November 9th, 2015
40 years ago, on November 8, 1975, captain Valery Sablin rebelled on the ship "Storozhevoy". That day Sablin addressed the crew with the words: “The current state machine must be thoroughly cleaned and partially thrown into the dustbin of history. Action plan - we go to Kronstadt, and then to Leningrad - the city of three revolutions.” He isolated the ship's commander, arbitrarily removed the ship from the roadstead in Riga and took it to Leningrad. The uprising was suppressed immediately.
Valery Mikhailovich Sablin was born on January 1, 1939 in Leningrad in the family of the hereditary military sailor Mikhail Sablin. In 1960 he graduated from the Leningrad Higher Naval School named after Frunze. He received a specialty as a naval gunner and began service in the Northern Fleet as an assistant commander of a battery of 130 mm guns. destroyer. Until 1969, he served in combat positions and as assistant commander of a patrol ship. Northern Fleet entered the Lenin Military-Political Academy. He graduated from the Academy in 1973 with honors: his name was engraved on a marble plaque among the names of other best graduates of the Academy (in November 1975 he was hastily cut down with a chisel). After graduating from the academy, Captain III Rank Sablin was appointed political officer on the large anti-submarine ship Storozhevoy.
Sablin developed a detailed program for the reconstruction of society. Sablin was highly politically active and had already written to Khrushchev, expressing his thoughts about the purity of the party ranks. He advocated a multi-party system, freedom of speech and discussion, and a change in the procedure for elections in the party and the country. The officer decided to announce his program, pointing out the serious mistakes and corruption of the Soviet leadership, from the “tribune” of the Storozhevoy BOD.
However, Sablin could not immediately realize his plan. The ship was new, the crew was just being formed. The officers were busy with work. During combat service, the political officer studied the crew and gradually introduced his views and plans to some of its members, and found like-minded people among them. Sablin had the opportunity to perform in the fall of 1975, when the ship was sent for scheduled repairs to Liepaja, but before that he received an order to take part in the naval parade in Riga dedicated to the 58th anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. Some of the ship's officers went on vacation; their absence was to Sablin's advantage.
On November 6, 1975, the Sentry arrived at the Riga roadstead. On November 8, 1975, at about 7 p.m., Sablin cunningly lured and locked the ship's commander, Anatoly Potulny, on the lower deck. After this, he gathered 13 officers and 13 midshipmen in the midshipman's wardroom, where he outlined his views and proposals. In particular, he stated that the leadership of the USSR had moved away from Leninist principles. Sablin proposed to make an unauthorized passage of the ship to Kronstadt, declare it an independent territory, and, on behalf of the crew, demand from the leadership of the party and the country to give him the opportunity to speak on Central television with a statement of their views. According to another version, Sablin planned to sail the ship to Leningrad, dock next to the Aurora and from there go on television every day, calling on the citizens of the USSR for a communist revolution, a change in the Brezhnev party-state apparatus and the establishment of social justice.
Sablin suggested voting for his proposals. Some officers supported him, and 10 who opposed were isolated. In fact, the officers and midshipmen (even those who did not agree with Sablin in everything and to the end) allowed Sablin to seize the ship. They allowed it by their non-resistance, their self-removal from the course of events, their consent to the arrest. Then Sablin gathered the ship's crew and spoke to the sailors and foremen. He announced that the majority of the officers were on his side and invited the crew to also support him. The disoriented crew offered no resistance. In fact, one determined and active person subjugated the entire crew to his will. The captain could have interfered with him, but Sablin skillfully isolated him from the crew.
The political officer’s plans were disrupted by the commander of the ship’s electrical engineering group, Senior Lieutenant Firsov, who managed to quietly leave the Storozhevoy and report emergency. As a result, Sablin lost the element of surprise. He took the ship out of the port and directed it towards the exit from the Gulf of Riga.
Vice Admiral Kosov ordered the ships stationed in the Riga roadstead to catch up with the rebel. Reports of the emergency at Storozhevoy were immediately sent to the Ministry of Defense and the Kremlin. An alarming call found the Commander-in-Chief of the USSR Navy, Admiral of the Fleet of the Soviet Union Gorshkov, at his dacha; On the way to Moscow, he contacted the country's Minister of Defense, Marshal Grechko, from the car. The minister’s order was brief: “Catch up and destroy!”
Border guard ships were alerted and Baltic Fleet, as well as the 668th Bombardment aviation regiment. Then, on the orders of Marshal Grechko, a regiment of strategic aviation - Tu-16 long-range missile carriers - took off. The border guards asked for permission to demolish the wheelhouse along with Sablin using machine guns, but Kosov did not allow it. The Watchdog was warned: when crossing the 20th meridian, a missile strike would be launched to destroy it.
On November 9 at 10 o’clock in the morning, Admiral Gorshkov radioed the order to the Storozhevoy: “Stop the move!” Captain Sablin refused. Marshal Grechko repeated the order on his own behalf. Instead of answering, Sablin broadcast an appeal: “Everyone! Everyone! Everyone!..” The ship’s radio operator added at the end of the text: “Farewell, brothers!”
At about three o'clock in the morning on November 9, 1975, the 668th Bomber Aviation Regiment, based at the Tukums airfield two dozen kilometers from Jurmala, was raised on alert.
Armed with outdated Yak-28 front-line bombers by that time, the regiment was not prepared to launch air strikes against naval targets at night in difficult meteorological conditions with the established minimum weather.
The regiment commander, as required by the Combat Regulations, began to make a decision to strike the ship, the deputies and heads of services began to prepare proposals for the decision, the headquarters began to carry out the necessary calculations, formalize this decision and organize its implementation.
The army crew of the reconnaissance aircraft, not trained for such tasks, did not complete their task - they did not detect the ship.
The bomber crew, carrying out a search in the estimated area where the Storozhevoy was located, almost immediately discovered a large surface target within the boundaries of the search area, approached it at a given altitude of 500 meters, visually identified it in the haze as a destroyer-sized warship and carried out pre-emptive bombing. the ship's course, trying to place a series of bombs closer to the ship. The bombs exploded almost above its surface, and a sheaf of fragments ricocheted right into the side of the ship, which turned out to be a Soviet cargo ship that had left the port of Ventspils a few hours earlier.
The mistake became clear quite quickly: the cargo ship began sending a distress signal in radiotelegraph and radiotelephone modes, accompanied by clear text: a bandit attack in the territorial waters of the Soviet Union. Ships of the Baltic Fleet and Border Troops The KGB received these signals and reported them on command. This ship gave a distress signal for more than an hour, until one of the warships approached it. It is known that there were no killed or wounded on board, and repairing the damage to the ship cost the Ministry of Defense a tanker of rectified alcohol and a five-ton truck of oil paint (all of the above was transported to Ventspils).
And about. commander air army suddenly ordered to raise the entire regiment to the maximum a short time to strike a ship (at the same time exact location the ship was still unknown).
The flight director at the control tower, the first to understand the absurdity and danger of the current situation, forbade anyone to take off without his permission, thereby bringing upon himself a storm negative emotions by the regiment commander. To the credit of the old and experienced lieutenant colonel, who showed firmness, the regiment’s takeoff to carry out the combat mission became manageable. But it was no longer possible to construct the regiment’s pre-developed battle formation in the air, and the planes went to the strike area mixed in two echelons with a minute interval on each. In fact, it was already a flock, not controlled by squadron commanders in the air, and an ideal target for two ship-based missile defense systems with a 40-second firing cycle. With a high degree of probability, it can be argued that if the ship had actually repelled this air strike, then all 18 aircraft of this “battle formation” would have been shot down.
