Under these conditions, a Franco-Russian rapprochement became inevitable. And if the ambiguous policy of Berlin and the openly hostile policy of Vienna were an incentive for Russia to a Franco-Russian alliance, then France was pushed to the East by London’s intransigence on the Egyptian issue (from 1882 onwards).
Egypt actually became a British semi-colony), which completely ruled out the restoration of the Crimean coalition.
However, this Franco-Russian rapprochement was not easy. Initially, Russia refused to conclude a military convention with Paris and, therefore, to assume any specific obligations. Petersburg’s calculation was clear: to deal with Austria alone while Germany’s hands were tied due to Franco-German antagonism.
Indeed, in the 1890s. France needed a Franco-Russian military alliance more than Russia. However, on the other hand, the financial dependence of the tsarist government on French loans was no less noticeable (the first such loan was placed back in 1888). And the St. Petersburg cabinet’s fear of the possibility of being left alone in front of the rapidly growing German colossus also cannot be discounted. These fears especially intensified after the renewal of the Triple Alliance (May 1891), accompanied by demonstrations of Anglo-German friendship.
Already in August 1891, Tsar Alexander III received the French president in Kronstadt; at the same time, he was forced to bare his head to the sounds of the French revolutionary anthem - La Marseillaise... Thus began the rapprochement between the two countries, which in 1892-1894. ended with the conclusion of the Franco-Russian military convention.
Article one of this convention stated:
If France were attacked by Germany or Italy supported by Germany, Russia would use all its available forces to attack Germany.
If Russia were attacked by Germany or Austria supported by Germany, France would use all its available forces to attack Germany.
Article two established that in the event of the mobilization of the forces of the Triple Alliance or one of its constituent powers, France and Russia, upon receipt of this news and without waiting for any other preliminary agreement, would immediately and simultaneously mobilize all their forces and move them as close as possible to their borders. Further, the convention determined the number of troops that would be moved by Russia and France against Germany as the strongest member of the hostile group.
During negotiations on the content of the convention, the French side insisted that Russia allocate as many forces as possible precisely on the German front. It is obvious that the French General Staff continued to adhere to the Napoleonic strategy of crushing the main forces of the enemy.
The World War, however, showed that the strategy of attrition prevailed, acting in accordance with which the Entente first defeated Germany’s allies, and then forced Germany itself to capitulate.
It took a long time for Berlin to realize the full scale of the disaster. But as dreams of an Anglo-German rapprochement became increasingly elusive, German diplomacy began to take steps aimed at rapprochement with Russia. But it was already too late - Germany was never able to solve the problem of eliminating the Franco-Russian alliance.
Moreover, at the turn of the 19th - 20th centuries. Berlin took a number of steps that made any improvement in relations with France completely impossible. As you know, the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine as a result of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. led to antagonism between France and Germany. Meanwhile, trying to avoid dragging the German Empire into a war on two fronts, Berlin was objectively interested in normalizing relations with Paris. That is why, in an effort to compensate France for the loss of these two provinces and thus find a basis for normalizing relations with Paris, Bismarck consistently supported France in all its French colonial enterprises. Bismarck himself was completely indifferent to colonial policy; his phrases are known about the Balkans (“this whole region is not worth the bones of one Pomeranian grenadier”) and Africa (“My map of Africa is in Europe. Here lies Russia, and here is France, we are in the middle. This is my map of Africa.” ). After the formation of the German Empire and thus solving the historical task of uniting the Germans in a single state, Bismarck rightly believed that it was in the interests of the new German state to maintain stability in Europe, and such stability, as historical experience showed, could only be achieved through the activation of colonial expansion of the leading powers - Germany's neighbors. That is why Bismarck strongly encouraged the colonial aspirations of both England and Russia - but especially France.
In all the conflicts between Paris and London on colonial issues throughout the 1880s. Bismarck always supported the French. By acting in this way, German diplomacy managed to destroy the so-called. a “liberal alliance” between republican France and constitutional Britain, which, of course, had a certain anti-German orientation.
The intensification of German colonial policy inevitably caused a worsening of German-French relations, and a spirit of revenge for Sedan immediately arose. But the deterioration of Anglo-German relations had even more serious consequences for Berlin.
