The foreign word “collaborationism” (French collfboration - cooperation, collaboration) is still classified as unpronounceable, although it was borrowed to refer to actual events that occurred more than five decades ago during the Second World War. Yes, writing about “traitors, traitors to the motherland” is not easy. It is possible that this publication will be followed by a reaction like thunder from heaven: “It’s impossible! Write better about the heroes...”
I would like the reader to take into account here: the newspaper text is not a decree on an award or a court verdict. Our goal is not to elevate, but to understand a person who, in the grip of circumstances, had to take a double oath and three times, together with others who enlisted in the ranks of the Idel-Ural legion, shout “Heil!”
It is known that the overwhelming majority of prisoners of war, including the “Vlasovites” and the so-called legionnaires, who joined the Germans under the banner of the fight against Stalinism in order to create independent national states, were “identified” and, with the active assistance of the allies, returned to the USSR and convicted. Even those who languished in German concentration camps for many years fell under the millstone of repression. Few of them, after serving a long term, were released. And which of these unfortunate people, under conditions of colossal moral pressure, dared to write memoirs? Such cases are rare. That is why we believe that the memoirs of former prisoner of war Ivan Skobelev are of historical value. Despite the completely understandable subjective interpretation of events, one cannot ignore new information about the actions of the underground group, which included a former political worker of the Second Shock Army, the poet Musa Jalil, guillotined by the Nazis (later Hero Soviet Union, laureate of the Lenin Prize).
A few words about the fate of the memoirs. A native of the Chuvash village of Nizhny Kurmei Orenburg region Ivan Skobelev (1915) wrote them at the request of the writer and journalist, editor-in-chief of the Orenburg television studio Leonid Bolshakov, who was interested in Chuvash history (author of the brochure “Chuvash Correspondents of Leo Tolstoy”). Apparently after triumphant return In the USSR “Moabit notebooks” by Musa Jalil, during the short-term “thaw”, the author began to hope that the attitude towards other prisoners of the camps, as well as towards all victims of the war, would change. Once again mentally walking along the bumpy roads of war, he, of course, was looking for a way to gain mental stability (keeping colossal information and impressions inside is an incredible test). To tell, to confess, to justify oneself before posterity, perhaps the author thought about this too.
Valery ALEXIN.
Brief historical background
The Volga-Tatar Legion (Idel-Ural Legion) is a Wehrmacht unit consisting of representatives of the Volga peoples of the USSR (Tatars, Bashkirs, Mari, Mordovians, Chuvashs, Udmurts). Volga-Tatar legionnaires (about 40 thousand people in total) were part of 7 reinforced field battalions; 15 economic, sapper, railway and road construction companies; and 1 battle group of the East Turkic SS unit. Organizationally, it was subordinate to the Headquarters of the Command of the Eastern Legions (German: Kommando der Ostlegionen).
The legion was created in Jedlino (Poland) on August 15, 1942. The ideological basis of the legion was the creation of an independent Volga-Ural Republic (Idel-Ural). The leading role in the ideological training of the legionnaires was played by emigrants - members of national committees formed under the auspices of the Ministry of the Occupied Eastern Territories.
The Volga-Tatar Legion used a variant of the patch that looked like a blue-gray oval with a yellow border. In the center of the emblem there was a vault with a vertical arrow. Idel-Ural was written on top in yellow letters, and Tatar Legion was written below. The round cockades on the headdresses had the same color combination as the stripes.
At the very first clashes with the enemy, many legionnaires most of who were recruited against their will from among prisoners of war, went over to the side of the Red Army and the Allied armies. An underground organization led by Musa Jalil made a great contribution to maintaining the spirit of the legionnaires and the rejection of Nazi views.
Volga-Tatar legionnaire "Idel-Ural", 1944
War
The first day of the war passed like all previous days, except for the message about the beginning of the German invasion. On June 23, some of the soldiers took the oath. For the first time we held live ammunition in our hands, for the first time we saw simple and explosive bullets. But they got the same rifles - the old model with a triangular Russian bayonet. The war has begun, but we have not yet seen machine guns.
The people knew that a conflict with Germany was inevitable. The rank and file greeted the war calmly. We considered the concluded pact of friendship and non-aggression as an absurdity in the policy of our government. It was only strange to listen to the Red Army soldiers being prohibited by their commanders from talking about Germany as a state hostile to us.
In the evening we left our newly inhabited tents and dugouts and made a trek of about sixty kilometers to the West. We thought we were going to be loaded to be sent to the front. The mood was cheerful and fighting. First big hike I didn’t exhaust him at all, although I wanted to sleep and rest.
They began to take a position and dig trenches. When everything was done, an order came: to gather to replace the deployment. This time we went back 25 km. Why was such maneuvering necessary, for the entire division? Why are we marking time? The command was confused and continued to be academically liberal. The fact that the commanders forgot the practice of the civil war also speaks of confusion.
Marking time ended on June 29 or 30; in the evening we were loaded onto a train and overnight we were transferred to the town of Gorodok, Vitebsk region. Upon the arrival of the division, new mobilizations arrived. They could not be equipped or armed. They were forced to be sent to Vitebsk.
The first battles began on July 3 or 4, and ended successfully. Several armored vehicles and tanks were hit. They brought in several captured fascists. They behaved impudently. They shouted: “Rus kaput.”
At dawn the next day the attack of the main enemy forces began...
While crossing the highway we ran into a German ambush. We did not know the number of the enemy. To disperse the fire, they decided to split into several groups. I stayed in the center. At the appointed time, we crawled forward and opened fire on the enemy. I don’t remember how long the fight lasted. The cartridges in the clip ran out, the last grenade remained. On command he rose to attack. I don’t remember anything further.
Soon the Germans approached, collecting trophies.
Captivity
By evening we found ourselves in a camp built right in the field. About two hundred people were gathered here, all from the battlefield.
The first days I suffered greatly from my wounds. There was a shrapnel sticking out in his side, and a bullet had riddled his neck under his jaw. I could neither drink nor speak.
We were soon lined up for departure. A special team arrived on bicycles and motorcycles. As soon as we left the gate, the sick and those wounded in the leg were shot before our eyes. The same fate befell those who fell along the way.
In Vitebsk, a camp was built on a huge square where there used to be warehouses of the People's Commissariat of Defense. There were a lot of prisoners here. We were let in without any account registration. There were many soldiers without tunics and caps, like me. There were also commanding officers with insignia, well-groomed officers, clean, as if they had not seen war. These people were very special. They smoked, many already held positions of barracks elders.
Doctors and paramedics arrived and began treating the wounds. The Germans did not use our dressings; they handed them over to the camps. They pulled the fragment out of me and cleaned my side of the crushed bones. Surgeon Petrov, having examined me, said: “You will live if you do not die in this hell.”
Among the clean-cut dandies, some wore white armbands with a black letter “P” (policeman) on their sleeves. Most of them spoke Ukrainian among themselves. They were armed with belts with a heavy buckle, which they used when necessary. They beat me mercilessly, with pleasure. They caught “witches,” that is, they were looking for commissars and Jews. We lived in a separate block and ate separately.
Jews and commissars were put in a ring specially fenced off with barbed wire and held with the inscription “Judas”, “commissar”, “weathervane” (fugitive) hanging on their chests, then they were hanged in front of the prisoners.
This is how I learned about the fascist order in captivity.
With the stamp "A" (Asian)
There was a rumor: the Germans were allowing Ukrainians and Belarusians home, but only civilians. Having been hungry for three days, he exchanged torn civilian clothes for three rations of bread. I wanted to leave this hell. That's how I got to the stage. We were brought to the city of Borisov. The next day they started giving me commissions. When they began to undress, many were found wearing Red Army underwear and wounds. Without giving us time to come to our senses, we were sent to a prisoner of war camp. They took us to work here. They fed us twice, gave us two liters of good barley gruel for five people, and two more loaves of bread.
Red Army uniforms were soon distributed. Afterwards, they were divided into groups according to nationality, and large letters were painted on the backs of their overcoats and tunics with oil paint: “r” (Russian), “u” (Ukrainian), “b” (Belarusian), “a” (Asian). In the blocks, Russians were assigned as policemen as Ukrainians, Belarusians as Asians, etc.
According to the Internet.
Already in the first weeks and months of the war, the Wehrmacht began to use Soviet prisoners of war as auxiliary personnel (cooks, drivers, grooms, laborers, cartridge carriers, sappers, kitchen assistants, messengers, signalmen) directly in its combat units. Later they were mobilized into security and counter-guerrilla units. By the end of 1942, these people were brought into the so-called “eastern battalions”.
By the last period of the war, when Germany's reserves of manpower had dried up, they remembered those who tried from the very first days of the war to become an ally of Germany and in the future to gain at least a minimum of independence for their people. At the first stage of the war, they were brushed aside like annoying flies. Of course, after all, Germany was strong, and its army stood right next to Moscow. At a critical moment, the Germans remembered the prisoners of war. A paradoxical situation arose at the front towards the end of the war, when it was discovered that the few German military units consisted of 40-50 or more percent natives of the Soviet Union and various exotic countries. So, after the storming of the Reich Chancellery soviet soldiers looked at her corpses in surprise dead defenders with Asian eye shape.
After the end of the war, some of the legionnaires, with the support of influential friends from a number of governments of Muslim countries, took refuge in the Middle East and Turkey. Those who remained in the USSR were repressed.
Soldiers of the newly created legion "Idel-Ural", 1942
Through the circles of hell
They drove us to Minsk on foot. There were many executions along the way. The first victims remained on the outskirts of the city of Borisov, near the fertilizer warehouse. They fed us without salt for more than a week. When they passed by this warehouse, exhausted people mistook the fertilizer for salt, and the front column rushed forward and created a dump. The convoy opened fire on the crowd with machine guns and machine guns.
...A new camp was built on the territory of Lithuania on the site of a military camp. The entire area is covered with greenery. There are gigantic linden trees all around. Luxurious barracks. But nothing made us happy except the grass that grew abundantly in the camp. The hungry attacked pasture. They ate raw grass, ate it with water and salt. We didn't eat enough! And there was nothing tastier than plantain. They ate and stocked up. As a result, 1500-2000 people ate all the grass over a huge area in three days. And the prisoners kept coming and coming. Even the trees inside the camp were gnawed. They broke windows to use a piece of glass to scrape off tree fibers for food. The luxurious linden trees now stood completely bare.
The weather was damp and cold. The inhabitants of the camp were concentrated in barracks and stables. The food was bad. All stories about past life, about work and relatives ended with memories of some memorable dinner. For this mass, consisting of adults and intelligent people, all thoughts revolved only around food. If they had said that we would feed him and then shoot him, perhaps no one would refuse such “mercy.” They didn't think about life. We fell asleep and woke up dreaming of food.
Prisons are the same everywhere. I came to this conclusion later. I mean not only the external and internal structure, but also the regime, etc. - dampness, darkness, punishment cells, investigation rooms with torture equipment. Such were the prisons in Stetin, Gdansk, Brest, Minsk, and after the war - in Cheboksary. How much sophistication they have for greater human suffering! How carefully the staff is selected for this!
People who have not gone through the circles of hell sometimes argue: here it is good, but here it is bad, but before execution the condemned person is given enough to eat and even drink. These people are dreamers, boasters, they inflate their worth, as if they have seen a lot in life.
It’s hard and hungry everywhere in prisons. But in prisons, where you are looked at as an enemy and treated like a dangerous animal, it is even harder.
Processing of our camera began at the end of January 1942. Seven Lithuanians passed before me, three of them returned to the cell from the first interrogation - beaten beyond recognition.
It was my turn. The interrogation began peacefully and quietly: who, where, how did they get captured? For the first time I said my last name, where I was from and what my nationality was. To the accusations that I was retained for spy work, that I was a communist, I responded with a categorical refusal. Then he fell out of his chair from the blow. They beat us with anything.
According to the stories of my comrades, I lay motionless for three days.
Soon we were loaded onto the train. They gave us 100 grams of liver sausage and a loaf of bread for the journey. Everyone ate all this immediately, and for three days they rode hungry.
They unloaded us during the day on one of the small railway stations in Saxony. In Stadtcamp No. 314 they went through sanitary treatment, were given old-time German tunics and shod in wooden lasts. A tin plate with a number was hung around his neck. My number is 154155 (probably based on the number of prisoners).
The British, Americans, French and Greeks lived here in separate zones. All of them, compared to us, looked like well-fed stallions. They were not forced to go to work and were fed well. They wore new army clothes and shoes, in accordance with the uniform of their countries. They were allowed to receive letters and parcels through the Red Cross. They played sport games and read newspapers. The Germans treated them as equals. At the same time, Soviet prisoners were dying of hunger, beatings and hellish conditions specially created for them.