At this time, the aircraft searching for the ship from the side of the island of Gotland finally discovered a group of ships, two of which looked larger on the radar sight screen, and the rest lined up like a front. Having violated all restrictions on not descending below 500 meters, the crew passed between two warships at an altitude of 50 meters, which he identified as large anti-submarine ships (LAS). There were 5-6 km between the ships, on board one of them the desired side number of the rebel "Storozhevoy" was clearly visible. The second was the pursuit ship. The regiment's command post immediately received a report on the azimuth and distance of the ship from the Tukums airfield, as well as a request for confirmation of its attack. Having received permission to attack, the crew performed a maneuver and attacked the ship from a height of 200 meters from the front side at an angle of 20-25 degrees from its axis. Sablin, controlling the ship, competently thwarted the attack, vigorously maneuvering towards the attacking aircraft to a heading angle of 0 degrees.
The bomber was forced to stop the attack (it was unlikely to hit a narrow target when bombing from the horizon) and, descending to 50 meters (the crew always remembered the two Osa-type air defense systems), it slipped right over the ship. With a slight climb to an altitude of 200 meters, he performed a maneuver called in Air Force tactics a “standard 270-degree turn” and attacked the ship again from the side from behind. Quite reasonably assuming that the ship will escape from attack by maneuvering in the opposite side from the attacking aircraft, the crew attacked at such an angle that the ship did not have time to turn to the aircraft's heading angle of 180 degrees before the bombs were dropped.
It happened exactly as the bomber crew expected. Sablin tried not to expose the side of the ship, fearing top-mast bombing (he did not know that the bomber did not have the aerial bombs needed for this method of bombing). The first bomb of the series hit right in the middle of the deck on the ship's quarterdeck, destroyed the deck covering during the explosion and jammed the ship's rudder in the position in which it was located. Other bombs in the series landed at a slight angle from the ship's axis and damaged the rudder and propellers. The ship began to describe a wide circulation and stopped moving.
The crew of the bomber, having completed the attack, began to sharply gain altitude, keeping the Storozhevoy in sight and trying to determine the result of the strike, when they saw a series of signal flares fired from the side of the attacked ship. The report to the regiment's command post was very brief: it was launching missiles. There was instantly dead silence on the air and at the regiment’s command post, because everyone was waiting for the launch of the air defense missile system and did not forget about it for a minute. Who got them? After all, a column of single aircraft was already approaching the ship’s location. These moments of absolute silence seemed long hour. After some time, clarification followed: signal flares, and the air literally exploded with a discordant hubbub of crews trying to clarify their combat mission.
The regiment's planes reached the target, and the first crew of the regiment's column jumped onto one of the pursuing ships and immediately attacked it, mistaking it for a rebel ship. The attacked ship dodged the falling bombs, but responded with fire from all its automatic anti-aircraft guns. The ship fired a lot, but missed, and this is understandable: the border guards hardly ever in their lives fired at a “live”, skillfully maneuvering aircraft.
And it was only the first bomber out of 18 in the regiment’s column that attacked, and who would the rest attack? By this point in time, no one doubted the determination of the pilots: neither the rebels nor the pursuers. Apparently, the naval command asked itself this question in time and found the correct answer to it, realizing that it was time to stop this orgy of attacks, which, in fact, was “organized” by them. It was repeatedly broadcast in clear text in radiotelephone mode on the VHF channels of aviation control: “Control exercises of naval and aviation forces - all clear.”
Even before the visual and demonstrative bombing of the ship, its personnel, who began to proactively take measures to disable weapons and some of the technical equipment, self-organized and took energetic actions to free the commander and officers.
At 10.20, even before the bombs were dropped by the plane, they were freed by a group of brave sailors.
The actions of the ship's commander during the liberation and subsequently were quick and decisive. By his order, the arsenal was opened, the sailors, foremen and officers were armed.
Here is how the commander of the Watchdog himself talks about it:
“I tried to get out of the compartment where Sablin lured me. I found some piece of iron, broke the lock on the hatch, got into the next compartment - it was also locked. When this lock was also broken, sailor Shein blocked the hatch with a sliding emergency stop. That's it, you can't get out on your own. But then the sailors began to guess what was happening. Petty Officer 1st Article Kopylov and the sailors (Stankevichus, Lykov, Borisov, Nabiev) pushed Shein away, knocked out the stop and freed me. I took a pistol, the rest armed themselves with machine guns and two groups - one from the side of the tank, and I along the internal passage - began to climb onto the bridge. Seeing Sablin, the first impulse was to shoot him right away, but then the thought flashed: “He will still be useful to justice!” I shot him in the leg. He fell. We went up to the bridge, and I announced on the radio that order had been restored on the ship.”
It was the only case use of firearms on board the Storozhevoy.
Then a boarding party was landed on deck and arrested the wounded instigator of the uprising. Sablin and his supporters were arrested. Sablin immediately took all the blame for what happened, without naming anyone as an accomplice.
The Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR accused Sablin of treason and sentenced him to death. The investigation announced that all this political program was developed only for the purpose of deceiving future comrades: in fact, Sablin intended to take the ship not to Leningrad, but to the Swedish island of Gotland, where the ship's political officer intended to ask for political asylum in the United States. Sablin categorically rejected accusations of treason and attempting to hijack a warship abroad. Captain 3rd Rank Valery Sablin and several other people involved in the mutiny were stripped of their titles and awards. Sablin was shot on August 3, 1976 in Moscow.
After the collapse of the USSR, people started talking about Sablin and Shein as victims of a totalitarian regime. Law enforcement agencies took up the task of reviewing their case three times, and on the third attempt, in 1994, the military panel of the Supreme Court reviewed it taking into account new circumstances. The “execution” article about treason against the Motherland was re-qualified as articles about military crimes - abuse of power, disobedience and resistance to superiors, which together carried “only” 10 years of imprisonment. At the same time, the judges wrote in a separate line that Sablin and Shein are not subject to full rehabilitation. According to the newspaper "Arguments and Facts", the investigative file also contains a letter from Sablin to his parents, dated November 8, 1975, seized during the search. “Dear, beloved, my good daddy and mommy!” Sablin wrote. “It was very difficult to start writing this letter, since it will probably cause you anxiety, pain, and maybe even indignation and anger towards me... By my actions I am guided by only one desire - to do what is in my power to awaken our people, the good, mighty people of our Motherland, from political hibernation, for it has a detrimental effect on all aspects of the life of our society...”
From Sablin's Address to to the Soviet people, recorded on magnetic tape (transcription of the KGB investigative bodies):
“Comrades! Listen to the text of the speech we aim to give on radio and television.
First of all Thanks a lot you for your support, otherwise I would not be talking with you today. Our action is not a betrayal of the Motherland, but a purely political, progressive action, and the traitors to the Motherland will be those who try to stop us. My comrades asked me to convey that in the event of military action against our country, we will defend it with dignity. And now our goal is different: to raise the voice of truth.
We are firmly convinced that the need to express our views on the internal situation in our country, and in a purely critical manner in relation to politics Central Committee The CPSU and the Soviet government are available to many honest people in the Soviet Union.
