between the two powers, and most importantly the alliance with France and the course towards political rapprochement with England, limited the “tactics of the possible” used by the Russian minister. Due to fundamental disagreements on the main issues (Balkan and Middle East), Izvolsky had to be satisfied with the conclusion of the so-called Baltic Protocol (October 1907) on maintaining the status quo in the Baltic region, which was not of fundamental importance for the relationship between Russia and Germany. This protocol only created the appearance of restoring the balance between Russia and the German bloc, since Russia’s real tilt towards the Entente was increasing. In the chain of agreements concluded by Izvolsky, the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 occupied a key position. Its objective general political significance, like the Anglo-French agreement of 1904 on the delimitation in Africa, was that it laid the foundation for the formation of the Triple Entente.