General of the Eastern Forces (General der Osttruppen) Lieutenant General X. Helmich inspects a battalion of the Volga-Tatar Legion. Summer 1943
The reason for the change is unknown to the prisoner
In Statcamp No. 314 we were imprisoned in a bloc of national minorities. Georgians and Armenians occupied separate zones here, Volga and Central Asian nationalities were located at the other end. After sanitization we were given overcoats, boots with socks and trousers. The food here was different.
We did not know the true reason for this change. They explained in their own way that the war had dragged on, the Germans, fearing for their own skin, were trying to smooth out their crimes, etc. To be convincing, they recalled that there was an ultimatum note from Molotov to Germany about responsibility for violations of international rules for holding prisoners of war. In a word, everyone invented something, proved something, reasoned in anticipation of good things.
The strong and well-fed kept themselves apart, ruled over the weak, chose the best places and tried to stand out in front of the camp authorities.
During my 10-year stay in the camp after the war, I had to meet such “world eaters” more than once. They settled in here too, becoming the same as they were in the fascist camps - thieves, robbers and murderers of honest workers. They never realized their guilt for the lost souls, in many cases through their fault, in fascist captivity. They grumbled at the Soviet government, at Stalin, at the party. They hated the people and lived only for their belly.
They were brought to Poland, to the city of Sedlice. I ended up on the “weak team” of the Tatar camp. They divided us into companies, platoons and squads. Two battalions had been formed before us, and drills were already underway. There were no weapons. They fed according to the norm of a German soldier.
Soon the purpose of bringing and forming became somewhat clear. I was especially struck by the introduction of the hour of namaz (prayer) and the obedient execution of it by the prisoners. From somewhere there were mullahs, and they were by no means old men.
In the “weak company,” except for me and two Mordvins, everyone was Tatars. Nobody knew that I was Chuvash, because I spoke Tatar perfectly.
Mullah calls to worship
When they lined up for prayer, I lined up at the back. The command came (in Tatar, of course): “Sit down to pray.” An internal protest held me like an idol. The mullah's voice brought me to my senses, and I broke ranks and took up the flank. He stood there for 20-30 minutes while the mullah read a prayer and then ranted about the coming of “happy time.”
After the prayer, they dragged me to the officer: “Why didn’t you pray?” Through an interpreter he answered that I was a Christian and Chuvash by nationality.
This incident changed my situation somewhat. If earlier they looked at him as a “strung man” (he was terribly thin, instead of 72 kg he weighed only 42). They were freed from uniforms and drills. Thanks to this incident, I became closely acquainted with the Tatar Yangurazi, with whom we fought in the same division.
This act played an important role in my future life in Germany and contributed to my meeting with Musa Jalil.
Soon battalion commanders began to be led into the city in groups with one accompanying person. They visited “Soldatenheims”, “Wufs” (bardak), from where they brought schnapps and bimbra (moonshine). Though belated, but true news began to arrive: Leningrad was standing, the Germans’ attempts to reach the Volga had failed. But prostitutes also spread false information.
On one of the difficult days, three “gentlemen” in civilian clothes arrived at the Sedlica camp. They began to call prisoners to the camp headquarters. An elderly Tatar was talking to me. By the way, he spoke his native language poorly.
A few days later we were put in a passenger carriage and sent to a special camp of the Eastern Ministry. Most likely, this was a filtration (checking) point: mainly the intelligentsia of all nationalities of the USSR were concentrated here.
After 2-3 months I found out: General Vlasov was gathering a million-strong army for a campaign against Stalin. A little later I had to meet Vlasov himself.
Barracks
The tie presses on the neck like a collar
The camp had a club and a library with publications in Russian. There were many books by emigrant writers here. The club showed films and gave lectures on the National Socialist program. They brought Mein Kampf straight to the barracks.
These days there was a rumor that the chairman of the Union of Tatar Writers, Musa Jalil, was nearby in a quarantine camp. There were people among us who knew him. This is Alish (children's writer, before the war - head of the pioneer department of the Tatar regional committee of the Komsomol), an employee of the editorial office of the newspaper "Red Tataria" Satarov.
Two weeks later, everyone was summoned to the camp headquarters, forced to fill out and sign a form with the following content: “Prisoner of war such and such is released, and at the same time undertakes to the German authorities to work wherever he is sent.” Under fear death penalty took a pledge not to communicate with German women.
After that they took us to Berlin. Here they took me into the warehouse of one of the stores and dressed me in civilian clothes. Leaving the store, I told my friend that a paper collar with a German tie pulled over my neck was pressing on my neck like a collar.
From the memoirs of prisoner of war Rushad Khisamutdinov
...The Tatars were reluctant to join the German legion. Then the Nazis decided to find a person who could carry away all the prisoners with him. The recruiters were persistent. It is known that high-ranking officials fussed a lot around Musa Jalil at that time - Rosenberg, Unglaube, and the notorious “president” of the imaginary state “Idel-Ural” Shafi Almaz. But at first Musa did not want to hear about serving with the Germans. Only later, realizing that the Nazis’ idea opened up the opportunity for him to engage in anti-fascist propaganda in the legions, did he agree. The path that Musa took was difficult and dangerous.
...After the arrival of new reinforcements, a musical chapel (cult platoon) was organized. Thirteen people were selected as “artists”. None of them were professional artists. Gainan is a teacher, Abdulla is a senior political instructor, etc. However, our Yedlny “musicians” - Garif Malikov, Ivan Skobelev, Sadykov and others also did not have any special education.
From the book “Memories of Musa Jalil”, Kazan, 1966.
Lieutenant General X. Helmich at the next inspection of the battalion of the Volga-Tatar Legion. Presumably - 1943
Which Tatars do the Chuvash agree with?
For three weeks we lived in the third-class hotel "Anhalter Baykhov". We ate in the canteen using ration cards. We didn’t speak the language, so we had to sit in our room. Sometimes we went for a walk in the city.
During this time, I became closely acquainted with Alishev, Shabaev, Bulatov, Sabirov. I developed a particularly good relationship with Alishev. I appreciated him for his frankness and simplicity. From him I learned that the poet Musa Jalil, the favorite of the Tatar people, would soon arrive here.
The group was often taken on excursions and to theaters. We were assigned a guy from Donbass, a student at the Institute of Foreign Languages with the (dubious) last name Sultan. He also issued food cards, stamps and pfennigs. Sometimes some of the “goons”, including me, were not taken on excursions, since due to our thinness the Germans might have formed an unsatisfactory image of the Tatars. On such days, we killed time by studying German from a soldier's handbook.
One evening we wandered into a “birnetube”, which was located in the basement where the Belgians and French gathered. For the first time I saw the situation described by Gorky and other writers: a beer hall, drowning in smoke and dirt, with made-up and disheveled girls on men’s laps. Behind the counter stood a pot-bellied, red-faced owner who carefully took stamps and pfennigs, as well as contraband goods, gold rings and other souvenirs and poured schnapps or ersatz beer.
Our appearance did not go unnoticed. Three Frenchmen surrounded us. We didn’t understand them, they didn’t understand us either, the phrase “Russishen Gefagen” (Russian prisoners) explained everything. The French sat us at a table and offered us beer, but we refused due to lack of money. They tapped us on the shoulder, called us comrades, and offered us cigarettes. But soon a policeman came up and took us to the hotel, ordering the hostess not to let us go anywhere alone.
Days passed full of languor and anxiety. One day the group was ordered to be on site. At 18 o'clock the translator Sultan took us to the Exceldzer restaurant.
I had never seen such luxuriously decorated rooms before: hundreds of tables, booths, the shine of chandeliers, serving buffets, flitting waiters... The smell of high-grade cigarettes was intoxicating. There is no war here, here there is no knowledge of hunger, pain or hardship.
We were led through a huge hall, probably with the aim of showing how richly the fascist degenerates live and confidently behave.
IN small hall Several men and women greeted us. They turned out to be Tatars who had remained in Germany since the First World War (the women were their wives and daughters). Our arrival revived the company. Among the prisoners they looked for their fellow countrymen and loved ones. Soon an old Tatar appeared, who in Sedlice selected the people he needed. Came with him of average height, baggy dressed man haggard looking. He modestly greeted Alishev (hugged him) and walked forward behind the old man. It was Musa Jalil (Gumerov, as he introduced himself).
They offered to take a seat. The German and the old man announced the opening of an evening of dating the Tatars in Berlin with “newly arrived gentlemen” (effendi). An old Tatar man, whose name was Shafi Almaz, said that we were gathered to fight Bolshevism in order to form independent national states with the help of the fascists. And we, the “flower of the nation,” had to lead this matter. It was announced that in Berlin at Eastern Ministry a leadership center called “Tatar Mediation” is being created. A newspaper in the Tatar language "Idel-Ural" will be published.
Then there was dinner using the unused cards. The ladies wanted to hear Tatar songs. Nazipov and a young guy spoke, whose last name I don’t remember. Then they began asking Musa Jalil to read something. He readily agreed and read humorous poems. One of them, I remember, was called “Parachute”.
My acquaintance with Jalil took place on the same evening. He came up to me himself. At first they spoke Russian, and then switched to Tatar. He asked how long I had been in captivity, where I fought, how I was captured. I don’t know what impression I made on Jalil, but after that the attitude of the “well-fed” towards me changed somewhat.
The following days they settled into the premises allocated for “Tatar mediation”. Responsibilities were then assigned. All this happened without Jalil's participation.
“Tatar Mediation” was located on Noenburger Street on the third floor of a brick building. The second floor was occupied by “Turkestan mediation” (Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, etc.).
A day later, a meeting of mediation workers took place. Many Germans were present, there was even an SS general (later they found out that they were a representative of the Eastern Ministry, Professor von Medsarich and two secretaries: Frau von Budberg and ladies-in-waiting Debling). There were three Tatars in military uniform who arrived from the legion. At this meeting it was announced: “Tatar mediation” will be the center of the struggle for the liberation of the Tatar people from Bolshevism and the establishment of such independence as it was before their conquest by the Russians.
Gunafin, Sultan, Gilyadiev and someone else spoke, called to fight for a “just cause,” focused on the Fuhrer, and at the end they shouted: “Heil Hitler!”
When these tirades ended, they asked: “What will our Chuvash friend say?” I answered: “If there were as many of my relatives here as there are Tatars, a lot could be said, but for now I can only say one thing: I am in solidarity with the Tatars.” Frau von Budberg translated my words to the Germans. Shafi Almaz asked: why did I speak in Russian when I speak Tatar perfectly? “I didn’t speak, but answered your question. To speak, you need to prepare,” I answered.
During the break, M. Jalil came up to me. He asked: with which Tatars do the Chuvashs stand in solidarity? There was no one nearby, and I boldly answered: we were and will be in solidarity with all our neighbors, regardless of nationality. He shook my hand and turned to Yangurazi who had approached: “You seem to be great friends, this is the second time I’ve seen you together.” The friend replied: “Yes, we are from the same division.”
After that, they talked in Tatar: where he was captured, who else was with the Germans, etc. But then Jalil was called to the “boss”.
It was soon announced that Unglaube would lead the organization from the Germans, and Shafi Almaz from the Tatars (translators Sultan and Jalil). Organizational and propaganda departments were created, as well as an editorial office (Ishmaev, Gilyadiev, Alishev, Satarov, Sabirov, etc.). Yangurazi and I were left out of work.
Everyone was given food cards and a monthly salary. We had to start living in a private apartment, we had to report to work every day.
Soon we were given foreign passports. We went through a commission to determine our race (they measured our head, eye shape, and God knows what else). And what do you think? I, a Chuvash, and 15 other Tatars received an assessment similar to the Aryan race. Everything matched in size. Then we laughed that we were canonized.
Musa Jalil
Give a living word to the prisoners
The first weeks passed unnoticed. The German and Shafi Almaz, the translators Sultan and Jalil, were constantly going somewhere. It became known about the existence of a Tatar legion in the town of Seltsy near the city of Radom. In addition, working battalions were formed. The Demblin fortress (Poland) became the collection base for prisoners of war of all Volga nationalities.
During this time, the first issues of the newspaper "Idel-Ural" were published. Their content can be assessed as illiterate and pathetic.
Relations with the nationalist Tatars worsened. They came up with the nickname “kefer” (non-religious) for me because when they met, I loudly said “hello” and responded to their address only in Russian. All this infuriated my enemies.