[…] Lenin dreamed of a state of justice and freedom, and not of a state of strict subordination and political lawlessness. […] I think there is no point in proving that at present the servants of society have already turned into masters over society. On this score, everyone has more than one example from life. We are witnessing a game of formal parliamentarism in elections to Soviet bodies and in the performance of their duties by the Soviets. Almost the fate of the entire people is in the hands of the selected elite in the person of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. The comprehensive concentration of power, political and state, has become a stable and generally accepted fact. The extermination of dissidents during the period of the personality cult of Stalin and Khrushchev played a particularly fatal role in the development of the revolutionary process in our country. And now, for your information, up to 75 people are also arrested annually for political reasons. The belief in the existence of justice in our society has disappeared. And this is the first symptom of a serious illness in society. […] For some reason, it is believed that the people should be content with the facts and be a politically weak-willed mass. But the people need political activity... Tell me, where, in what print media or in radio and television broadcasts is criticism of the leaders allowed? This is out of the question. And we must honestly admit that we do not have a political or public body that would allow us to develop a discussion on many controversial issues social, political, economic and cultural development of our country, since everything is under pressure from party and government agencies. The most advanced system in social development in a historically short period of time, 50 years, was refracted into a social system in which the people found themselves in a musty atmosphere of unquestioning faith in orders from above, in an atmosphere of political powerlessness and dumbness, in which the fear of speaking out against the party and others flourishes. government agency, as this will affect personal fate. Our people have already suffered significantly and are suffering due to their political lack of rights. Only to a narrow circle specialists know how much harm the voluntary intervention of state and party bodies has brought and continues to cause in the development of science and art, in the development armed forces and economics, in solution national issues and education of youth.
We, of course, can laugh a million times at the satire of Raikin, the Krokodil magazine, and the film magazine Fitil, but someday tears must appear through laughter about the present and future of the Motherland. It’s time not to laugh anymore, but to bring someone to the national court and ask with all severity for all this bitter laughter. Now in our country there is a difficult situation: on the one hand, on the external, official side, in our society there is universal harmony and social agreement, a nation-wide state, and on the other hand, there is general individual dissatisfaction with the existing state of affairs. […] Our performance is only a small impulse, which should serve as the beginning of a surge. […] Will the communist revolution have the character of an acute class struggle in the form of an armed struggle or will it be limited to political struggle? This depends on a number of factors. Firstly, will the people immediately believe in the need for social reforms? And the fact that the way to them is only through the communist revolution. Or will it be a long process of growth in public understanding and political consciousness. Secondly, whether the organizing and inspiring force of the revolution, that is, a new revolutionary party based on a new advanced theory, will be created in the near future. And, finally, how fiercely the leaders will resist the revolution, drown it in the blood of the people, and this largely depends on whose side the troops, police and other armed units will take. One can only theoretically assume that the presence of modern means of information, communications and transport, as well as the high cultural level of the population, extensive experience of social revolutions in the past will allow our people to force the government to abandon violent counter-revolutionary measures and direct the revolution along a peaceful path of development. However, we must never forget that revolutionary vigilance is the basis for the success of struggle in a revolutionary era, and therefore we must be prepared for various turns of history. Our main task is to currently, when throughout the country there is not yet a wide network of revolutionary circles, there are no trade unions, youth, or public ones (and they will grow quickly, like mushrooms after rain), the main task now is to instill in people an unshakable faith in the vital necessity of the communist revolution, in the fact that there is no other way, anything else will lead to internal, even greater complications and torment. And the doubts of one generation will still result in a resolution of the next generation, more painful and difficult. This belief in the necessity of revolution will be the rain that will give organizational shoots.
[…] The question immediately arises: who, what class will be the hegemon of the revolution? This will be the class of working, worker and peasant intelligentsia, to which we include, on the one hand, highly qualified workers and peasants, and on the other hand, engineering and technical personnel in industry and agriculture. This class is the future. This is the class that will gradually transform into a classless society after the communist revolution. And who will oppose this class? What is the social face of the enemy? Manager class. It is not numerous, but it has concentrated leadership of the economy, the media, and finances. The entire state superstructure was built on its basis, and it is supported by it. The class of managers includes party and trade union liberated workers, managers of large and medium-sized production teams and shopping centers who successfully use, without, of course, violating Soviet laws, the socialist management system for personal enrichment, personal affirmation in society as an owner, by receiving through state network of additional material and moral benefits. This new system of exploitation by circulating capital through the state budget demands more detailed study for exposure and destruction. […]
And finally, the core issue of any revolution is the issue of power... It is assumed... that, firstly, the current state apparatus will be thoroughly cleansed, and at some points broken up and thrown into the dustbin of history, since it is deeply infected with nepotism, bribery, careerism, arrogant towards the people, secondly, the election system, which turns the people into a faceless mass, should be thrown into the trash heap. Thirdly, all conditions that give rise to omnipotence and lack of control of state bodies by the masses must be eliminated. Will these issues be resolved through the dictatorship of the leading class? Necessarily! Otherwise, the whole revolution will end with the seizure of power - and nothing more. Only through the greatest national vigilance is the path to a society of happiness.” […]
“Now listen to the radiogram that is supposed to be given to the Fleet command about our performance.
Radiogram addressed to the Commander-in-Chief of the USSR Navy. I ask you to urgently report to the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee and the Soviet government that the flag of the coming communist revolution has been raised at the Storozhevoy military-industrial complex.
We demand: first, to declare the territory of the Storozhevoy ship free and independent from state and party bodies within a year.
The second is to provide the opportunity for one crew member, by our decision, to speak on Central Radio and Television for 30 minutes from 21.30 to 22.00 Moscow time every day...
The third is to provide the Sentry ship with all types of provisions according to the standards in any base.
Fourth - to allow the Storozhevoy to anchor and moor at any base and point in the territorial waters of the USSR. Fifth, ensure the delivery and dispatch of “Storozhevoy” mail. Sixth, to allow radio broadcasts of the Storozhevoy radio station on the Mayak radio network in the evening.”
From a tape transcript by KGB investigative agencies:
“EVERYONE! EVERYONE! EVERYONE!
This is the large anti-submarine ship "Storozhevoy" speaking. We are not traitors to the Motherland or adventurers seeking fame by any means necessary. There is an urgent need to openly raise a number of questions about the political, social and economic development of our country, about the future of our people, which require collective, namely nationwide, discussion without pressure from state and party bodies. We decided to make this speech with a clear understanding of responsibility for the fate of the Motherland, with a feeling of ardent desire to achieve communist relations in our society. But we are also aware of the danger of being destroyed physically or morally by the relevant government agencies or hired persons. Therefore, we appeal for support to all honest people in our country and abroad. And if at the time indicated by us, on the day, at 21.30 Moscow time, one of the representatives of our ship does not appear on your TV screens, please do not go to work the next day and continue this television strike until the government gives up its rude trampling on freedom of speech and until our meeting with you takes place.
Support us, comrades! Goodbye",
Help BOD "Storozhevoy"
BOD (later renamed SKR) "Storozhevoy" project 1135 built in 1973. He was accepted into the first line on June 4, 1974. Length - 123 meters, width - 14 meters, draft - 4.5 meters. Speed - 32 knots. Autonomy: 30 days.
Armament: anti-submarine missile system "Metel" (4 launchers); 2 Osa anti-aircraft missile systems (40 missiles); 2 76 mm twin-gun automatic artillery installations AK-726; 2 x 4 533 mm torpedo tubes; 2 twelve-barrel rocket launchers 12 RBU-6000; Crew - 190 people.
After the Sablin riot, the crew was disbanded, and the ship was sent across the Atlantic, Indian and Pacific oceans to Vladivostok. In July 1987, after repairs in Vladivostok, the TFR was relocated to a permanent duty station in Kamchatka. The name has not changed.
"Storozhevoy" is the most honored of the once large detachment of ships of this project: it covered almost 210 thousand miles, was in combat service 7 times, and participated in the rescue of the crew of the K-429 submarine, which sank in 1983 in Saranaya Bay.