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Contradictions between Russia and other members of the “Union of Three Emperors” regarding the Balkans accelerated the emerging Franco-Russian rapprochement. In March 1890, Bismarck, who insisted on extending allied relations with Russia, was dismissed. The German government feared that treaties with St. Petersburg would complicate Germany's rapprochement with Great Britain and the strengthening of the alliance with Austria-Hungary.
The initiators of the Franco-Russian alliance were the French side: Minister of Foreign Affairs Ribot, ambassadors in St. Petersburg - first Laboule, then Montebello, Minister of War Freycinet. On the Russian side, Minister of War Milyutin, Minister of Internal Affairs Tolstoy, diplomat Ignatiev and others advocated an alliance with France. The pro-German leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Gire and Lamsdorf) was forced under the pressure of objective circumstances to change orientation. On the Bulgarian issue, France took a favorable position towards Russia, not recognizing the princely powers of the protege of Austria and Germany, Ferdinand Coburg. Since the late 1880s, French bankers actively invested money in the Russian economy. Loans 1890 and 1891 led to the fact that Paris, not Berlin, became the main market for Russian securities. Both countries had sharp contradictions with England on the colonial issue.
The renewal of the Triple Alliance in May 1891 served as an impetus for France and Russia to establish closer relations. In July, the French squadron paid a visit to Kronstadt, which caused concern in Berlin, Vienna, Rome and London. An ardent opponent of the revolution, Alexander III listened to the Marseillaise with his head uncovered.
The first stage in the creation of the union was the “Girs-Ribault Agreement” on August 15, 1891. It was a secret consultative pact in the form of an exchange of letters, which provided for a joint discussion of issues that threatened global peace, and in the event of an extreme situation, an agreement was in place to take the necessary measures.
The second stage on the path to the union of Paris and St. Petersburg was the military convention signed on August 5, 1892 by the chiefs of the general staff, Generals Obruchev and Boisdeffre. France sought to gain support in case of war with Germany, and Russia - with any power of the Triple Alliance. Gire, continuing to hope for an agreement with Germany, pointed out to the tsar that the convention was premature, but Alexander III, who was distinguished by his “dislike for the Germans in general,” was convinced by information from Berlin about new allocations for military needs.
The convention provided for military assistance to France from Russia if the former was attacked by Germany or Italy, which would be supported by Germany. In turn, France was supposed to provide military support to Russia in the event of an attack by Germany or Austria-Hungary, with the support of the same Germany. If the mobilization of the forces of the Triple Alliance or one of the powers that were part of it began, France and Russia had to immediately mobilize their forces and move them as close to the borders as possible in order to force Germany to fight on two fronts. The Convention was secret; its duration was determined by the time of existence of the Triple Alliance.
Simultaneously with the negotiations on concluding a military convention, negotiations were underway to develop a trade agreement between Russia and Germany, which was signed in Berlin on January 22, 1894. The start of negotiations (October 3, 1893) coincided with the return visit of the Russian squadron to Toulon, France.
Russia was never able to give the alliance an anti-British orientation, which in 1904 helped France enter into an alliance with England. The alliance of Russia and France, which became a response to the formation of the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy, restored the balance of power in Europe.
Nicholas II, who became Russian Emperor in 1894, continued his course towards rapprochement with France. At the same time, St. Petersburg sought stable relations with Germany and was afraid of England joining the Triple Alliance.
In 1899, the foreign ministers of France (Delcasse) and Russia (Muravyov) exchanged letters confirming the terms of the secret Russian-French political and military alliance of 1891–1893. However, now the validity of the military convention was not limited to the existence of the Triple Alliance, but became unlimited.
"THE DREIFUS CASE"
The Dreyfus Affair claims to be the most notorious trial in the history of the 19th century. In fact, for the first time, the general public took part in the process on such a scale. The “case” showed not only the growth of chauvinistic, militaristic and anti-Semitic sentiments in politics, but also a new phenomenon - democracy in action.
Artillery captain, the Jew Alfred Dreyfus served on the French General Staff. In 1894, a 35-year-old officer was accused of spying for Germany. The accusation against Dreyfus was brought by the War Ministry, and, despite the lack of direct evidence, a military court sentenced the accused to life hard labor in December 1894. The trial was accompanied by perjury, forgery, and fabricated testimony. During the investigation, evidence of information leakage to the German military attache and facts of involvement in the crime of a number of General Staff officers, but not Dreyfus himself, were revealed. At the demotion ceremony, he kept repeating: “I’m innocent! Long live France! The government press published devastating articles against this and other “traitors”; the propaganda had a clear anti-Semitic orientation. The crowd on the streets shouted not only “Death to the traitor!”, but also “Death to the Jews!”