On this basis, an explanation took place with Almaz and Unglaube. The first expressed sharp indignation at my behavior. If it weren’t for the support of Frau Budberg, who had a negative attitude towards ignoring the Russian language, I would have been sent to a concentration camp.
After this “bath” we walked along the street with Yangurazi. Jalil met us and asked if it was possible to spend a little time together with inseparable friends? The conversation turned to how we settled in and what we needed. When I talked about the “bath,” he replied: “You, Skobelev, will not be sent anywhere, you are more needed here.” He suggested changing the attitude towards “sofas”, rebuilding his character, pulling himself together, becoming a “master” himself. Let them think and report to the boss that the conversation was beneficial.
You say: you’re tired of idleness,” Jalil continued. - You, Yangurazi, are a communist, and Ivan is a Komsomol member. Consider yourself temporarily excommunicated from your organizations. You have a weapon - the teachings of Lenin - Stalin, which you have no right to forget. Look around: how many camps are there with Soviet people! After all, the absolute majority there are our peers. Look for communists and Komsomol members among them. Find and speak a living word, a word of hope. Instill in them faith in victory, that Stalin and the party have not forgotten them.
Next, Jalil gave specific tasks: first, to study Berlin well; the second is to find out how many camps are and where they are located; third, make acquaintances and make friends with smart and serious people. He promised that we would receive additional instructions soon.
After that, he said that he had been in the legion. 4 battalions have already been created there, there is one Chuvash company. Legionnaires are armed and trained in the use of German weapons. Among the commanders are Tatars and Germans. There is a colonel who graduated from the Academy. Frunze.
We talked about our colleagues in misfortune. M. Jalil gave each one an assessment. We parted when it got dark. He left by electric train, and we went by tram past the prison, where the poet later languished and was executed.
That night we could not sleep, we talked until dawn: the meeting turned our lives upside down.
From a letter from I. Skobelev to L. Bolshakov
I promise to write to you in detail about everything - about the comrades and enemies with whom I had to work in Berlin from September 1942 until the end of the war. I felt bad for Musa Jalil until he was appreciated. Personally, while under investigation in the Soviet counterintelligence in Germany, and then in the Ministry of State Security in Cheboksary, I told Minister Mitrashov, his deputy Lebedev and investigator Ivanov, but not in order to justify myself (for I was no longer afraid, more than what I had - they couldn’t give it to me, the execution was later replaced by ten years), but in order to rehabilitate the comrades who died, in order to preserve their good name. But, alas, they did not listen to us, but on the contrary, they mocked us and punished us.
And the information, which was confirmed by the “Moabit notebooks” transmitted by a Belgian comrade, was presented by many of those arrested during interrogations. At that time the memory was fresh. Much, much could be said about the communist organization created by Musa Jalil in Berlin.
Let's tell the prisoners about Vlasov's adventurism
Musa Jalil informed us from time to time about the situation at the fronts, about guerrilla warfare in the rear. The circle of our acquaintances expanded, from wherever there were Soviet people in Berlin: from Kharkov, Voroshilovgrad, Kyiv, Smolensk, etc. They were waiting for us and asked us to come more often. I had to travel especially a lot during the days of mourning for the Nazis after February 11, 1943. A hastily handwritten leaflet marked “Read and pass on to a comrade” reported the defeat and capture of the Germans at Stalingrad. People cried and laughed with joy, including the French, Belgians, Bulgarians, etc. They kissed anyone they met with a prisoner of war badge on their chest.
Jalil laughed heartily when I told him about this. He teased: “Well, Ivan, is there anything to do with the time now?” And then he seriously generalized: “This is how international solidarity is forged. Keep in mind that you and I are doing serious and dangerous work. Although we are not fighting, we are fighters and are in a difficult area...”
We showed up for “mediation” in the morning. After 10 o'clock we went to the university to study German.
Each group was necessarily introduced to M. Jalil. He clarified the information based on our observations. The poet had a phenomenal memory, and was especially good at remembering faces.
And what a fan of Stalin he was! He wholeheartedly believed in his infallibility.
The myth of the superiority of the Aryan race over others began to fade. Posters on this topic were taken down on trams. The attitude towards Soviet prisoners of war has changed. Policemen and watchmen no longer always punished people for not wearing a badge. They began to look through their fingers at the loopholes under the barbed wire through which they were released into freedom without a pass. If someone was stopped, they were no longer punished, as before, with solitary confinement and beatings. The short answer - where he went (“to tsum ferluben” - to his beloved) - only caused a smile from the watchmen.
It was difficult to understand the reason for such changes. Musa warned that all this could be connected with the machinations of General Vlasov. Hitler accepted him and agreed to mobilize an army of millions to fight Stalin at fascist grub. The Vlasov traitors renamed the organ of Russian emigrants “Russian Word” to “New Word”. A photograph of Hitler with Vlasov appeared in one of the newspaper issues.
It was necessary to explain to the prisoners Vlasov’s adventurism. To implement this task, Jalil organized a meeting “in the same place, at the same hour.” According to the text he compiled, it was necessary to multiply the leaflets and “scatter” them at places of appearance. And Yangurazov and I sat all night and copied a leaflet that said: “Vlasov hired himself as a servant to Hitler. He is going to sell the Soviet people in the same way as Denikin, Kolchak, Wrangel and Krasnov were sold to the imperialists in their time. The time will come, Vlasov and his inspirers will be punished. Our cause is just, Victory will be ours. Bolshevik Communist Party in Berlin."
One day, accompanied by a sergeant major, the commander of the Tatar legionnaires, Colonel Alkaev, appeared. Then we found out: he came to Berlin demoted for his connections with the Poles and had to be under supervision.
The colonel became attached to Yangurazov and me. From confidential conversations we learned that Shakir Alkaev came from the Russified Kasimov Tatars (born near Moscow). By the end of the civil war, he commanded a squadron and was awarded an order for the storming of Perekop. At the end of the 40s he graduated from the General Staff Academy and met the war with the rank of colonel.
He viewed the Vlasov adventure as a cunning move conceived to defeat fascism. He gave an example from the history of past wars: military leaders, while in captivity, armed and raised uprisings of prisoners and struck from the rear. He did not want to believe that Vlasov was a traitor, since he had once served under his command.
I told Jalil about these reasonings. “This is a private matter,” came the answer. “He can think and fantasize everything, but we cannot agree with Vlasov’s actions.”
Volga-Tatar legionnaire "Idel-Ural"
With a researcher's certificate
Chuvash Fedor Blinov conveyed a letter to Musa Jalil through a courier, saying that he was glad that the Tatars had begun to publish their newspaper, and asked if it was possible to organize inserts in Chuvash. The poet advised us: carefully, under a plausible pretext, prevent this.
Along with the publication of the newspaper “Idel-Ural”, at the end of March, under “Mediation”, the so-called “Correspondence” in German began to be published for German officers and soldiers among the Tatar units. The process of processing materials for this publication went like this: articles were written in Tatar, then all this was translated into Russian, and then the secretary translated it into German and reprinted it on a matrix, after which it was reproduced on a rotary machine.
One day my friend Yangurazov was offered to translate into Russian. He worked hard for a long time, but it didn’t work out. Then he turned to me. The secretary praised our work, after which we began to be entrusted with translations of more serious things.
I personally had to translate an article by M. Jalil about the founder of modern Tatar literature G. Tukai, composer N. Zhiganov, a review article on the development of Tatar literature. Before sending them for translation into German, the author reviewed the manuscripts and was satisfied. The articles were full of real facts taken from Soviet reality.
While Jalil was away, we spent three days at the dacha near Berlin with the emigrant Gilmanov (we worked for a suit taken from him for the colonel). From him we learned about the life of Shafi Almaz, the head of the mediation. A former merchant from Petrograd managed to save his capital in a foreign bank and began working at a trade mission in Berlin. In 1928, he renounced Soviet citizenship and became an emigrant. In Berlin, he became a homeowner, living on the income he received from rent.
Gilmanov himself is a former prisoner, worked for the owner and married his daughter. I missed my homeland greatly. Before the First World War, until he was taken to the front, he even worked as a farm laborer.
Gilmanov ran a grocery store, and through him we began to get tobacco or cigarettes for the colonel.
M. Jalil advised us to use this contact, if possible, to obtain information about the state of affairs at the fronts. We knew that Gilmanov had a receiver.
During this conversation, M. Jalil said that it was necessary to send two propagandists with lectures to the Tatar units located in Poland. “We entrust you with the following topic: tell your relatives about the origin of the Chuvash. Good topic, the lecture can be prepared in such a way as not to touch on modern politics, etc.”
I began to object: they say, I don’t know the history of the origin of the Chuvash at all, I’ve never been interested in it. Jalil responded to this: “Study literature and you will know everything. You will have access to the Berlin Library. First of all, familiarize yourself with the works of Professor Ashmarin.” Then he told me how to use the catalogue.
And he said to Yangurazov: “You are a geographer, so prepare a lecture about geographical location areas where Tatars and Bashkirs live."
At the end he added that we should look into Russian restaurants in Berlin in the evenings. There is only a sign there from the Russians, but our compatriots gather there. Your task is to sit, listen and remember who is going there.
Having received the certificate, we became “research workers.” I re-read Ashmarin’s small book in the Berlin library several times and made a synopsis. I rummaged through the works of Academician Marr. I found and read the poem “Narspi” in Pettoki’s translation.
They worked in the library until lunch, then went about their business. Most often they visited their friends in the camps. Among the new friends I could name a Chuvash man named Tolstov, who works at the Siemens plant. When it was not possible to meet a friend or a “ferloben” (bride), they had to be called through the watch. Then the certificates of “research workers” were used.
We regularly visited Russian restaurants. These establishments were visited more often by emigrants, Vlasovites, and Cossacks. A Russian choir performed there and Russian jazz played.
Once at the Troika restaurant, a tipsy old lady sat down next to us. She began to explain that she was a landowner from the Samara province. She kept asking if the estate would be returned to her if the Germans won. We sarcastically replied that they would return it, even the interest would be paid off. She began to sob.
Once we saw Ataman Shkuro - a small, frail old man with a red mustache. He walked around in full regalia with a saber on his side, accompanied by his retinue. It somewhat reminded me of a cocky rooster.
At the end of May, news came from the legion: Idel-Ural special correspondent Satarov with a group of 5-6 people fled. The investigation began. Almaz, Sultan and others went to the scene of the incident. This incident gave rise to a reorganization in the command of the legion. All the key positions were occupied by the Germans, and we became executive assistants. The Legion was reinforced with a special company, and the Gestapo department was strengthened. From this Jalil concluded: Satarov was in a hurry.
One of the variants of the "Idel-Ural" patch
The Latinized alphabet was not accepted
In June 1943, the first Allied air raid on Berlin took place. According to German newspapers, up to five hundred bombers took part in the bombing. They threw mostly incendiary bombs. The streets adjacent to the center were burning. A terrible panic arose. There is nothing left of fascist self-confidence. People prayed and cursed everyone, even Hitler. Then I realized how unstable the enemy's rear was.
Our lectures were ready, read and approved by M. Jalil. After the check, the German told us that we would soon be performing at the rest house in front of the legionnaires. But the departure did not take place. A young Chuvash, Kadyev (Kadeev - Ed.), arrived to mediate. He was summoned from somewhere by an employee of the Eastern Ministry, Benzing, who at one time defended his dissertation on the material of the Chuvash language. It turns out that they have known each other for a long time. While in the camp since 1942, Kadyev helped Benzing learn Chuvash colloquial. The purpose of his visit is to begin editing the Chuvash section of the Idel-Ural newspaper.
A few days later, another boy arrived - Vasily Izosimov, who graduated from the Faculty of Foreign Languages. He was a sergeant major or a company clerk and was captured in 1941. He was very useful to us, he carried out our tasks carefully.
Yangurazov and I were called to Berlin. Before the trip, M. Jalil warned: after Satarov’s escape, special surveillance was established over everyone. The next day, the legionnaires were gathered in the square, where we gave our lectures. Then the oath-taking ceremony of the third and fourth battalions took place in the presence of a mullah, who sat with the Koran. After each paragraph he shouted: “Ant item” (I swear). The front rows repeated, and those in the back shouted obscenities in rhyme.
After the ceremony, a luncheon was held in honor of those who took the oath. Then a meeting took place in the Christian company - with the Chuvash, Mordovians, Udmurts and Mari. There were 150 people in the company. There I met Fedor Dmitrievich Blinov, who later bore the name of his theater nickname - Paimuk. He came from a wealthy merchant family. An economist by profession, he graduated from the Moscow Institute. Plekhanov. Terrible nationalist! Everyone was running around with the idea of creating an independent Chuvash state. He couldn't stand Tatars. Despite the fact that he was among them for more than six months, he did not know a single Tatar word. He expressed his contempt for them openly. He insisted on transferring Christian companies under the authority of Vlasov.