Let me remind you of this story, for example, what is , but you and I were arguing about that, or for example, how, but there was also
ON THE NIGHT of November 8-9, 1975, in the Baltic Fleet, on board the large anti-submarine ship (BOD) Storozhevoy, an event occurred that even now, a quarter of a century later, admirals prefer to talk about in a half-whisper. Still would! A riot on board a powerful warship is an emergency not on a naval, but on a national scale. Especially if the demands of the rebels are political. It was precisely these demands that the “Storozhevoy” crew made exactly 25 years ago. The uprising was led by a brilliant Soviet officer, a third-generation sailor, captain of the 3rd rank (in naval abbreviation - “cap three”) Valery Sablin. A name that was erased from the Russian literature for almost a quarter of a century political history. Even now, when the archives of the Brezhnev era are being opened, few people know about the tragedy of the “Soviet “Ochakov”. After all, even then, in 1975, both in the name of Sablin, and in his ship, and in information about incredible events, unfolded on the roadstead of Riga, the highest degree of secrecy was imposed. Even the materials on the Sablin case were kept in the Kremlin in a “special folder” Soviet general secretaries.
Dirt of history
In November 1975, the author happened to be in Riga and became an involuntary witness of how this story began. Later, I had to talk more than once with people who were, to one degree or another, involved in those events. And we always spoke in a half whisper...
Over the past 25 years, Sablin’s name has become the subject of many fabrications, and even the most outright lies. According to the KGB version, which was carefully launched into the naval environment, the essence of the Sablina uprising was as follows: a traitor-political officer mutinied the crew of the BOD with the aim of leaving for Sweden. Analogies were drawn with a story that caused a lot of noise in the late 50s, when the commander of the Baltic destroyer Artamonov, while the ship was staying in one of the Polish ports, fled with his Polish lover on his command boat to Sweden. From there he moved to the United States of America, where he asked for political asylum and told the Americans all the Soviet military secrets that he knew... Historical analogy it worked: the version of the security officers was accepted in the military environment and the name Sablin was synonymous with the word “traitor” there for a long time. The general public today still does not know the whole truth about this unprecedented Soviet history case, and especially about Vasily Mikhailovich Sablin himself - the fearless Soviet Don Quixote... However, new Russian authorities they never decided to rehabilitate Sablin’s name. Deputies of the subsequently dissolved Supreme Council of the USSR held public hearings on this topic in 1992. Its participants unanimously rendered a verdict - “not guilty!” Nevertheless, the military collegium of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation in 1994 actually confirmed the old verdict of the Brezhnev era.
Political leader from God
The soul of the ship, which, believe me, did not happen so often, was the political officer. It was in this position that Captain 3rd Rank Sablin served on the Storozhevoy. In fact, political officers were traditionally not favored in the navy - career political workers had little knowledge of naval specialties and maritime affairs in general. Valery Sablin was the “black sheep” against this background. In 1960, he graduated from the Frunze Higher Naval School (formerly the Naval Corps), receiving a specialty as a naval gunner, and served for nine years in combat positions on surface ships of the Northern and Black Sea fleets. To the Military-Political Academy named after. He entered Lenin in 1969 from the position of assistant commander of a patrol ship. Then he was already a lieutenant commander.
Four years of study in Moscow ended for Sablin, as they used to say in the humanitarian community, with an “acute worldview crisis.”
Studying the classics of Marxism and pre-Marxist philosophers, he came to the conclusion that the current government has distorted communist teaching beyond recognition. It was at the academy that the daring idea came to him to point out to the authorities their errors. He even developed detailed program reconstruction of society, consisting of almost thirty points. Sablin was going to make a public appearance with her before the public and the political leadership of the USSR. By the way, it was precisely this program that subsequently allowed the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR to find Sablin guilty of " long time hatched plans aimed at achieving hostile Soviet state criminal purposes: changing the state and social system, replacing the government..."
What was Sablin really going to fight? With the incompetence and irresponsibility of government decision makers, with corruption and excessive praise of Brezhnev. He advocated a multi-party system, freedom of speech and discussion, and a change in the procedure for elections in the party and the country. He was worried about the loss among the military of such a thing as officer honor...
In 1973, Captain 3rd Rank Sablin graduated with honors from the Military-Political Academy and was appointed political officer to the new (at that time) BOD "Storozhevoy". Over the course of several months, it was he, and not the ship’s commander, Captain 2nd Rank Potulny, who became the informal leader of the crew. Over the course of two years, he managed to gradually introduce some crew members to his views and plans for the reconstruction of society in the Soviet Union. In a word, he had many like-minded people on his ship.
Disarmed revolt
On the eve of the celebration of the 58th anniversary of the October Revolution, warships of the Red Banner Baltic Fleet entered the wide mouth of the Daugava, along the banks of which are the quarters of old Riga, to take part in the traditional naval parade. It stood out with its size, armament and graceful contours.
BOD "Storozhevoy"
Two years earlier, "Storozhevoy" had the opportunity to carry out combat service in the Mediterranean Sea and in Atlantic Ocean. After this, BOD spent two months in Cuba. From there he made the transition to Severomorsk, where he distinguished himself during rocket firing. Next, the Storozhevoy route went to Baltiysk, and then to Riga. After the parade, the ship was supposed to leave for docking in Liepaja. In this regard, all of its regular ammunition (with the exception of small arms for the crew) the BOD was handed over for temporary storage to coastal warehouses. So the Watchtower went to its last parade practically unarmed.
Sablin decides to use his participation in the naval parade on November 7, 1975 to speak out against the “regime”. Time "H" was set for November 8th. Just like in 1917... At the same time, he naively believed that the very fact of the ship handing over ammunition would clearly indicate the peaceful intentions of the crew and would not cause an armed conflict.
Heading to Leningrad
The evening of November 8 arrived. After dinner, Sablin organized a screening of the film “Battleship Potemkin” on the ship, and at 21.40 on the Storozhevoy, a “big gathering” signal was announced over the ship’s intercom. The sailors and foremen lined up on the lower artillery deck, at the stern of the ship. And the day before, the conspirators had locked In his cabin, the commander of the "Storozhevoy" - Potulny. Sablin left him a letter where he explained the motives for the sailors' speech: "... we are not traitors to the Motherland, and our speech is purely political in nature. We need to wake up the people from their political slumber!"
To the sailors and foremen with short speech Sablin addressed ( detailed statement His views were recorded by him on tapes, which were repeatedly listened to by crew members who became his accomplices). The recordings were subsequently added to the criminal case. Here is one of its fragments:
“...Thinking intensely and for a long time about further actions, I made a decision: to stop with theory and become a practitioner. I realized that I needed some kind of platform from which I could begin to express my free thoughts about the need to change the existing state of affairs. Better than a ship, I think you won’t find such a platform. And of the seas, the best is the Baltic, since it is located in the center of Europe... No one in the Soviet Union has or can have the opportunity like us to demand from the government permission to speak on television with criticism internal situation in the country...
Only a narrow circle of specialists know how much harm the voluntary intervention of state and party bodies has brought and is causing in the development of the Armed Forces and the country's economy, in resolving national issues and educating young people... It is assumed that, firstly, the current state apparatus will be thoroughly cleansed, and in some respects, it is broken and thrown into the dustbin of history, as it is deeply infected with nepotism, bribery, careerism, and arrogance towards the people. Secondly, the election system, which turns the people into a faceless mass, should be thrown into the trash heap. Thirdly, all conditions that give rise to the omnipotence and lack of control of the state and party apparatus by the masses must be eliminated...
We are firmly convinced that many honest people in the Soviet Union have a need to express their views on the internal situation in the country, and of a purely critical nature in relation to the policies of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Soviet government...”
Next, Sablin outlined the situation in the country and called on the team to speak out against the unjust order in the state. He brought to the attention of the sailors a plan of action: the Watchtower goes to Kronstadt, and then to Leningrad, the city of three revolutions, in order to start a new, fourth revolution there - to correct the tragic mistakes made by the leadership of the USSR. The performance of "Storozhevoy", according to his plans, was to be supported in Kronstadt and at the Leningrad naval base, as well as by ordinary Leningraders, to whom Sablin intended to speak on television. Leningrad, he thought, would undoubtedly be supported by the whole country...