A year after the first trial, interest in the “case” began to rapidly decline. Mathieu, Alfred's brother, even published false news of the escape to overcome his indifference. And to some extent, he succeeded: since the end of 1897, the “Dreyfus affair” has again become the most discussed topic in French society. Advanced workers, many socialists, and progressive intelligentsia actively spoke out in defense of the republic and the acquittal of Dreyfus. Some members of the public gained access to investigative documents. The turning point in the proceedings came when the main witness, Colonel Henri, admitted that he had forged documents and then committed suicide.
However, the ruling circles of France strongly opposed the rehabilitation of Dreyfus. On January 11, 1898, the true traitor was acquitted - officer Esterhazy, who actually handed over secret French documents to German intelligence. Colonel Picard, who accused Esterhazy, was soon arrested. Dreyfus' opponents organized a large-scale fundraising campaign for a monument to Colonel Henri. On September 9, 1899, a military court that reviewed the Dreyfus case, contrary to obvious facts, again found him guilty. Reactionary circles used the “Dreyfus affair” to incite chauvinism and attack the republican regime and democratic freedoms.
A major role in the activation of democratic forces was played by Emile Zola's open letter to President Faure, in which the writer accused the authorities of deliberately condemning the innocent Dreyfus. For his speech in the Zarya newspaper, Zola was brought to trial and sentenced to one year in prison and a fine. Without waiting for the sentence to be carried out, the writer left France and settled in London.
In conditions of extreme aggravation of class contradictions in France, the struggle around the “Dreyfus affair” led to a serious political crisis and brought the country close to civil war.
Having created a situation of chauvinistic frenzy in the country, reactionary forces led by the League of Patriots attempted a coup in February 1899 with the aim of overthrowing the republic and destroying democratic freedoms. However, leftist forces managed to thwart these plans. Fear of worker protests led to the unification of two bourgeois camps: the “Dreyfusards” (supporters of the revision of the “Dreyfus affair”) and the “anti-Dreyfusards” (opponents of the revision of the “affair”). The Waldeck-Rousseau government, formed in June 1899, which consisted of a coalition of representatives of all left parties, seeking to “pacify” the country, decided to hush up the “Dreyfus affair.” On September 19, 1899, the President of the Republic, on the recommendation of the government, pardoned Dreyfus. The Dreyfusards tried to organize a boycott of the 1900 World Exhibition in Paris, but they failed. In July 1906, Dreyfus was completely rehabilitated.
Rapprochement between Russia and France
The end of the Franco-Prussian War not in favor of France forced its government to look for new directions in foreign policy. The French people passionately desired revenge and regaining their lost power. The German Empire tried to keep its enemy isolated. To prevent this, France is seeking to enter into an alliance with Russia.
Definition 1
The Franco-Russian alliance is a military and political union of two states. Both countries actively sought unification in 1891-1917. Their friendly relations preceded the formation of the Entente (plus England), opposing the Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy.
The French, having suffered defeat from Germany, saw Russia as their savior. The volume of trade between countries increased significantly, and French investments in the Russian economy grew. The lion's share of them were government loans to the government. By the beginning of the 90s, the tsarist government owed French banks 2,600 million francs. Russia's financial dependence was extremely beneficial to France, creating the prospect of political rapprochement. A possible war with Germany and contradictions over colonies with England required France to look for an ally in Russia. Russia also saw France as a supporter: Germany was presented as an enemy after refusing to extend the “reinsurance treaty” and rapprochement with England.
Signing of treaties between Russia and France
President Sadi Carnot and Russian Foreign Minister Nikolai Giers are holding talks. In 1891, the countries sign an agreement between the democratic Republic of France and the authoritarian Russian Empire. They agree on a joint line of action in the event of a “threat to European peace.”
The following year (1892) a secret military convention was drawn up. The parties assumed obligations to assist each other in the following cases:
- during an attack on Russia by Austria-Hungary or Germany;
- during an attack on France by Italy or Germany.
Russia and France pledged to act synchronously. They had to mobilize their military forces and send them to the borders of the Triple Alliance. The countries had to force Germany to fight a war on two fronts simultaneously, supplying 1,300 thousand French and 800 thousand Russian soldiers.