By this time, a Chuvash page appeared in Idel-Ural, which was difficult to read (Kadyev and I, with the participation of Dr. Benzing, developed an alphabet based on Latin letters). About this, Jalil laughed for a long time: “You can’t think of anything better, Ivan. Let them waste paper, support typesetters, and the result is a donut hole.” And Paimuk attacked me, accusing me of mocking the people. He insisted that a separate newspaper be published in Russian. “What kind of nationalists are we if we read in Russian,” I answered him. “As for the alphabet, this issue is not subject to discussion, because it was approved by the minister himself.”
Then I received many letters from him with complaints about the newspaper, about the Tatars, about the emblem, until he came to Berlin to edit the Russian newspaper Svobodnoe Slovo.
I had a chance to see how the legionnaires were armed. We attended tactical training and a training ground. I met my fellow villager Andrei - still very young. From him I learned that all my brothers went to the front from the very first days of the war. We had a heart-to-heart talk. When asked what he should do next, he advised: upon arrival at the front, turn your weapons against the Nazis and go to your own. And he warned me: be careful “with the long elderly Chuvash” (we were talking about Paimuk).
In the evening there was an amateur concert. Some recognized me from the first prayer, came up and had a casual conversation. Gestapo servants also hung around here.
We arrived in Berlin, occupying a separate carriage. My fellow villager Andrei was also with the legionnaires. Jalil was waiting for us at the mediation office. He sat in straw hat, wearing a white shirt and writing something in a notebook.
When they told how they took the oath, what they shouted in the back rows, he burst out laughing: “That’s neat, well done…”
Then he said that the legionnaires would rest in a newly organized camp in Pomerania. They will be served by their own people, for this purpose 10 people have been sent there, among them the undesirable type Gunafin S., appointed as the head of this camp. He also advised me to meet old man Yagofarov. We were pleased to learn that German offensive in the Kursk direction there was choking, many commanders of the fronts and armies were displaced. He ordered me to inform my camp friends about this.
In the rest home, fate brought me together with Nafikov, Anzhigitov, Khalitov. Subsequently, in June 1945, it was next to them that I had to sit on the bench of a military tribunal and, as the leader, answer for myself, for them, and for the entire activity of the nationalist organization in Berlin. Then, while in the death cell in Brest-Litovsk, forgetting that he was sentenced to death, he argued with them until he was hoarse, defending Soviet power and the collective farm system.
One day (I don’t remember the date) I came home late. The hostess said that there was a guest who had been waiting for me for 20-30 minutes and said that we were friends. From the way she described him (hefty, short, dark-haired), I realized that Jalil was waiting for me. He needed me urgently, but I couldn’t leave at 10 pm.
In the morning, Jalil came up to me as I stood at the Tempel Bridge and read the morning edition of the Berliner Zeitung. As always, he was in a black suit, a white shirt with a turn-down collar in the Russian style, without a hat. I remember his lively eyes. He was cheerful. He demanded a detailed story about my trip to Dresden. Then we talked about who to send there for permanent work. He ordered to tell Yangurazov that Berlin, in any case, remains with us along with the colonel. Why did the colonel get involved here? I didn't ask about this. I think they were in close contact even earlier when they were in camp.
This time we talked to him about different topics. He asked if I knew Chuvash writers and poets. I said that in my youth I personally knew Y. Ukhsai, but I did not see Khuzangai, but I know one of his poems. He admitted that I don’t know Chuvash literature well.
From the Legion's dossier
What did captivity look like? There are many cases, similar and not very similar to each other. A typical scenario: tens and hundreds of thousands of warriors found themselves in huge cauldrons of encirclement and, having lost all possibility of resistance, hungry, exhausted, without ammunition, they became a crowd. There are many photographs of those years, confiscated from the Germans: our soldiers look like a faceless mass with their hands raised or wandering under the protection of a few guards.
Many were captured in battle, being wounded, shell-shocked, unable to resist or use their weapons. Many cases are described when warriors, trying in groups to break through to their own people, were captured. Often circumstances forced commanders to disband their units so that people could fight their way out of encirclement.
There were many cases when troops found themselves deprived of the most necessary things, went hungry and, under the psychological influence of the enemy, went over to his side.
According to the German historian I. Hoffmann, at least 80 flew to the German side Soviet pilots on their planes. They formed a group under the command of former Soviet Colonel V. Maltsev, which took part in hostilities along with three Estonian and two Latvian air squadrons.
During the war, soldiers defected to the enemy. It is believed that there were no more than 1.4-1.5% of defectors captured in the first year of the war. Subsequently, this figure decreased. Out of 38 transit camps, operating in the zone of the German Army Group Center, two were intended specifically for defectors.
According to the Internet.
According to the data available in the archives, the formation of the so-called national legions from prisoners of war was typical for all camps. At first, volunteers were announced, but since there were not enough of them, they signed up forcibly, under threat of death.
This is how the battalions of the Idel-Ural Legion were formed by “volunteers”. The Germans divided the camp into two parts. In one, hundreds of prisoners were still dying from hunger and typhus. In another - the so-called half-legion - three meals a day were introduced. To join the demi-legion, neither a subscription nor even verbal consent was required. It was enough to simply move from one half of the camp to the other. Many could not stand such “visual” propaganda.
Convinced that the formation of the legion was going too slowly, the Germans simply drove Tatar, Bashkir and Chuvash prisoners from the place of formation and announced that from now on they were all “Eastern volunteers.” Following the form, the German officer, through an interpreter, asked who did not want to serve in the legion. There were also such. They were immediately taken out of action and shot in front of the others.
Lieutenant General X. Hellmich awards legionnaires
Failure
After a four-day stay in the rest home, I was urgently called to Berlin. I was supposed to be met, but I decided to get off where passenger trains usually do not stop, but this time, for some reason, the driver made an exception. The owner of the apartment upset me by telling me that my place had been searched and that she had been interrogated.
In the office where I came, they were perplexed: they said they were looking for me, they didn’t find me, but then I showed up myself.
Soon I was summoned for interrogation: when and where did I meet with Jalil, what kind of relationship did I have with Bulatov, Shabaev. The interrogation lasted four hours. After signing up that I wouldn’t tell anyone about the conversation, I was told to wait. Then the secretary came out and, quietly congratulating me, said that I was beyond suspicion. What happened to Jalil, where is he now? These questions swarmed in my head.
Later, the circumstances of the failure became known. Jalil came to the legion with leaflets, and in the evening he convened an underground meeting, which the provocateur infiltrated. The Gestapo learned about the meeting. The underground members were caught in full force: they found leaflets printed on our rotary machine. 27 people were arrested, including the provocateur.
I admit, Yangurazov and I were at a loss; we didn’t know what to do next to develop the business we had started. And questions came from the bottom: what to do, how to explain to people the destruction of the center? It was necessary to direct the work along the established channel; we had no right to stop the fight started by Jalil.
On the fourth day after the failure, we held a meeting of the remaining center. We decided to wait ten days to see how events around the arrested would develop. All grassroots organizations were instructed to temporarily cease all communications. Yangurazov was assigned to talk to Colonel Alkaev to see if he would agree to head the military mediation department, a position that should have been used to continue the work of Jalil and his friends.
Significant events took place after Jalil's arrest. Group escapes of legionnaires have become more frequent. On the Eastern Front, the 4th battalion completely went over to the Red Army, and the 3rd was surrounded and disarmed. Two more battalions had to be transferred to the category of working units; the Germans were afraid to trust the soldiers with weapons. All this was the result of Jalil’s painstaking work.
Eh, Musa, you taught me not to be afraid of death, you said: “Having passed several deaths, there is no need to tremble before the last one.”
Kurultai
A kurultai (congress) is scheduled to be convened on October 23 or 25, where the decision to create the Volga-Tatar Committee should be approved. On the recommendation of Professor F. Mende, I should be elected a member of the committee there and assigned to head the national department.
They learned the news from the colonel: contact had been established with German anti-fascists. True, they are not communists, but social democrats. They have a press organ, and there are many Russians with them! Anti-fascists know about the misfortune that befell M. Jalil’s group.
Dozens of prisoners of war from France and Poland came to the old university Greifswald for the kurultai. All hotels are occupied by command staff of delegates. There are places reserved for privates in the barracks. The colonel and I were given a separate room in the hotel.
Unit commanders come to us one after another, many of whom I already know. They are happy to see me and get to know Alkaev. The Colonel is a very interesting, highly erudite person, at the same time simple and approachable. Knows Vatutin, Konev, Rokossovsky well. After graduating from the Academy. Frunze served as chief of staff of the division of the Kyiv Special Military District when Vlasov commanded there, then he was replaced by Konev. He was captured wounded and shell-shocked.
The Kurultai took place on October 25, 1943. Shafi Almaz made a report on the goals and objectives of the Volga-Tatar Committee. There were no others willing to come to the podium. Therefore, we immediately moved on to the election of committee members. At the suggestion of Sh. Almaz, a governing body was created of 12 people, and I was elected head of the financial department.
Memorial to the victims of Nazism on the site of the Plötzensee military prison in Berlin, where Musa Jalil and other 10 legionnaires were executed on August 25, 1944 for underground anti-Nazi activities
Visiting the old professor
At the end of March 1944, we went on a business trip to Czechoslovakia - Prague. Paimuk obtained an audience with Professor F. Mende and received permission to go to the Chuvash professor Semyon Nikolaev, an emigrant, professor at the University of Prague. He already wrote him a letter from the camp.
In Prague, the professor's house was quickly found. Semyon Nikolaevich burst into tears when he heard his native speech. The evening was spent culturally. There was a lot of dishes on the table, but there was nothing to eat. The schnapps I took with me loosened my tongues. Only then did I understand why this extravagant Paimuk, who had worked in high positions before the war, brought me here. He wanted to coordinate with the professor the options for the coat of arms of Chuvashia.
The glass did its job. But the professor guessed that there were disagreements between us and did not let the dispute flare up. He asked how the Chuvash live. I figuratively described how tractors and combines work in the fields, that schools with 10 years of education are open in all large villages, that there is no difference between Russians and Chuvashs. Paimuk tried to object, but I snapped that he did not work among the Chuvash at all.
The professor emigrated long before the revolution. I knew Lenin personally and met him in France and Switzerland. At the Prague Conference he supported the Menshevik platform, stayed here and got a job as an assistant professor at the university, and got married.
Regarding the coat of arms, he answered Paimuk: it’s gratifying that you support the Chuvash, and a coat of arms is needed when there is a state. But you fight so that this people retains its freedom and language, and the culture takes root, especially since, as Mr. Skobelev claims, there has been success in this regard, etc.
The next day I got sick. The use of schnapps had an effect. And Paimuk went to look at the city.
The professor and his wife Tessie began asking about the Soviet Union and Stalin. I won’t hide, life in captivity, communication with different people made me political erudite person. I didn’t lose face when talking about the Soviet people: how the country prospered, how good and free life was, how all nations, including the Chuvash, were equal. He added that this is a typical representative of our people. Then I again saw the old man, the professor, crying.
The next day I got out of bed. Together with the professor and his wife we visited the sights of Prague.
They returned to Berlin with nothing. Paimuk was angry with me for defaming him in the eyes of the professor. I reported to the bosses that the professor did not recommend abandoning the common coat of arms of Idel-Ural, since the Chuvash will become part of the Volga-Tatar state, there is no need to have their own coat of arms. They agreed with my opinion and Paimuk was shown the bullshit.
According to the Internet.
It must be admitted, paradoxical as it may seem, the well-known orders No. 270 (August 1941) and 227 (July 1942) brought “clarity” to the consciousness of many prisoners of war. Having learned that they were already “traitors” and their bridges had been burned, and also having learned the “delights” of the fascist camps, they naturally began to think about what to do. To die behind barbed wire or?.. And here propagandists, German and from their former friends, are agitating to join the ostlegions, promising normal food, uniform and liberation from the daily debilitating camp terror.
It is known that the orders mentioned were caused by extreme crisis situations. But they, especially No. 270, pushed some of the confused, hungry people (with the help of agitators) to join the armed forces of the Germans. It must be borne in mind that the Germans subjected recruited candidates to some kind of check, giving preference to those who were able to prove their disloyalty to the Soviet regime. There were also those who slandered themselves in order to survive.
And finally, mention should be made of the executions of prisoners of war. At the same time, any political considerations were completely ignored. So, in many camps, for example, all “Asians” were shot.