At the end of his speech, Sablin emphasized the voluntary participation of crew members in the Storozhevoy voyage: “Those who do not want to take part in them can go ashore on the ship’s boat...”. There were no such people among the sailors and foremen of the ship - everyone unanimously supported the political officer.
Hunt for "Storozhevoy"
Sablin addressed the officers and conscripts of the ship with approximately the same text. Not everyone in the wardroom supported him - almost half of them refused to take part in the action. They were offered to go to one of the lower rooms of the ship, which began to prepare to go to sea. One of the mechanical officers, non-staff secretary of the Komsomol Committee Firsov, managed to escape - he boarded a nearby submarine and informed its commander about the events on the Storozhevoy. So, even before the removal of the BOD from the mooring barrels, the naval authorities already knew about the crew’s mutiny.
On the night of November 9, "Storozhevoy" began moving along the mouth of the Daugava. Following on his heels, the border patrol ships moved with uncovered guns and machine guns. The BOD crew acted clearly and harmoniously. Sablin took the place of commander on the navigation bridge. To the border guards' inquiry about the purpose of the ship's departure to sea, the answer was received: "We are not traitors, we are going to Kronstadt." Soon, the Sentry, accompanied by border boats, entered the Gulf of Riga, heading north, towards the Irbe Strait.
Here it is necessary to explain to readers that the court, subsequently working out the version of treason, accused Sablin of the fact that since he was leading the Storozhevoy to the Irben Strait (that is, to the north), then, therefore, he was heading for Sweden... But any sailor - the Baltic will confirm: it was theoretically possible to go in the shortest direction to Kronstadt, following strictly east, to the Moondzun Strait. But this course was dangerous for such a large ship as the Sentry, due to the narrowness, shoals and banks in the area of the Moondzun archipelago. In addition, the ship did not have a navigator or the necessary navigation documents.
"Bomb and Sink"
Meanwhile, the stunning news of the riot at the Storozhevoy BOD reached Moscow. Sablin himself, having put the ship out to sea, sent his first coded radiogram to the then Commander-in-Chief of the USSR Navy Gorshkov. He said that the Watchdog, without betraying either the flag of the Motherland or itself, was heading to Leningrad so that Sablin could appear on television with an appeal to the workers of Leningrad and the country. He invited members of the government and the Central Committee of the party to the “free territory of the ship” to present to them a program for the social reconstruction of society. Following the first radiogram from the Storozhevoy, others went on the air, including in plain text, beginning with the words: “Everyone, everyone, everyone!” Following commands from Moscow and Kaliningrad, a squadron of warships was sent from Liepaja on a combat alert to the Storozhevoy different classes with Marines on board.
The highest military-political leadership of the country gave the order: “Stop the mutinous ship. If the voyage continues, fire or bomb and sink!” The first to receive this order were the border ships accompanying the Sentry. They transmitted the demand by semaphore: “Stop the movement - in otherwise the ship will be fired upon and destroyed." Then Sablin explained his intentions to the border guard sailors over an external loudspeaker. And they, having listened to him, did not use weapons...
However, on the morning of November 9, 1975, Storozhevoy used weapons Soviet aviation. On combat alert, two air regiments were raised in the Baltic Military District - in Tukums and Rumbula, located near Riga. A squadron of 12 fighter-bombers with a full ammunition load of aerial bombs, suspended missiles and cannon shells took off.
The pilots of the Tukum air regiment, although under strong pressure from the command, carried out the received order, making several combat approaches to the Storozhevoy in flights of three aircraft. Bombs and shells from a height of only 300-400 meters fell along the course in front of the bow of the ship and along the stern (the pilots soon received military orders).
Sablin was on the navigation bridge throughout the chase and tried to maneuver the ship out from under bomb attacks and shelling by aircraft guns. The explosions damaged the steering gear and side plating of the Storozhevoy. The ship turned away from its course, began to smoke, slowed down and began to describe a circulation in place. By this time, Sablin had already been wounded in the leg by the ship’s commander Potulny (released from arrest by a group of sailors who had “come to their senses” and managed to arm themselves), who, upon entering the bridge, shot him with a pistol. Having arrested the wounded Sablin, Potulny took command and ordered the move to be stopped.
Goodbye guys!
The immobilized "Storozhevoy" was pinched on both sides by ships with amphibious assault. Capture groups began to land on the BOD, combing the interior and leading the crew upstairs. The remaining ships took the Sentry in a tight circle.
Soon, a limping Sablin was taken out onto the deck of the detained ship in handcuffs. He was supported by the arms of two sailors from the Sentry crew. After the roar of explosions from shells and bombs and the roar of flying airplanes, deathly silence reigned on the ship. The entire mutinous crew was taken out and lined up on the upper deck. And at that moment one of the paratroopers muttered something unflattering about Sablin. Then one of the sailors who was helping his wounded commander walk turned towards the paratroopers and loudly, clearly, so that everyone around him could hear, said: “Remember this man for the rest of your life! This is a real commander, a real officer of the Soviet fleet!” Going down the ladder onto the boat, Sablin shouted: “Goodbye, guys! Don’t remember it badly!”
Ordered to forget!..
Following him, the remaining sailors of the Storozhevoy began to be taken out and transferred to the approaching ships. They were taken to Riga and placed in coastal barracks. KGB officers immediately began interrogating...
The next day, the Commander-in-Chief of the Navy, Admiral of the Fleet of the Soviet Union Gorshkov, and the Head of the Main Political Directorate of the SA and Navy of the USSR, General of the Army Epishev, who arrived in Riga, personally talked with the arrested Sablin. Then all the members of the Storozhevoy crew were sent by plane to Moscow in handcuffs. Only Sablin, accompanied by two “special officers”, was not handcuffed - he was leaning on a crutch. Soon the "Storozhevoy" was sent to the plant for repairs. It was repaired there, and then, having undergone modernization, it was transferred to another class of ships, the name, tactical and tail number, replaced most of the crew and transferred them to the Pacific Fleet. From all the ships that participated in suppressing the riot, the “special officers” collected logbooks, which recorded the events taking place on the Storozhevoy and around it. Soon the documents were returned, but without the sheets for November 8-9, 1975... No orders or directives were issued regarding this emergency, as was usually the practice then in our Armed Forces. Only deathly silence...
Fast and wrong
Sablin was placed in Lefortovo, where the investigation and clarification of all the circumstances of the emergency began. Sablin immediately took all the blame for what happened, without naming anyone as an accomplice. Therefore, investigators had to look for them themselves. They found only one - sailor Shein, who was brought to trial along with Sablin, receiving 8 years in prison. The remaining sailors, foremen and officers were gradually released, and soon some were demobilized, having signed a non-disclosure agreement about what happened on the Storozhevoy.
The investigation into the mutiny on this ship lasted several months. From the very first interrogations, Sablin was charged with treason and attempting to hijack a warship abroad, which he categorically rejected. Their absurdity was obvious: why did the conspirators need to wait for the Sentry to arrive in Riga in order to hijack a ship without ammunition abroad? With a much greater effect (the transfer of the newest missile-carrying ship with full ammunition on board to the US side!..) this can be done when it is stationed in Cuba, where is it just a stone's throw from the shores of America? But the sentence to Sablin, and in fact high level, was issued almost on the first day after his arrest. And the Supreme Court of the USSR only obediently fulfilled the formalities.