In 1812, friendly relations were supplemented by a naval convention.
Note 1
The Franco-Russian Alliance was initially formalized as a defensive association against the Triple Alliance. In fact, both European unions were aggressive in nature. They sought territorial conquests and led to a new European war.
The significance of the Franco-Russian alliance
The formation of the Franco-Russian alliance led to the split of Europe into two warring military-political blocs. Which of them would be stronger depended on the position of England with its navy and economic resources. England continued to adhere to the course of “splendid isolation,” but maintaining traditional policies became increasingly difficult. In the 90s, Britain was in conflict:
- with Russia in the Far East and China,
- with France - in Africa,
- from the USA - in Latin America.
By the end of the 19th century, relations with Germany worsened. The desire of the German Empire to achieve a “place in the sun” forced England to look for allies to fight its aggressive plans for redividing the world.
Germany and Austria-Hungary perceived the formation of the Franco-Russian alliance as a serious blow to their position in Europe. Italy began to gradually withdraw from participation in the actions of the Triple Alliance, as it felt its own weakness after the defeat in Ethiopia. For the same reason, after the Spanish-American War of 1898, Spain retreated from active participation in European politics.
With these changes in priorities in international relations, Europe was approaching the First World War.
The relationship between Russia and France began to develop differently.
The volume of foreign trade between both countries increased continuously. Significant French investments in Russia and large loans provided by French banks contributed to the rapprochement of the ruling circles of France and Russia.
The lion's share of the amounts provided by French capitalists were government loans to the tsarist government. First loan of 500 million francs. was placed on the Paris stock exchange in 1887. It was followed by a series of other loans, and by the end of 1889 the Russian government's debt to French banks reached 2,600 million francs. Tsarist Russia thus fell into a certain dependence on French capital.
For the French bourgeoisie this was extremely profitable and important. Strengthened economic ties with Russia also opened up prospects for political rapprochement. The threat of a “preventive” war from Germany and colonial contradictions with England urgently demanded that the ruling circles of France emerge from the state of international isolation.
Germany's increasingly clear hostility towards Russia, in particular the refusal to renew the “reinsurance treaty” that followed in 1890, prompted the tsarist government to change its foreign policy course.
The attempts of the German ruling circles to come to an agreement with England (the 1890 agreement on the exchange of Zanzibar for Heligoland) caused serious concern for the Russian government.
On the other hand, the restoration of the power of the French army increased the importance of France as a potential ally of Russia. The tsarist government therefore agreed to the proposals for an alliance coming from France, but showed restraint and slowness in the negotiations.
In August 1891, Russia and France entered into a consultative agreement, obliging both countries, in the event of an attack by Germany or at least a “threat to European peace,” to enter into negotiations with each other to coordinate their policies and establish a common line of behavior.
A year later, in 1892, a secret military convention was concluded. It provided that if France were attacked by Germany or Italy supported by Germany, then Russia would use all its available forces to attack Germany; Likewise, if Russia is attacked by Germany or Austria supported by Germany, then France will use all its available forces to attack Germany.
The Convention obliged France and Russia, in the event of the mobilization of the forces of the Triple Alliance or one of its constituent powers, to immediately and simultaneously mobilize all their forces and concentrate them as close as possible to the borders. France was supposed to field 1,300 thousand people against Germany, and Russia - from 700 to 800 thousand people. At the same time, it was specifically stipulated that “these forces will be put into action fully and as soon as possible, so that Germany will be forced to fight simultaneously in the east and in the west.”
The Franco-Russian Military Convention of 1892 was signed by representatives of the general staffs and at first was only of a “technical nature.” Its transformation into a political treaty of alliance with all the obligations arising from it took place in the form of an exchange of letters between the French Foreign Minister Ribot and the Russian Foreign Minister Giers on December 27, 1893 - January 4, 1894.
Like the Triple Alliance, the Franco-Russian alliance was designed as a defensive one. But essentially they were both aggressive in nature. The creation of these military-political blocs was an important milestone on the path to the European war.
For Germany and Austria-Hungary, the creation of a Franco-Russian alliance was a serious blow. This was followed by England's refusal to confirm the Mediterranean agreement of 1887. Italy, economically weakened by the customs war with France and having suffered a crushing defeat in Ethiopia (Abyssinia) in 1896, began to move away from the Austro-German bloc. A similar evolution occurred in Spanish politics after the Spanish-American War of 1898.