When joining the “eastern troops”, prisoners of war set out for each of their own purposes. Many wanted to survive, others wanted to turn their arms against the Stalinist regime, others wanted to break out from under the power of the Germans, go over to their own people and turn their arms against the Germans.
The dog tags for the personnel of the eastern formations were made according to the model of the dog tags for German soldiers. The numbers 4440 indicate the serial number, the letters Frw - rank, in in this case- Freiwillige - volunteer (i.e. private). 2/828 WOLGATAT. LEG. - 2nd company of the 828th battalion of the Volga-Tatar Legion.
Among the ruins of Berlin
Work has become easier. Total mobilization took all the camp guards to the front, their places were taken by the elderly and crippled. Ostarbeiters hide their badges, which may come in handy when the time comes to expose the fascists. You can enter the camp areas freely. The unity of people has increased. People began to slowly arm themselves.
German morale began to decline. This was especially noticeable after the unsuccessful attempt on Hitler's life.
A Polish uprising broke out in Warsaw. Anglo-American troops landed. After air raids, ruins remain in residential areas of Berlin.
Food became difficult; rations were reduced to a minimum. The black market is thriving. Leaflets of German anti-fascists began to appear on the walls more and more often.
But Hitler's machine continued to work.
Tatar nationalists began to spawn. Three of them transferred to the SS troops, receiving the rank of Orbersturmführer (senior SS lieutenants). Others marry German women. I, to some extent, had to share the fate of the latter.
Sonia Fazliakhmetova, my main contact, had to be left in Berlin at all costs. The Gestapo said: if only they were husband and wife... Sonia agrees. The marriage was soon arranged. After losing shelter, they found a basement with an iron stove and a pipe and settled down there. We lived like this until the end of March. Although Sonia became a wife, she remained a girl.
At the beginning of April, an order was received to evacuate all institutions from Berlin, including our committee. I told Yangurazov that I would not go anywhere. He grabbed the suitcases and quickly took Sonia away. We went to Charlottenburg, where Sh. Almaz’s apartment used to be and where lived before M. Jalil. Everything there was destroyed, except for the garage room, where there was a bed and an iron stove. They ate by the light of the burning stove, made the bed, and after six months of marriage lay down next to each other for the first time. From that night, Sonia actually became my wife.
Troops poured into Berlin. They began to build barricades and fortifications on the streets.
As night falls, the prisoners leave to the east. I consult with Yagofarov: the most dangerous legionnaires must be locked up.
On April 28, at 10 o’clock, Soviet intelligence arrived, questioned the route, and moved on. Then the main forces began to approach, and staff officers appeared.
The general yells obscenities: what kind of establishment is this, who is the eldest? Having received a comprehensive answer, he lined up the people, looked and gave the command: take me to counterintelligence, and the rest will be escorted by the commandant’s platoon. That's how I met my people.
Monument to Musa Jalil in Kazan
Death sentence commuted to 10 years in prison
Beatings began in the counterintelligence departments of the division and the army. They only accepted testimony about hostile activity; everything else was fairy tales. M. Jalil and underground work are fiction.
Then a quick trial by the military tribunal of the 65th Army took place. The case of “traitors to the Motherland Skobelev and his group” was heard. The petition was not accepted. The only question of the court is: do you plead guilty? The answer was no. Me, Nafikov and Izmailov (or Ismailov) were sentenced to death.
But not only in the tribunal, but also in the Ministry of State Security in Cheboksary did not want to hear about anything other than treasonous activity. The verdict was final and not subject to appeal. He did not ask for pardon, although he was called three times in 24 hours. Tired, broken. I wanted to die. There would have been forces to fight the enemy, but here we had our own.
The sentence was not carried out; they were sent to the Brest-Litovsk prison. There he testified to a representative of the Supreme Military Collegium, who wrote everything down without any objections. A couple of months later, a decision was made to replace the death sentence with 10 years in prison.
From Brest I was taken to an internal MGB prison, where I spent more than a year in solitary confinement. The conditions here were no better than in the army counterintelligence. After everything that I have experienced, we can conclude: the person is very tenacious.
Yangurazov and Colonel Alkaev were tried together. They gave me 10 years without losing my rights. I met the first one in the transit prison in Orsha. He didn't recognize me. After a few remarks, everything was restored in his memory and he began to cry.
Sonia waited for me for a long time. She returned to Krasnodon. In the repatriation camps, officers pestered her and slowed down her departure. I asked her not to wait for me, because I was not sure that I would survive this nightmare. At that time, there was arbitrariness in the camps, not only on the part of the administration, but also on the part of thieves and crooks.
One by one, familiar guys from the legion and the workers' battalion began to gather in the camp: Maksimov, Aleksandrov, Izosimov and others, who were sentenced to 25 years. I pulled myself together, gathered 30 people, became a foreman and did not allow anyone to be offended.
Sonia married in 1957 and had two children. I don’t write to her and don’t let her know. I looked for Yangurazov in Ufa, but did not find him. I don’t know anything about Izosimov either.
Leonid Naumovich, are you asking if I was rehabilitated? No. I didn't write anywhere. I was afraid that I would again encounter callous people who work according to a stencil. Fate was still kind to me: I am alive and can tell people about Jalil, Alishev, Samaev and other heroes. From mouth to mouth, people passed on my stories about M. Jalil and his comrades who fought against fascism in their lair. Among the Chuvash and Tatars I am held in high esteem and respect. The latter call me “Ivan Effendi”.
I would like people like Vasily Izosimov, Tikhon Egorov, Ivan Sekeev, Alexey Tolstov, not to mention my beloved friend Saidulmulyuk Gimrailovich Yangurazov, with whom I became related, to be rehabilitated. I can say that in the difficult struggle under captivity there were people who risked more than I did. Where are they, my faithful assistants - Sonia, Raya from Donbass and Maria from Krasnodar, the Sailor (I don’t remember the name) with his fearless team.
I would like to return to the party, but, alas, the road there is now thorny.
IN last years under the guise of our underground, many write and refer to me as the main organizer of the work after Jalil. But I don’t ask myself anything.
I was indignant at the article in Pravda Vostoka (December 1968), which was written by an associate professor from Tashkent (I don’t remember his last name). There are people who attach themselves to the name of Jalil.
Now I believe that Michurin was the traitor. He was arrested along with Jalil's group. Those who ended up in a German prison did not leave without betrayal. He eventually joined the French resistance. Just think, this rat escape from a sinking ship is presented in the Pravda Vostoka newspaper as a heroic act.
I would like the Tatar comrades working on the legacy of M. Jalil not to believe such versions. The structure of the underground organization was a five-member system. Not a single person knew the members of the other five. The lower classes did not know M. Jalil as the organizer and leader of the underground.
I find it hard to believe that, having arrived at the legion accompanied by Sultan Fakhretdinov, he would have risked holding an underground meeting. And it’s hard to believe that the leaflets, so skillfully hidden among the materials prepared for the Germans, would have fallen into the hands of the Gestapo that same night. I am still inclined to think that Jalil was betrayed by one of the authoritative persons whom he trusted, hoping for his education and army rank.
How Michurin sucked up to Colonel Alkaev, who we needed after Musa’s execution. But he was not very happy to be in a close relationship with him. He warned that this man had very dubious character traits.
The other day I watched the feature film “The Moabit Notebooks.” The outline of the plot is true. But there are embellishments, a lot of inaccurate information about Jalil’s stay in Berlin. His friends who helped him work in the lair of the fascists, who formed the core of the underground, are not shown at all. Much attention is paid to everyday life during the stay with Sh. Almaz, as well as to the beautiful lady who was not there. Jalil and Alishov refused to edit the newspaper, but they collaborated with the editors, otherwise they would not have been left free. The work of the poet among the ostarbeiters is not shown at all. Therefore, the picture turned out to be sketchy; many do not even understand why he was executed.
Prepared
Valery ALEXIN
Volga-Tatar Legion (Idel-Ural Legion) (German Wolgatatarische Legion, German Legion Idel-Ural, Tat. Idel-Ural Legions, İdel-Ural Legionı) - a Wehrmacht unit consisting of representatives of the Volga peoples (Tatars, Bashkirs , Mari, Mordovians, Chuvash, Udmurts).
Volga-Tatar legionnaires were part of 7 reinforced field battalions (about 12.5 thousand people).
Organizationally, it was subordinate to the Headquarters of the Command of the Eastern Legions (German: Kommando der Ostlegionen).
Legion soldier in Wehrmacht uniform.
Ideological basis
The formal ideological basis of the legion was the fight against Bolshevism and Jews, while the German side deliberately spread rumors about the possible creation of the Idel-Ural Republic. The leading role in the ideological training of the legionnaires was played by emigrants - members of national committees formed under the auspices of the Ministry of the Occupied Eastern Territories. Prominent figures were especially popular among them national movements period 1918-1920 (Shafi Almas). The camps of Muslim legionnaires were repeatedly visited by the Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin el-Husseini, who called for a holy war against the “infidels” in alliance with Germany. In the Muslim legions, the positions of mullahs were introduced, who sometimes combined religious functions with command ones, being at the same time platoon commanders. The military and political training of soldiers ended with a collective oath to Hitler and the presentation of a flag.
No promises were made to any of the nationalities of the USSR regarding the creation of a national republic under a German protectorate, following the example of the Ustasha in Yugoslavia or the Slovaks.
Moreover, published materials highlighting Hitler’s categorically negative point of view regarding the need or possibility of allowing the creation of national state entities under a German protectorate in territory occupied by Germany do not allow us to talk about Germany’s goals in relation to legionnaires other than their assistance to Germany in the fight against Bolshevism and control over territories supplying resources to Germany.
Symbolism
One of the options for the Idel-Ural legion patch
The Volga-Tatar Legion used a variant of the patch that looked like a blue-gray oval with a yellow border. In the center of the emblem there was a vault with a vertical arrow. Idel-Ural was written on top in yellow letters, and Tatar Legion was written below. The round cockades on the headdresses had the same color combination as the stripes.
Creation logic
The OKH order to create the legion was signed on August 15, 1942. Practical work on its formation began in Jedlino (Poland) on August 21, 1942.
Arriving from prisoner-of-war camps, future legionnaires were already in preparatory camps divided into companies, platoons and squads and began training, which at the first stage included general physical and drill training, as well as the assimilation of German commands and regulations. The drills were conducted by German company commanders with the help of translators, as well as by squad and platoon commanders from among the legionnaires who had undergone two weeks of training at non-commissioned officer courses. Upon completion of the initial training course, recruits were transferred to battalions, where they received standard uniforms, equipment and weapons and moved on to tactical training and the study of the material part of weapons.
In addition to 7 field battalions, during the war, construction, railway, transport and other auxiliary units were formed from prisoners of war - natives of the Volga region and the Urals, serving German army, but did not take direct part in the hostilities. Among them were 15 Volga-Tatar separate companies.
Organizational structure of field battalions, participation in hostilities
Passage in solemn march
At the beginning of 1943, in the “second wave” of field battalions of the eastern legions, 3 Volga-Tatar battalions (825, 826 and 827th) were sent to the troops, and in the second half of 1943 - the “third wave” - 4 Volga-Tatar (with 828th to 831st).
Each field battalion consisted of 3 rifle, machine gun and headquarters companies of 130-200 people each; in the rifle company - 3 rifle and machine-gun platoons, in the headquarters - anti-tank, mortar, engineer and communications platoons. The total strength of the battalion was 800-1000 soldiers and officers, including up to 60 German personnel (Rahmenpersonal): 4 officers, 1 official, 32 non-commissioned officers and 23 privates. The German commanders of battalions and companies had deputies from among representatives of the nationality of legionnaires. The command staff below the company level was exclusively national. The battalion was armed with 3 anti-tank guns (45 mm), 15 light and heavy mortars, 52 light and heavy machine guns, rifles and machine guns (mostly captured Soviet ones).
At the end of 1943, the battalions were transferred to Southern France and stationed in the city of Mand (Armenian, Azerbaijani and 829th Volga-Tatar battalions). 826th and 827th Volga- they were Tatar disarmed by the Germans due to the reluctance of soldiers to go into battle and numerous cases of desertion and converted into road construction units. The 831st Volga-Tatar battalion was among those detached from the Wehrmacht at the end of 1943 to form a regiment within the SS troops under the command of career intelligence officer Major Mayer-Mader.
Kurultai of the peoples of Idel-Ural in March 1944
Underground anti-fascist organization in the legion
Since the end of 1942, an underground organization had been operating in the legion, whose goal was the internal ideological disintegration of the legion. The underground workers printed anti-fascist leaflets that were distributed among the legionnaires.