This is confirmed by the top-secret note N408-A dated February 18, 1976 to the CPSU Central Committee, signed by KGB Chairman Andropov, Defense Minister Grechko, Prosecutor General Rudenko and Chairman of the Supreme Court of the USSR Smirnov. For many years it was kept in the famous “Special Folder” of the CPSU Central Committee in the archives of the general secretaries and was only recently made public. This document interprets the events of November 8-9, 1975 at the Storozhevoy BOD. In it, Sablin’s actions were qualified as treason to the Motherland even before the trial. In the margins of the note, the paintings of Brezhnev, Suslov, Pelshe and other members of the Politburo are clearly visible. Everyone spoke out in favor of the death penalty for Sablin
Sentence
Before the trial, Sablin was allowed a single five-minute meeting with his wife and young son. They barely recognized him - thin and haggard, with knocked out front teeth, with dull, sunken eyes, but retaining the same clear, tenacious gaze. It also seemed strange to the family that the handwriting on his last letters from Lefortovo prison suddenly changed dramatically: apparently, for some reason it became difficult for him to write with his right hand... (knocked out teeth and damaged fingers convincingly indicate the measures of influence that were applied to Sablin during the investigation).
Sablin’s letters to his relatives from Lefortovo included several of his drawings depicting Don Quixote fighting windmills... On one of them, Sablin reproduced the words of the Knight of the Sad Image: “My intentions are always directed towards a good goal: namely, to do for everyone do good and do no harm to anyone!.."
On July 13, 1976, the final closed meeting of the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR took place (all three judges were generals, not sailors), which sentenced “Captain 3rd Rank Valery Mikhailovich Sablin, born in 1939, finding him guilty under paragraph “a” of Article 84 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR (treason to the Motherland), to death penalty. With deprivation military rank, orders and medals." The verdict was final and was not subject to appeal in cassation. According to available information, after the death sentence was imposed, Sablin was asked to renounce his views, to recognize them as erroneous in exchange for saving his life. But Sablin refused...
Subject to appeal!
The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR rejected his request for pardon by its Resolution No. 4305-1X of August 2, 1976, signed by the Chairman of the Presidium Podgorny and the Secretary of the Presidium Georgadze. Motivating the decision on the exceptional gravity of the crime committed by Sablin. Let us note that the “exceptional severity” of his act nevertheless did not entail any casualties, nor the disclosure of military secrets, nor any other consequences other than political ones.
Yes, he was already essentially shot, having received a bullet from Potulny, whose hand trembled slightly at the last moment. There are, however, doubts: did the members of the Presidium (and there were up to forty people) consider Sablin’s request at all? After all, a comprehensive study of such cases requires a lot of time (sometimes years). Only 19 days passed from the day of the trial to the execution. For already on August 3, 1976, Sablin was shot.
His relatives, whom Sablin informed of his intentions only on the eve of the uprising, writing to them farewell letters, - they were painfully worried about everything that happened. They learned about the execution from the authorities eight months after the trial, having received an official, carelessly executed certificate of his death only in February 1977. However, Valery’s father, retired captain 1st rank Mikhail Sablin, somehow found out about his son’s execution even earlier. This brought him to his grave at the end of January 1977 - his heart could not stand it... The fatal news immediately struck Sablin’s grandmother, the widow of a sailor from the cruiser Pallada that had perished before the revolution, who dearly loved her middle grandson. She was told that he died in long hike... Soon Sablin’s mother, Anna Vasilievna, also died. Sablin's wife, Nina Mikhailovna, together with their son, as well as his brothers Boris and Nikolai, at that time drank in full everything that fell to the lot of the relatives of the “traitor to the Motherland”...
In 1994, the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation, consisting of Major General of Justice L. Zakharov, Yu. Parkhomchuk and V. Yaskin, reviewed Sablin’s case “in the light of new circumstances.” In the indictment, the “execution” article for treason against the Motherland was replaced with articles about military crimes: abuse of power, disobedience and resistance to a superior. The executed Sablin was sentenced to 10 years in prison, and the sailor Shein, who helped him, was sentenced to 5 years for complicity, instead of the previous eight he had fully served... The Determination of the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation dated April 12, 1994 stated that neither Sablin nor Shein are not subject to rehabilitation.
P.S
Among the books in Sablin’s home library there is a clipping from an article by P.P. Schmidt’s “Deputy of the Revolution”, where Valery Mikhailovich’s hand emphasizes: “...When the proclaimed political rights began to be taken away from the people, then the spontaneous wave of life singled me out, an ordinary person, from the crowd, and a cry burst from my chest. I’m happy that this scream escaped from my chest!..”
An eyewitness tells
But this is how the admiral, whose shoulder straps almost fell off after this incident, describes the events, and is still coming to his senses from fear - he almost lost his rations!
Details of this story were not disclosed. Everything was marked “secret”. True, rumors leaked that the crew tried to hijack the ship to Sweden, but the aviators interfered.
Pravda.Ru turned to Vice Admiral Anatoly Kornienko, an eyewitness to those events.
(If "Pravda.ru" - expect a catch)
The last thing I want to do is enter into a public debate about the events that happened at the Storozhevoy ship in the fall of 1975. There are reasons for this. I don't want to bring up the past. Imagine how the injured commanders, political workers, who long years the path of growth and service prospects were suspended.(!)The shadow of the “Watchman” haunted them for many years. I don’t want to disturb the memory of people deceived by Sablin, whose shoulder straps were torn off, and they themselves were dismissed from the fleet. I don’t want to rub salt into the wounds of those who did not know what was going on on the ship and simply followed the commands of the elder. There are fewer and fewer witnesses to those events, and there are more and more publications on this topic, sometimes greatly distorted. Not everyone survived it. Passed away former commander ship captain 2nd rank Potulny, many eyewitnesses. For various reasons...
Anatoly Ivanovich, and yet let’s go back to what happened thirty years ago. As far as I know, you then held a fairly high position in the navy and were aware of all events.
In 1975, I served as deputy head of the political department of the Baltic Fleet and remember the events of November 8 well. At about three o'clock in the morning, following an alarm call from the political department on duty, I arrived at the fleet headquarters. The fleet commander, Vice Admiral Kosov, a member of the military council - the head of the political department, Vice Admiral Shablikov, and the heads of fleet departments were already there. Nikolai Ivanovich Shablikov was sitting at the table, holding three telephone receivers in his hands. Moscow demanded a report on what was happening in the fleet. Nobody really knew anything. It was only known that Captain 3rd Rank Sablin isolated the commander, some of the officers and midshipmen, and sounded a combat alert. The ship has weighed anchor and is sailing through the Irben Strait into the open sea.
The first thought that came to everyone’s mind was that somewhere an error had crept into the daily planning. The fact is that after the naval parade in Riga, the ship had to go to Liepaja to be taken to the plant for navigation repairs. But, as subsequent events showed, there was no mistake. Sablin simply chose the right moment. The ship's senior assistant commander, mechanic, and secretary of the party organization were absent. Some of the officers and midshipmen who disagreed with Sablin were locked in the hold.
Seeing how events were developing, Senior Lieutenant Firsov unnoticed jumped off the ship and got to the submarine standing in the roadstead. He reported to the operational duty officer about Sablin’s intention to weigh anchor and go to Kronstadt. This happened at 2 hours 55 minutes, and already at 3 hours 8 minutes it was reported to the commander and a member of the military council. As it turns out later, on the evening of November 7, dramatic events took place at the Storozhevoy BOD.
Captain 3rd Rank Sablin entered the cabin of the ship's commander, Captain 2nd Rank Potulny, and reported that things were going on in the main command post. terrible riots. "What exactly?" - the commander specified. “I ask you to come and take a look. Words cannot describe it!” - answered Sablin.
And they went to the GKP together. As soon as the commander went down the ladder into the room, Sablin locked the bulkhead. There was also a librarian there, who also doubled as a projectionist, senior sailor Shein. Sablin ordered him not to allow anyone to see the commander and armed him with a pistol. Having looked around the room, Potulny found a mattress and a blanket. There was also a note: “Sorry, I couldn’t do otherwise. We will reach our destination, you will have the right to decide your fate yourself.” And the signature: “Sablin.”