Also in the bourgeois circles of Romania, in connection with the penetration of English and French capital (mainly into the oil industry), a gradual increase in the influence of England and France was noticed, although King Karl Hohenzollern continued to remain oriented towards Germany.
After the formation of the Franco-Russian union, the continent of Europe split into two military-political blocs, approximately equal in power. The balance of power between them largely depended on which of them England, the owner of a powerful navy and enormous financial, economic and raw material resources, would eventually join.
Until a certain time, the ruling circles of England considered it advantageous to continue the policy of “brilliant isolation.” But England had to face increasing difficulties on the international stage.
In the 90s, England had serious conflicts with Russia - in the Far East, China, Iran; with France - in Africa, Siam; with the United States, to which it was forced to make major concessions, in Latin America. At the very end of the 90s, deep Anglo-German contradictions began to emerge more and more clearly on the forefront of world politics.
The intense struggle with France and Russia supported the desires of some of the ruling circles of England to reach a compromise agreement with Germany. The British government twice, in 1898 and 1899, tried to buy German support with the promise of colonial compensation.
However, the German government asked for such an exorbitant price that England refused this deal. The traditional English policy of “brilliant isolation” has entered a period of crisis.
The formation of two powerful military-political blocs, the completion of the territorial division of the world and the beginning of the struggle for its redivision prompted England to look for allies in preparation for the inevitable clash with its main imperialist antagonist - Germany.
With such results in the field of international relations, the European powers entered the era of imperialism.
Inspired by the same desire to preserve peace, France and Russia, with the sole purpose of preparing for the demands of a defensive war caused by an attack by the troops of the Triple Alliance against one of them, agreed on the following provisions:
1) If France is attacked by Germany or Italy supported by Germany, Russia will use all the troops it can dispose of to attack Germany.
If Russia is attacked by Germany or by Austria supported by Germany, France will use all the troops it can command to attack Germany...
2) In the event of the mobilization of troops of the Triple Alliance or one of its constituent powers, France and Russia, immediately upon receipt of news of this, without waiting for any prior agreement, will immediately and simultaneously mobilize all their forces...
3) The active armies that must be used against Germany will be 1,300,000 people on the French side, and from 700,000 to 800,000 people on the Russian side. These troops will be fully and quickly brought into action, so that Germany will have to fight in both the east and the west at once...
5) France and Russia will not conclude a separate peace.
6) This Convention will be in force for the same period as the Triple Alliance.
Collection of treaties between Russia and other states (1856-1917), M., 1952. pp. 281-282.
From the Anglo-French agreement concluded in London
DECLARATION OF CASUALTY FOR EGYPT AND MAROCOC
Art.1. Her Britannic Majesty's Government declares that it has no intention of changing the political situation of Egypt. For its part, the government of the French Republic declares that it will not interfere with the actions of England in this country, ...
Art.2. The Government of the French Republic announces that it has no intention of changing the political situation of Morocco...
From the Anglo-French secret agreement on the Moroccan question, concluded in London on April 8, 1904
Art.3. Both governments agree that a certain amount of Moroccan territory adjacent to Melilla, Ceutha and other presidates (meaning the Spanish possessions on the coast of Morocco) should, on the day when the Sultan ceases to exercise his power over them, enter the sphere of Spanish influence.
From the convention between Russia and England on the affairs of Persia,
Afghanistan and Tibet, concluded in St. Petersburg
A. AGREEMENT RELATING TO THE PERSIA
1. Great Britain undertakes not to solicit... concessions... on the other side of the line running from Qasri Shirin through Isfahan, Haqq and ending at a point on the Persian border at the intersection of the Russian and Afghan borders...
II. Russia, for its part, undertakes not to seek... concessions... on the other side of the line running from the Afghan border through Gazik, Birjand, Kerman and ending in Bandar Abbas...
B. CONVENTION RELATING TO AFGHANISTAN
Art.1. His British government announces that it has no intention of changing the political situation in Afghanistan. ...
For its part, the Russian imperial government announces that it recognizes Afghanistan as outside the sphere of Russian influence; ...
B. AGREEMENT RELATING TO TIBET
The governments of Russia and Great Britain, recognizing the suzerain rights of China over Tibet...
Molok A.I., Orlov V.A. Reader on new history.
Ch.II. 1870-1918. M., 1959. S. 294, 301-305.