For participation in underground organization On August 25, 1944, 11 Tatar legionnaires were guillotined in the Plötzensee military prison in Berlin: Gainan Kurmashev, Musa Jalil, Abdullah Alish, Fuat Sayfulmulyukov, Fuat Bulatov, Garif Shabaev, Akhmet Simaev, Abdulla Battalov, Zinnat Khasanov, Akhat Atnashev and Salim Bukharov.
The actions of the Tatar underground fighters led to the fact that out of all national battalions (14 Turkestan, 8 Azerbaijani, 7 North Caucasian, 8 Georgian, 8 Armenian, 7 Volga-Tatar battalions) it was the Tatars who were the most unreliable for the Germans, and it was they who fought least against the Soviet troops.
The fate of the legion battalions
825th Battalion
It began to be created in October-November 1942 in Yedlino and numbered up to 900 people. Major Tsek was appointed commander.
On February 14, 1943, the battalion was solemnly sent to the front and on February 18 arrived in Vitebsk. The main part of the battalion was stationed in the village of Gralevo on the left bank of the Western Dvina.
Already on February 21, representatives of the legionnaires, acting on behalf of an underground organization in the legion, contacted the partisans and agreed on a general uprising of the battalion at 23:00 on February 22. Despite the fact that the Germans became aware of the plans of the legionnaires, and they made arrests an hour before the uprising, capturing the leaders of the uprising, nevertheless, under the leadership of Khusain Mukhamedov, about 500-600 legionnaires with weapons in their hands and with a large amount of equipment went over to the side of the partisans. Only 2 platoons of the battalion failed to escape (they were not notified in time) and the arrested legionnaires. The remaining legionnaires were urgently taken to the rear and assigned to other units.
It became unsafe to write about the collaboration of Soviet citizens during the Second War: scientists working on this difficult topic jingoistic patriots attack. Despite the campaign of harassment, research continues.
Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor of the Kazan Federal University, whom we met at the European University of St. Petersburg, has been studying this phenomenon for several decades using the example of Russian Muslim soldiers who found themselves in German captivity during the First World War, and the example of representatives Turkic-Muslim peoples of the Soviet Union, who joined armed formations as part of the Wehrmacht, in particular, the Volga-Tatar legion, the so-called Idel-Ural legion.
Iskander Gilyazov reports.
The creation of the Eastern Legions as part of the Wehrmacht during the Second World War came to a certain extent as a surprise to the Germans themselves
– The creation of the eastern legions within the Wehrmacht during the Second World War came to a certain extent as a surprise to the Germans themselves. At the very beginning of the war, when they were planning a military campaign against the Soviet Union, the Germans did not plan to rely on any forces from other nations at all. They had a very strict attitude: only Germans could carry weapons, and only with German weapons, with German hands, could victory be achieved. The remaining peoples, according to the Nazi anthropological racist theory, had their own “hierarchy”, classification, therefore the Germans initially, according to this theory, treated them with distrust. Of course, there were peoples a little closer to them - Scandinavian, for example, and there were the so-called Untermensch - “subhumans”: Slavs, Gypsies, Jews, etc.
The course of military operations against the Soviet Union, especially in the first months, practically pushed the Germans to the idea of creating military formations from the eastern peoples. And, surprisingly, when there was no plan to attract these peoples, already at the end of August 1941, special commissions of Rosenberg’s Eastern Ministry began working in prisoner-of-war camps. They were engaged in a kind of division of prisoners of war according to nationality and separating them into separate special camps, which also remained, naturally, prisoner of war camps, but already concentrated representatives of various nationalities. Both emigrants and German representatives, German scientists and immigrants from the Soviet Union worked on these commissions. They seemed to be working for the future, not just hoping, but implying that sooner or later it might come in handy.
The course of hostilities against the Soviet Union prompted the Germans to the idea of creating military formations from the eastern peoples
The idea gradually began to take shape, and the impetus for its implementation was given by the German defeat near Moscow, when the blitzkrieg fizzled out. And in fact, in December 1941, the go-ahead was given for the creation of formations from the eastern peoples. Of course, everything cannot be reduced to a blitzkrieg; here we must take into account several factors that influenced the creation of the eastern legions. This is, let's say, unexpected a large number of prisoners of war. It was not clear what to do with them. By the end of the summer of 1941 there were a huge number of them. There are terrifying figures: by the end of the war, the Germans registered six million Soviet prisoners of war. This is a horror, a terrible tragedy!
Moreover, we must also take into account the fact that the Soviet Union practically did not comply with international conventions on the rights of prisoners of war, and these people seemed to be abandoned to the mercy of fate by their country, according to Stalin’s well-known instruction: “We have no prisoners of war!”
In relation to prisoners of war from other countries - England, the USA - these international norms were still in effect, but Soviet prisoners of war found themselves in a terrible situation. And the Germans, realizing that no one needed them, treated them especially cruelly. It was, of course, pestilence, epidemics, terrible famine, and terrible supplies... In addition, we must take into account that representatives of the old emigration and the authorities of other countries played a certain role, who to some extent influenced the Germans, expressed some thoughts to them.
The Soviet Union practically did not comply with international conventions on the rights of prisoners of war, and these people seemed to be abandoned to the mercy of fate by their country
In the end, the Germans decided to get out of this situation and “put trust in the representatives of the Turkic-Muslim peoples,” first of all, because they considered (and the position of Rosenberg and the position of other ideologists was corresponding) that these Turkic-Muslim peoples were subject to the ideology of Turkic unity, that they, relatively speaking, will be just as united as the Aryans. In addition, it was believed that these peoples were colonially dependent on the Soviet Union and they initially hated Russians. In addition, they are Muslims, and the Germans had an attentive attitude towards Islam. This is a long history, it dates back to the period of the First World War, when the Kaiser’s diplomats and scientists tried to use the Islamic factor.
In the end, this whole sum of factors played a role: “Turks, Muslims, colonial dependence, they don’t like Russians, Bolsheviks.” It also seemed that the Soviet Union was a colossus with feet of clay, that if you pushed it a little, it would fall apart, especially if the national forces within it began to put pressure on it. This idea was formed by the end of 1941.
– Then did the formation of the first legions begin?
– At the end of 1941 - beginning of 1942, the formation of the first four legions began from these separated representatives, primarily of the Central Asian and Caucasian peoples. Oddly enough, both Georgians and Armenians fell under this wave, although they were neither Turks nor Muslims. Therefore, at first four legions were formed - Turkestan, Caucasian-Muslim, Georgian and Armenian. The Caucasian-Muslim was subsequently divided into North Caucasian and Azerbaijani. That is, five legions were formed as part of the eastern legions, which became a single military structure within the German armed forces.
The Tatar, or, as the Germans called it, the Volga-Tatar Legion, or the Idel-Ural Legion, as the representatives of the peoples of the Volga region themselves called it, included Tatars, Bashkirs, representatives of the peoples of the Volga and Urals regions. It was founded in late July - early August 1942. In reality, the banner was presented to him on September 6, and this date is considered the founding date of the legion. There were corresponding rules, there were several waves of replenishment.
At the end of 1941 - beginning of 1942, the formation of the first four legions from representatives of Central Asian and Caucasian peoples began
1942 and 1943 were the peak years for the creation of these eastern legions. Almost all of their base camps were located in Poland. Formations were constantly taking place. There were corresponding rules, a certain routine. It should be noted that in the legions it was allowed to create a military unit of no more than a battalion - this is approximately 900-950 people. These battalions included at least 50–80 Germans.
As a result, eight Volga-Tatar battalions were created. There were more Turkestan, Georgian and Armenian ones. As a result, it turned out that the Turkestan Legion turned out to be the most numerous. At least representatives of the Volga region peoples, Tatars, Bashkirs and others passed through the Idel-Ural legion, according to the most approximate ideas, about 20–25 thousand people.
– The very name of the legion "Idel-Ural" is related to the events of 1918, when in Kazan, at the 2nd All-Russian Muslim Military Congress on January 8 (21) - February 18 (March 3), 1918, a resolution was adopted on the creation of a state within Russia Idel-Ural, which includes the entire Ufa province, part of the Kazan, Simbirsk, Samara, Orenburg, Perm and Vyatka provinces?
Eight Volga-Tatar battalions were created. There were more Turkestan, Georgian and Armenian
– Most likely, it was a certain political game, because this slogan, in principle, has already remained in history when issues were discussed during the Civil War nation building on the territory of the Middle Volga region, the creation of a state or state "Idel-Ural". Moreover, this was absolutely not a separatist movement. This state was supposed to be part of the Russian Federation, that is, it was not a secession. But, in the end, the Bolshevik leaders did not allow even this to be created. Then a softer option began to be implemented. As the Civil War progressed, as the Bolsheviks strengthened their power, the idea of creating a Tatar-Bashkir Republic arose. In the end, already in 1920, under completely different conditions, a scanty and not fully reflecting the interests of the Tatar population of the Volga region was created - the Tatar Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, which, unfortunately, included only a quarter or one fifth of all ethnic Tatars. Even so, the territories in which they lived ethnic Tatars, for some reason ended up in other administrative entities. One can only guess why this happened.
Most of the political emigrants who had authority in the 20s and 30s, at least among the Tatar political emigration, were not involved in this epic with the creation of the Idel-Ural legion. The fact is that the Germans were generally very suspicious of the political emigrants of the first wave. It turned out that “more reliable people” were involved in the creation of the legion: from among defectors, from later emigrants, from some other spheres, but not from those who had authority in the 20s and 30s. This applies not only to the Tatars, but also to many other peoples, for example, Central Asian and Caucasian emigration.
As the Bolsheviks strengthened their power, the idea of creating a Tatar-Bashkir Republic arose
– The relationship was specific. The army of General Vlasov was created as Russian liberation army, no national divisions were planned in it. Vlasov himself, judging by some of his speeches and some publications, adhered, I would say, to fairly democratic approaches to the national question. For example, in one of his speeches he spoke out for the full right of nations to self-determination in the future Russia, even to the point of secession. At the same time, he noted that he believes in the power of traditions, in the power of the ties of these peoples with the Russian people, in the fact that sooner or later this centuries-old tradition will play its role, and these peoples will be together with the Russian people.
And at the same time, there was distrust of General Vlasov on the part of the national leaders of the Turkic-Muslim peoples. They even jointly signed an anti-Vlasov manifesto, in which they asked the Germans to under no circumstances unite them with the army of General Vlasov, because, as it was written there, “General Vlasov is a Russian general, and his whole train of thought is Russian. And that’s why we have - his movement, and he has his own." Although, of course, there were contacts. There were special representatives of the ROA who communicated with representatives of the Turkic-Muslim peoples, but no alliance worked out.
– In addition to military cooperation between the Germans and representatives of the Turkic-Muslim peoples of the Soviet Union, there was also political cooperation. What was it?
The army of General Vlasov was created as the Russian Liberation Army; no national units were planned in it
– In addition to military cooperation, the Germans planned to organize a kind of ideological base for all these military formations. Special so-called mediation offices were created under the Eastern Ministry of Rosenberg, the Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories, which was responsible for all this work, including with representatives of the eastern peoples. These mediations with various eastern nations were German institutions within this ministry. Turkestan mediation and Tatar mediation were created.
I will talk about the latter, which I studied more carefully. It was a German institution that dealt with the Tatars. It worked among emigrants, among workers who worked on the territory of the Reich, among legionnaires, and organized propaganda and political work among these people. This mediation was headed absolutely random person(I met him when he was still alive, he was over 90 years old) - lawyer Heinz Unglaube, a very cheerful, cheerful person who spoke neither Russian nor Tatar. And he was chosen for this position because, as he himself said, he once read something about the Tatars. It shocked me!
He headed this mediation almost until the end of the war. Under his auspices, a weekly newspaper for the legion and a magazine of Tatar literature in the Tatar language were created. In order to support the political efforts of other peoples, supplements to this newspaper were created. He began to publish a German-Tatar newsletter in two languages.
In addition to military cooperation, the Germans planned to organize a kind of ideological base for all these military formations
A kind of outcome of this political work was the creation of national committees, which began to present themselves as governments in exile, as political organizations. And under the auspices of Tatar mediation in the Eastern Ministry in 1944, the “Union of Struggle of the Turkic-Tatars of Idel-Ural” was created, which was simply called the “Idel-Ural Committee”. Attempts to create such a political organization began back in 1942, but it took shape only in 1944. Preserved policy documents, transcripts of this congress. I published them partially, including translation into Russian, in the magazine “Gasyrlar Avazy” (“Echo of Centuries”).