- What was the relationship between the commander and the political officer before that?
The relationship between the commander and the political worker was normal, purely official. Being by nature secretive person Sablin acted formally and was not very frank. Although, I emphasize, they had friendly relations with the commander. At the ship’s amateur concerts, they often sang the song “Katyusha” in a duet.
Captain 2nd Rank Potulny tried to free himself, knocking on the bulkhead: “Tell me, Shein, why did you do this? After all, this is a crime, Shein...” Petty Officer 2nd Article Pospelov and sailor Nobiev tried to free the commander. Three drunken midshipmen intervened and a fight ensued. Potulny remained locked up.
The personnel did not know that the commander had been arrested; soon the command came over the ship’s broadcast: “Officers and midshipmen gather in the wardroom.”
The first thing the officers asked Sablin was: “Where is the commander?” - “The commander is sick. Lies in his cabin. He supports me. I was instructed to speak to you,” Sablin replied.
“Why did you give the gun to Shein? This is a crime,” the officers were indignant. “He has no cartridges,” answered Sablin. “I have gathered you to inform you that the ship will make the transition to the Kronstadt roadstead today, and there, at the request of the crew, one of the sailors must speak and declare that the situation in the hungry country is catastrophic. The whole country must hear us. This is set out in the appeal “To everyone, everyone!” and in a telegram to members of the Politburo. Every officer and midshipman must express his opinion.”
Three lieutenants and several midshipmen spoke in favor. Sablin and Shein locked everyone who disagreed and opposed it in the hold. After this, the personnel were assembled during dinner. Sablin said: “We will go to Kronstadt today in order to speak on Central Television and convey to the Soviet people how we live.”
It must be said that Sablin set before every vacationer specific tasks: study how his fellow countrymen and parents live. Sailors who came back from vacation reported to the political officer that there was nothing in the stores, and they only gave food through acquaintance, and first of all to bosses and managers, that one could enter institutes and universities only through connections or for a lot of money.
“I studied at the school with the son of Admiral Grishanov, I often visited his parents at home,” Sablin reasoned before the formation, “they have everything. They roll like cheese in butter. Grishanov’s son is already a big boss, and I am a political officer, even though we studied the same. But he is the son of an admiral."
Then he went personally to each sailor standing in the ranks and talked about life in his village or city and asked: “Am I speaking correctly?” or “Do you agree with me?”
- Anatoly Ivanovich, let's return to fleet headquarters again. What was happening here?
At 3:20 a.m., the fleet commander ordered to establish contact with the Storozhevoy BOD. But the air was silent. As the investigation showed, Sablin ordered the signalmen not to answer calls. The foreman of the radio operator team, midshipman Zhukov, was arrested. And even in this situation, the signalman on duty, by the decision of the communications duty officer foreman 2nd article Ryabinkin, got in touch independently.
How the situation further developed was recorded in a special event log. At 7.39 a telegram was sent to the ship from the Navy Central Command Command: “Your telegram from the Navy Civil Command has been received. The Civil Code ordered to return and anchor at the Rigi roadstead.”
There is no answer from the Storozhevoy BOD. At 8.45, the Commander-in-Chief’s order was received at the Komsomolets of Lithuania TFR: “When visual contact is made, use artillery weapons to stop the ship. Fire the first salvo ahead along the course, the subsequent ones - along the propellers.”
At 8.55, the border ship received a semaphore from the Storozhevoy BOD: “Friend! We are not traitors to the Motherland.” At this point the semaphore was interrupted. At 9.05 a semaphore from the commander of the Baltic Fleet was transmitted to the BOD “Storozhevoy”: “To the commander and political officer. I demand that the Commander-in-Chief's order to return to Riga be carried out immediately. In case of return, the safety of the entire crew is guaranteed.”
To this, the answer was received that the semaphore was accepted by the commander of the signalmen's squad, foreman 2 of the article, Surovin. To the question “Where are you going?” replied: “I don’t know, the ship is commanded by Sablin.” During the investigation, the signalman on duty explained that there were no open negotiations or broadcasts, although the political officer gave orders via direct communication from the bridge to radio the text “Everyone. Everyone!” The signalman did not execute this command. When asked why he did not carry out Sablin’s order, he replied: “That would have been a direct violation of the instructions. It’s not allowed.”
- Petty Officer 2nd Article Surovin said that he did not know where the ship was heading. Where was he really going?
The ships of the Baltic Fleet, alerted, were approaching the Storozhevoy. Airplanes were patrolling in the air. The fleet command post closely monitored the ship's movements. The location, course, and speed were constantly being updated. At 9 o’clock in the morning, the commander of the formation of border ships was given the order of the fleet commander: “The BOD Storozhevoy turned to a course of 285 degrees. Increased speed. Cut off the retreat to Sweden.” At the same time, a report came from the Irbensky lighthouse: “BOD “Storozhevoy” - course 290 degrees, speed - 18 knots.” Let us note that the recommended heading to Kronstadt is 337 degrees. From this point, forty-three miles, 2.5 hours sailing, remained to Swedish territorial waters, and 330 miles, 18 hours sailing to Kronstadt. It was clear that Sablin was leading the ship into Swedish territorial waters.
Sorry, Anatoly Ivanovich, but Sablin stated that he was sailing the ship to St. Petersburg to make an appeal to the Soviet people there.
And you put on the map the latitude 57 degrees 58 minutes and longitude 21 degrees 10 minutes, and it will become clear to you what Sablin was really up to. At this crucial moment, the planes went on a combat course. The commander of the fleet, Vice Admiral Kosov, while at the command post, held two telephone handsets - on one he received orders from the Minister of Defense, on the other he gave orders to the commander of aviation. He reported that the planes were on a combat course. At this time, the head of the operational department, Rear Admiral Yakovlev, ran into the main command post and literally shouted: “The Storozhevoy BOD has stopped, comrade commander. We need to stop shelling him!”
As it later turned out, the sailors on the ship made a second attempt to free the commander and officers. Several sailors entered the arsenal, took weapons, and then freed the commander. They gave him a gun and opened the locked officers. The commander burst onto the navigation bridge, shot at Sablin’s legs and took control of the situation on the ship. At 10:35 a.m., a telegram from Captain 2nd Rank Potulny arrived at the fleet command post: “The ship has been stopped. Mastered the situation. I am awaiting instructions from the fleet commander.”
After 20 minutes, captain 2nd rank Rassukovanny disembarked on board the Storozhevoy, and direct communication was established with the central command post. The center ordered a report on the situation on the ship. Captain 2nd Rank Rassukovanny reported: “The mood of the personnel is excited. The instigators are isolated. Security was ensured for all combat units. I ask for the go-ahead to return the Storozhevoy BOD under its own power to the roadstead of the port of Riga.”
On the same day, a government commission arrived from Moscow, headed by the Commander-in-Chief of the Navy, Admiral of the Fleet of the Soviet Union Gorshkov, and included the head of the Glavpur, Army General Epishev, the head of the political department of the Navy, Admiral Grishanov, employees of the CPSU Central Committee, the KGB, and military counterintelligence. The crew was placed in the barracks and taken under guard. At the very first interrogation, Sablin, turning to Admiral Grishanov, said: “Don’t try to make me crazy. You know me well, I studied with your son, I often visited your family.”
The next day, Admiral Grishanov left for Moscow. Rear Admiral Sabaneev arrived to replace him. After a lengthy investigation, all officers and midshipmen were released. Many of them were demoted, others were appointed with demotion. Most were transferred to the reserve. The sailors and foremen were demobilized. Senior sailor Shein was sentenced to 8 years in prison. Sablin was sentenced to capital punishment. All dismissed officers were provided with housing; Sablin’s wife was given an apartment in Kaliningrad; at one time she worked as a waitress in the Moscow restaurant. Sablin's son entered higher education educational institution.