These documents are, by and large, democratic, which is quite unexpected. They are not Nazi, not fascist, they are nationalist, national. But at the same time, they largely repeat the postulates of the Tatar democratic movement of 1917–1920. The Tatars, of course, spoke quite cautiously on issues of anti-Semitism, but in some of their political movements anti-Semitic notes were quite strong. This, of course, cannot be accepted.
– What was the fate of the members Volga-Tatar Legion"Idel-Ural" after the end of the war?
95% of the legionnaires, and maybe even more, were completely random people in the legions. They weren't truly enemies
– 95% of the legionnaires, and maybe even more, were completely random people in the legions. They were not truly enemies; many joined the legion with only one purpose: to wait it out, to save their lives. And of course, we made a mistake. You cannot blame them for becoming traitors or fascists. Any crime must be specifically proven in court.
Their fate is in many ways difficult. Those who survived and returned to their homeland migrated from one camp to another. I won’t say that they were shot immediately, but almost all of them went through filtration camps. Their files have been preserved, which were in the public domain in the 90s. I didn’t have time to work with them at that time, but there are a lot of them there – tens of thousands.
– Have you now tried to obtain permission to work with these materials?
Those who were released did not receive any rights as WWII veterans
– I didn’t even try. I've heard a lot about how difficult access is there. Those who were released did not receive any rights as WWII veterans. This is quite understandable. From a purely human perspective, I just feel sorry for these people. In many ways, these are lost people. I don’t treat such people with understanding, but at least taking into account all the circumstances.
– A year ago, on the 70th anniversary of the victory film "War of the Unforgiven" directed by Denis Krasilnikov about the Idel-Ural legion became the winner in the category “Best Feature Documentary Film” at the 11th Kazan International Muslim Film Festival. He aroused rage among Russian nationalists. You can still read negative comments about this film on nationalist websites, for example, on the Novorossiya website. This story with the film is another evidence of the process that we are witnessing today in Russia - the process of distorting history in order to achieve certain political goals. How can you comment on this situation?
People want to stand out, show themselves without understanding the sources
– I acted as a consultant in this film. I read a lot of reviews - from enthusiastic to sharply critical. Majority critical reviews they themselves do not stand up to any criticism, because critics approach this film from a previously known position. The main leitmotif of these critical assessments is the following: “Since this film was made about the Idel-Ural legion, then it is already clearly bad and it is already clearly defending this legion.” And the fact that this film is not dedicated to the Idel-Ural legion, but is dedicated to those people who, having found themselves in captivity, being part of the legion, in these difficult conditions rose to fight against Nazism, this does not bother them.
There is already some kind of rage going on here. People want to stand out, show themselves, without understanding the sources. Therefore, I considered it unnecessary to enter into controversy with them. Now, unfortunately, this trend has begun. If in the 90s we had a surge of interest in this topic, now we again see signs of the Soviet approach (in the bad sense of the word).
Unfortunately, we again began to glorify war as a phenomenon. And war is first and foremost a tragedy
In history today we see only what we want to see. In the present, we reproject many things and transfer them to the past. Unfortunately, we again began to glorify war as a phenomenon. I do not like it. War is, first of all, a tragedy. And it seems to me that on May 9 we should not just beat the fanfare, but stop and think, remember those people who died during the war, and maybe just be silent, and not shout: “Hurray! Hurray!”
When I see stickers on cars in May that say “We’ve reached Berlin, let’s get to Washington!”, I just get scared. This is a misperception of history. Unfortunately, our society is beginning to see in war only heroism and feat, and not tragedy. But it seems to me that tragedy and horror should come first in the perception of war.
July 16, 1941 at a meeting of the German senior management with the participation of Hitler, Rosenberg, Keitel, Goering and Lammers, it was stated: “The iron rule must become and remain: No one should be allowed to bear arms except Germans! And this is especially important, even if at first it may seem easy to attract any foreign, subject peoples to military assistance- all this is wrong! Someday it will definitely, inevitably be turned against us. Only a German is allowed to bear arms, not a Slav, not a Czech, not a Cossack or a Ukrainian!”
What was said, as we see, was very categorical and, it would seem, there should not be and will not be a revision of this strict ban. But by the end of 1941 and during 1942. Tens of thousands of representatives of the peoples of the USSR were placed under the banner of the Wehrmacht. The Eastern Legions were hastily formed from them, the main impetus for the creation of which was given by the obvious failure of the plan lightning war.
Other important circumstances that contributed to the creation of the Eastern Legions include the following:
– The presence of a huge number of Soviet prisoners of war in the hands of Germany.
– Conducting active German propaganda among the population of the occupied regions of the USSR and against the advanced units of the Red Army. This led to the fact that many representatives of the civilian population of Ukraine, Belarus and the Baltic states collaborated with the Germans. Also, a considerable number of soldiers and officers of the Red Army went over to the German side, especially in the first period of the war.
– The position of some foreign countries, which demanded more humane treatment at least in relation to Turkic and Muslim prisoners of war. Turkish politicians showed the greatest interest in this issue. This should also include the activation of emigrant leaders from representatives of the peoples of the USSR at the beginning of the war.
When the Blitzkrieg plan failed, these factors influenced the position of the German leadership. And it, despite the difference in points of view and serious contradictions between the leaders and the highest state and military institutions of the Reich, decided to take advantage of the prevailing circumstances.
The headquarters for the creation of the Eastern Legions from February 18, 1942 was located in Poland, in the city of Rembertow, in the summer of the same year under the name “Headquarters of the Eastern Legions” it was transferred to the city of Radom, on January 23, 1943 it became known as the Command of the Eastern Legions.
The Volga-Tatar legion (or the Idel-Ural legion) was created later than all the others. Although in fact, representatives of the peoples of the Volga region were separated into special combined camps already in the fall and winter of 1941–1942. For the first time in the documents at our disposal, the creation of the Volga-Tatar Legion is mentioned on July 1, 1942 - on this day information about the emerging legions was sent to various authorities, among which the Volga-Tatar Legion was mentioned. On August 1, 1942, an order was given from Hitler's headquarters, signed by Chief of Staff Keitel, to create, in addition to the existing ones, a legion consisting of Volga (Kazan) Tatars, Bashkirs, Tatar-speaking Chuvash, Mari, Udmurts and Mordovians. The order ordered the separation of representatives of the named peoples into special camps and intensification of work with the recruitment of prisoners of war. It was noted that the status of the Volga-Tatar Legion is exactly the same as that of previously created similar formations, that the use of the legion is envisaged in areas of military operations, but especially in areas where partisans operate.
Keitel's order was, as it were, an order from above, and the practical order of the Wehrmacht High Command was signed on August 15, 1942. It already contained more specific instructions:
"1. Create a legion of Tatars, Bashkirs and Tatar-speaking peoples of the Volga region;
2. The Tatars assigned to the Turkestan Legion should be transferred to the Volga-Tatar Legion;
3. Tatar prisoners of war should be urgently separated from the rest and sent to the Siedlce camp (on the Warsaw-Brest railway line). Place them at the disposal of the Military Commander in the General Government (Militärbefehlshaber im General-Gouvernement);
4. The created legion should be used primarily in the fight against partisans."
Practical work on the creation of the Volga-Tatar Legion began on August 21, 1942. The camp in Jedlino near Radom was chosen as the place for its formation, where uniforms and weapons for the legion were received. German responsible personnel also arrived here. The Siedlce camp, located near Jedlino, had already become a gathering point for prisoners of war from the Turkic peoples.
The banner of the Volga-Tatar Legion was presented on September 6, 1942, so the legionnaires themselves considered this day to be the date of the final formation of the formation.
On September 8, 1942, the Volga-Tatar Legion was placed under the command of the headquarters of the Eastern Legions and the commander of the military district in the “Government General”.
Tatar prisoners of war were concentrated mainly in the Siedlce A camp, from where they were sent for training to the legion in Jedlino. Subsequently, the camp in Dęblin (Stalag 307) also played the role of a preliminary camp. And at the beginning of 1944, after the transfer of the Eastern Legions to France, the general preliminary camp was in Legionowo near Warsaw, from March 1944 - again in Siedlce B (Stalag 366) and in the Nechrybka camp (Stalag 327). A rather elderly and experienced military man, Major Oscar von Seckendorff, was appointed commander of the Volga-Tatar Legion. He was born on June 12, 1875 in Moscow, spoke Russian, English, French, and Chinese well; spoke Ukrainian worse and Spanish languages. He was later promoted to lieutenant colonel.
According to the available documents, it can be judged that Seckendorff, despite his age, took up the matter quite energetically, most of all paying attention to the issues of combat training of legionnaires. Perhaps one of the most serious problems For him (as for other German organizers of the Eastern Legions), the problem of training national officers became a problem, which, by the way, was never resolved until the end of the war, although it was raised more than once.
According to the plan, the first of the battalions of the Volga-Tatar Legion, numbered 825, was supposed to be created by December 1, 1942, but it was formed even a little earlier - on November 25. The date for the formation of the 826th battalion was set at December 15, 1942, the 827th - January 1, 1943. In fact, this happened, respectively, on January 15 and February 10, 1943. In surviving documents, all three battalions are first mentioned on November 3, 1942 .as being created.
The Tatar battalions, which were created in Poland, in Jedlino, under the control and jurisdiction of the command of the Eastern Legions in the German armed forces, and which are described in detail on the basis of available documents, were not the only ones. Most likely, with individual armies or army groups, in parallel or later, for example, during 1944, other Tatar formations. Among them were combat, construction, and supply units.
825th Battalion. This is the most famous of all created Tatar battalions. Major Tsek was appointed commander of the battalion. The exact number of Tatar legionnaires in this battalion is not indicated in the surviving documents, but, comparing it with other similar formations, it can be assumed that there were approximately 900 people in it.
The 825th battalion is known primarily for its armed action against the Germans at the end of February 1943. This fact is widely known in Russian journalistic literature. It happened in the following way.
Apparently, on February 14, 1943, the battalion was solemnly sent to the front: “Before the battalion left to fight the partisans in the village. A professor, whose last name is unknown, arrived from Berlin to give a report. The report was made at foreign language. In his report, the speaker called on the legions to destroy the Bolsheviks, (spoke) about the creation of a “Tatar state” by Hitler, about the creation of a new wonderful life,” a source from among the Belarusian partisans reported about the farewell. On February 18, at night, the battalion arrived in Vitebsk, after which it was sent towards the village of Belynovichi along the Surazhskoe highway. Then the main part of it was located in the village of Gralevo on the left bank of the Western Dvina. On February 21, representatives of the legionnaires contacted the partisans.
As a result of the negotiations, an agreement was reached that on February 22 at 23:00 a general uprising of the legion would be launched, and it would go over with arms to the side of the partisans. Obviously, the Germans became aware of the plans of the underground, and an hour before the planned performance, arrests were made and the leaders of the uprising Zhukov, Tadzhiev and Rakhimov were captured. Then the commander of the headquarters company, Khusain Mukhamedov, took the initiative. A signal was sent to almost all units of the battalion located in different localities in the neighborhood - an uprising began. According to the source, two platoons of the second company failed to notify.
The transferred legionnaires were distributed to partisan brigades, commanded by Zakharov and Biryulin.
So, the first entry into battle of the first unit of the Volga-Tatar Legion ended in failure for the German side. In German documents, albeit in a veiled form, the reasons for this are clearly visible: firstly, the activity of “individual intelligent Tatars” among the legionnaires undoubtedly affected them, who organized the battalion’s transition to the side of the partisans. Perhaps we are talking about the activities of Musa Jalil’s group, or his predecessors, but in any case, the performance of the legionnaires was organized and prepared in advance. Secondly, despite the long-term ideological indoctrination, the Germans really failed to truly attract the Tatar legionnaires to their side. Feeling Soviet patriotism they turned out to be stronger - the Germans, despite their efforts, remained “strangers” for the Tatar legionnaires; they saw “theirs” in the Belarusian partisans.
Those former legionnaires who went over to the side of the partisans, apparently, almost immediately took part in the battles against German army– they were especially intense on February 28, 1943 and had the goal of breaking the blockade. They continued to remain part of the partisan formations in Belarus. This is confirmed, for example, by data from a letter from the Belarusian headquarters partisan movement dated July 2, 1943: “After the battalion transferred to the partisans, its personnel were indeed dispersed among partisan brigades, took part in hostilities against the German occupiers, and showed themselves positive side. Some of the battalion’s personnel are still in partisan brigades.”
After these events, the legionnaires of the 825th battalion who remained on the German side were immediately sent to the rear and assigned to other formations. The uprising of the 825th battalion was a cold shower for the German command. This event played a significant role in the further fate of the Eastern legions.
826th battalion. The organization of the 826th battalion, planned for December 15, 1942, did not take place - it was formed in Yedlino on January 15, 1943. In March 1943, after the uprising of the 825th battalion, the 826th “out of harm’s way” was transferred to the territory of Holland in area of the city of Breda. Here, apparently, he served as a security guard and was also involved in other work. They obviously did not dare to involve the 826th battalion in any real military operations.
On September 1, 1943, the battalion may have been in France (there is no more precise indication), and on October 2, 1943 it was redeployed again to Holland, where it remained throughout 1943 - early 1945.
R.A. Mustafin also connects this eloquent fact with the history of the 826th battalion - an uprising was prepared in the unit, but German counterintelligence managed to thwart the plans of the underground. 26 members of the underground organization were then shot, two hundred people were transferred to a punishment camp.
827th battalion. The battalion was created on February 10, 1943 in Yedlino. His field mail number was 43645A-E. The battalion commander was Captain Pram.
Since the end of June 1943, the 827th battalion, sent to fight the partisans, was in Western Ukraine. Here the legionnaires took part in several clashes with partisans.
At the beginning of October 1943, the battalion was transferred to Lannon in France and was placed at the disposal of the 7th Army. The 827th Battalion was also disappointing in operations against partisans in Western Ukraine. German command. Moreover, the presence of the battalion in this territory strengthened the partisan detachments, because many legionnaires ran over to them. But even after the battalion was transferred to France, it never became a “reliable” unit for the Germans, since here too many legionnaires went over to the French partisans.
828th Battalion. This battalion was created in the period from April 1, 1943 and was finally formed on June 1, 1943. After its formation, the battalion was quite for a long time was located in Yedlino itself.
On September 28, 1943, the formation was sent to Western Ukraine to replace the 827th battalion, which turned out to be “unreliable.” The Germans' hopes for the newly arrived legionnaires were in vain. Sources clearly indicate that during the entire stay of the 828th battalion in Western Ukraine, many of the legionnaires defected to the partisans.
829th Battalion. It was created on August 24, 1943 in Yedlino. Most likely, under the influence of failures with the first battalions, the 829th remained in Yedlino for quite a long time. But subsequently the battalion was also moved to Western Ukraine.
The finale for the 829th battalion came quite quickly: by order of the commander of the military district in the “Government General” of August 29, 1944, it was disbanded due to the increasing incidence of “violations of discipline” in the battalion. All these events had to be carried out before September 18, 1944. This is where the story of the 829th Tatar battalion ended.
830th Battalion. There is no exact information about the day the 830th battalion was formed. Although it is already mentioned in documents dated September 1, 1943, its existence on that day is doubtful, since even in the document dated October 26 it is mentioned as “forming.”
The Germans no longer decided to use the battalion against the partisans: it carried out security service in various settlements Western Ukraine and Poland. These transfers were carried out to test the “reliability” and combat effectiveness of the battalion, which aroused suspicion among the Germans, and not without reason.
In June 1944, the Gestapo office in Radom managed to contact one of the non-commissioned officers of the 830th battalion, who was looking for connections with “communist gangs”. He, apparently, managed to organize 20 legionnaires to kill German personnel on the night of June 17-18, open a weapons depot, seize cars and run to the partisans with weapons. But on June 12 and 15, the initiators of the conspiracy, more than 20 people in total, were arrested. 17 of them were subsequently released by a military court due to lack of evidence. Representatives of the secret police considered that this decision was legally justified, but its consequences could be unpredictable, so it was recommended to discuss the situation in detail with the commander of the eastern detachments.
It seems that at the final stage of the war the 830th battalion existed as a construction and engineer battalion, at the beginning of 1945 it was stationed in the Vistula bend, and later in Pomerania.
831st Battalion. It was formed in the fall of 1943 in Yedlino. Its existence is confirmed in the second half of October. As far as can be judged from the text of the document, he provided security for the main camp of the Volga-Tatar Legion in Yedlino. The unit had to do approximately the same thing in February 1944, when it was in Legionowo near Warsaw. There are no other mentions of the 831st battalion in known sources.
Creation of battalions of the Volga-Tatar Legion by serial numbers 832, 833, 834 was planned for the fall of 1943. Most likely, they were never formed. It was not possible to find any references that would actually confirm the existence of these Tatar battalions.
On September 29, 1943, Hitler ordered the transfer of all Eastern volunteers from the East to the West, and this was reflected in the order of the German General Staff of October 2, 1943 (No. 10570/43) on the transfer of the Eastern Legions from the territory of Poland to France at the disposal of the commander Army Group West in the city of Nancy. The relocation was supposed to be carried out in the following order:
1. Georgian Legion; 2. North Caucasian Legion; 3. Command of the Eastern Legions; 4. Officer school in Legionovo; 5. Volga-Tatar Legion and School of Translators; 6. Armenian Legion; 7. Turkestan Legion; 8. Azerbaijan Legion. Thus, we were not talking about absolutely all eastern battalions; some of them remained at the place of service. All command structures of the Eastern Legions, the so-called main camps, and some of the battalions were transferred to France.
To carry out this large-scale event, a special liquidation headquarters was created under the command of Colonel Möller. The order prescribed by the order was generally observed. For example, the main camp and command of the Volga-Tatar Legion left Yedlino on October 19, 1943, and the command and headquarters of the Eastern Legions set off on October 24. Transportation was carried out by special military trains and very quickly. And yet, in the first half of November 1943, the redeployment was basically completed: on March 1, 1944, the commander of Army Group West had, according to official data, 61,439 foreigners and eastern volunteers.
The command of the Eastern Legions in France in October 1943 was located in Nancy (Eastern France), but at the end of November it was transferred further south to Millau. Most likely due to developments unfavorable for the Germans military situation March 15, 1944 command eastern connections from Millau returned to Nancy again (we are talking specifically about the former command of the Eastern Legions, and not about the command of all volunteer formations).
At the beginning of 1944, a serious restructuring of formations from the eastern nations took place in France, which, most likely, was intended to strengthen control over them and achieve their maximum combat readiness. Here in February 1944 it was formed new structure, called the Main Volunteer Division (Freiwilligen Stamm Division) centered in Lyon and commanded at first by Colonel Holste. At the end of March 1944, Holste was replaced by Major General von Henning. The named division was divided into a number of regiments based on nationality, including formations of Russians, Ukrainians and Cossacks. The Volga-Tatar Legion, whose command was located in the city of Le Puy, belonged to the 2nd regiment, and the formation continued to be called the Volga-Tatar Legion as part of the 2nd regiment.
Stationed in different countries and areas of Western Europe, the eastern battalions were intended not only to defend the Atlantic Wall, but also, as in the East, to fight against partisans. For example, three companies from the Volga-Tatar Legion took part in the German action against the French maquis in the department of Chantal in early June 1944; in early August, units of the Volga-Tatar Legion participated in the same actions in the areas of the settlements of Issoire and Rochefort ( near the city of Clermont-Ferrand).
The Eastern legions in France generally demonstrated the same qualities as previously in the Ukraine.
Units of the Volga-Tatar Legion demonstrated stable “unreliability”. On July 13, 1944, Field Commandant's Office 588 in Clermont-Ferrand clearly stated with bitterness in its report: “The reconnaissance group of the Tatar legion could not achieve anything more than to catch several previously escaped Armenian legionnaires.” On the night of July 29-30, 1944, one Russian officer and 78 legionnaires of the Volga-Tatar Legion, according to the same commandant’s office, ran over to the partisans, and the rest were immediately returned to the barracks. There are many such examples of eastern legionnaires running over to the partisans in the last period of the war. Many such cases have already become widely known from publications in our press.
Most of the Eastern Volunteer battalions on the Western Front were divided and distributed among different areas and assigned to larger German formations. This isolation from each other, undoubtedly, even more noticeably increased the feeling of confusion and depression among the majority of legionnaires. So, in general, the use of the Eastern Legions in Western Europe did not bring the desired results for the Germans. Many of the legionnaires were very afraid of being captured by the advancing Soviet troops, preferring in the end to be captured by the allies. But even the latter had an unenviable fate: according to agreements between the USSR and allied powers, all Soviet citizens who found themselves in the hands of British and American troops were subsequently transferred to the Soviet side. They were returning to native land, where in most cases they faced severe punishment.
Thus we see that German plans the use of formations from representatives of the Turkic peoples of the USSR, including the Tatars, especially active in 1942–1944, ended in failure. The underground anti-fascist groups that arose among the Eastern legionnaires certainly played their role in the failure of the Nazis’ aspirations. One of the most famous such groups is the group led by Gainan Kurmashev and Musa Jalil. Apparently, this group began its activities at the end of 1942. It consisted, first of all, of Tatar officers who found themselves in German captivity. The underground members set as their main goal the disintegration of the Idel-Ural legion from within and preparation for an uprising. To achieve their goal, they used the printing house of the Idel-Ural newspaper, published by the Eastern Ministry of Germany specifically for legionnaires since the fall of 1942.
Gainan Kurmashev created and coordinated the work of the fives of the underground organization. Musa Jalil, who had the opportunity to move freely throughout Germany and Poland, organized campaigning among the legionnaires. Akhmet Simaev worked at the propaganda radio station “Vineta”, where he could receive information for the Resistance group and produce leaflets. Abdulla Alish, Akhat Atnashev and Zinnat Khasanov also took an active part in the production and distribution of leaflets.
It is safe to assume that the battalions of the Idel-Ural Legion did not live up to the expectations that the German command had for them, largely thanks to the activities of the underground members of the Kurmashev-Jalil group. Unfortunately, this activity was interrupted by German counterintelligence: in Berlin, the underground members were arrested on the night of August 11-12, 1943. In total, about 40 people from the propaganda units of the Idel-Ural Legion were captured in August 1943.
After a lengthy investigation, members of the Resistance were brought before the Imperial Court in Dresden. On February 12, 1944, by his decision, 11 people were sentenced to death. These are Musa Jalil, Gainan Kurmashev, Abdulla Alish, Akhmet Simaev, Akhat Adnashev, Abdulla Battalov, Fuat Bulatov, Salim Bukharov, Fuat Saifulmulyukov, Zinnat Khasanov, Garif Shabaev. The text states “assisting the enemy” and “undermining military power” as grounds for sentencing for all. This formulation allows us to reasonably assert that the resistance group that existed in the Idel-Ural legion caused serious damage to the “Third Reich” through its actions.
The execution of Tatar patriots by guillotining was carried out in the Berlin prison Plötzensee on August 25, 1944. Gainan Kurmashev was the first to ascend the scaffold - at 12:06. The remaining members of the underground were executed within three minutes of each other.
In Berlin, at the Museum of Resistance to Fascism, in memory of the Tatar underground fighters, a Memorial plaque with the names of the group members, and in Plötzensee prison there are stands with materials about the heroes.
I.A. Gilyazov
Der Prozeß gegen die Hauptkriegverbrecher vor dem Internationalen Militärgerichtshof. Nürnberg 1949, Bd. XXXVIII, Document 221-L, S. 88.
However, attributing the creation of the Eastern Legions solely to the failure of the “blitzkrieg” plan is an oversimplification of the problem. This trend is clearly observed in our historiography (see, for example: Abdullin M.I.. The fighting truth. Criticism of bourgeois concepts of development of the socialist nations of the Volga region and the Urals. – Kazan, 1985. – P. 44). Even the creation of commissions for the selection of Turkic prisoners of war is “adjusted” to the defeat of the Germans near Moscow, although such commissions, which will be discussed below, already existed in August-September 1941 (see, for example: Mustafin R.A. What motivated Jalil? // Tatarstan.- 1993. - No. 12.- P.73)
Hoffmann, Joachim. Die Ostlegionen 1941-1943. Turkotataren, Kaukasier und Wolgafinnen im deutschen Heer. Freiburg 1976, S.30-31.
Bundesarchiv des Beaufragten für die Unterlagen des Ministeriums der Staatssicherheit der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik (hereinafter - BStU-Zentralarchiv), RHE 5/88-SU, Bd.2, Bl. 143.
Sketchy biographical information about von Seckendorff see: Bundesarchiv-Potsdam, NS 31/45, Bl. 237; NS 31/55, Bl.27. In the book by S. Drobyazko, his last name is distorted as Zickerdorf ( Drobyazko S.I.. Under the banners of the enemy. Anti-Soviet formations within the German armed forces. 1941–1945. – M., 2004. – P. 151).