What happened to the ship? If you believe the publications, it was heavily damaged by our air strikes and was under repair for a long time...
For the information of writers and readers. Literally a few days later, as soon as the crew on the ship was replaced, the Sentry was refueled, loaded with ammunition and food, it went out to the open sea, took part in exercises, passed through the strait zone, where it was punctually recorded and photographed by observation posts of the NATO bloc . Those who have doubts can check this information of mine at NATO.
- Anatoly Ivanovich, what happened on the Storozhevoy was a unique event for the navy. How could this happen? After all, this question still excites people today, and today many are looking for an answer to it.
Of course, the country was then in a difficult economic situation. People lived poorly. There was a lot of injustice, in many areas of life. Including in the military. But in order to achieve a dubious goal, Sablin endangered the lives of the entire crew, whose members had families, children, and relatives. Sablin did not make the decision spontaneously. He was preparing for it. In advance. While on a long voyage, the sailors did not have the opportunity to read newspapers, watch television, listen to the radio, and were in an isolated space. Sablin took advantage of this.
note! Propaganda must flow from every crack, 24 hours a day!
In the cockpit, on combat post, in the wardroom he imposed topics about negative phenomena in the country, and this made itself felt: discipline on the ship fell, swearing, drunkenness, and card games flourished at combat posts. No assessment of this phenomenon was given either by the commander or by the political officer, and everything was hidden and hushed up. The topics of conversations, radio broadcasts, film screenings - everything was selected selectively - only shadow moments. Only slander...
- So it was not in vain that Sablin selected the film “Battleship Potemkin” for demonstration.
I don’t remember what movie the sailors were watching that day. But I can say one hundred percent that it’s not “Battleship.” According to available documents, there was no film with that title on the ship...
The Storozhevoy BOD was in combat service for a long time and visited Cuba. Why didn’t Sablin mutiny when the ship was sailing off the coast of America?
He simply couldn't do it. The ship in combat service is fully staffed with officers, and foreign shores are nearby. The crew cannot be deceived by empty promises like “we’re going to the Kronstadt roadstead”! Yes for those seditious words he would simply be thrown overboard. He chose the right moment. ...
UPRISING AT STOROZHEVOY in 1975
UPRISING ON THE "STOROZHEVOY" 1975, an uprising on the Large Anti-Submarine Ship (BOD) "Storozhevoy" of the USSR Baltic Fleet on November 8-9, 1975 under the leadership of political officer Captain 3rd Rank Valery Sablin.
The large anti-submarine ship "Storozhevoy" was built in 1973. The ship was part of the USSR Navy and was based in the Latvian SSR, the city of Riga.
November 7-8, 1975 BOD "Storozhevoy" took part in the naval parade dedicated to the 58th anniversary of the Great October revolution. On the evening of November 8, the ship left its mooring at the mouth of the Daugava River and headed towards the Irbe Strait (between Latvia and the Estonian island of Saaremaa). BOD senior lieutenant V. Firsov managed to leave the ship using a rope and move to submarine Baltic Fleet, which was located in the roadstead not far from the Storozhevoy base. Firsov reported sensational news - the ship's political officer, captain of the third rank Valery Sablin, together with a group of like-minded people, arrested the commander of the ship, captain of the second rank A. Potulny, as well as a number of other officers of the Storozhevoy; announced the decision to go to Kronstadt, and then to Leningrad, in order to appear on television with an appeal to the Soviet people about the current political situation in the country and the need for a change political leadership THE USSR.
This message was immediately transmitted to the commander of the Baltic Fleet and the commander-in-chief of the USSR Navy. After the isolation of the ship's commander, Sablin gathered the crew of the "Storozhevoy" and announced to him his intentions - to head to Leningrad with the aim of speaking on central television to the people and talking about the existing shortcomings in the country, such as shortages of food and consumer goods, abuses, bureaucracy, “postscript”, use of official position (blata) for personal purposes. Sablin stated that he left the ranks of the CPSU because the party leadership deviated from the Leninist rules for building a socialist state.
After the vote, the ship's crew isolated those officers who disagreed with Sablin in two cabins. At about 3 a.m. on November 9, the Sentry headed for the Gulf of Riga. After this, Sablin transmitted a radiogram to the Commander-in-Chief of the Navy about his demands and declared the Storozhevoy BOD a “free and independent territory.”
The warships of the Baltic Fleet rushed after the Storozhev. The order of the Commander-in-Chief of the USSR Navy, Fleet Admiral S. Gorshkov, was short: “with visual contact, use artillery weapons to stop the ship. Fire the first salvo ahead along the course, the subsequent ones - along the propellers.” At 4 o'clock in the morning, by order, the 668th Bomber Regiment was lifted into the air from a military airfield near Jurmala. In the morning, one of the Yak-28I bombers discovered the Storozhevoy BOD and launched a bombing mission. The ship was forced to stop moving.
Part of the crew, realizing the horror of the current situation, released the arrested ship commander and other officers who disagreed with Sablin’s actions. The commander of the Sentry, captain of the second rank Potulny, shot Sablin in the leg, ordered his arrest and, opening the arsenal, ordered the arming of some of the ship's officers and sailors. The commander of the starting battery of the mine and torpedo unit, Lieutenant V. Dudnik, and the assistant commander of the ship for supply, Lieutenant V. Vavilkin, were also arrested.
By 11 a.m. on November 9, the BOD commander reported that he had completely mastered the situation on the ship and had again taken command of the Storozhevoy. The ship returned to the Gulf of Riga.
After these events, many officers of the Baltic Fleet were removed from their positions and expelled from the party. The Sentry crew was completely disbanded.
Valery Sablin was sentenced to death. On August 3, 1976 the sentence was carried out. Sablin’s assistant in the mutiny on the Storozhevoy, senior sailor Alexander Shein, was sentenced to 8 years in prison. The remaining 6 officers and 11 midshipmen involved in the events of November 8-9, 1975 at the Storozhevoy BOD were acquitted.
Valery Sablin, documentary"Baltic mutiny. Sablin against Brezhnev"
On November 8, 1975, an emergency occurred in the fleet: the large anti-submarine ship of the Baltic Fleet “Storozhevoy”, which participated in the naval parade in Riga, left its mooring at the mouth of the Daugava River without the permission of the command and began moving towards the Irbe Strait.
The ship was commanded by the ship's deputy commander for political affairs, Captain 3rd Rank Valery Sablin, who arrested the commander and neutralized the officers...
A Komsomol organizer of the Storozhevoy, who jumped off board and moved onto the submarine stationed in the roadstead, reported that the crew's political officer, captain of the third rank Valery Sablin, with a group of accomplices, arrested the ship's commander, locked most of the officers in their cabins and announced his intention to go to Kronstadt and make a televised address to to the Soviet people about the need to change the political course in the country.
The emergency was immediately reported to the commander of the Baltic Fleet, and then to the commander-in-chief of the Navy. Nine ships of the border guard and the Baltic Fleet, as well as the 668th Bomber Aviation Regiment, were alerted. They were sent in pursuit of the Storozhevoy with orders to sink the ship if necessary.
They received an order from the commander-in-chief: “When we make visual contact, use artillery weapons to stop the ship. Fire the first salvo ahead along the course, the subsequent ones - along the propellers.”
After using the weapon, the Sentry stopped. A group of border guards landed on him. Sablin and his accomplices were arrested. 
Many articles and even books have already been written about this case. But the passions around him do not subside. You can hear diametrically opposed assessments of this event even among naval officers. It is interesting that the glorification of Sablin began after 1991; in Soviet times, public opinion in naval groups was unanimous: a war criminal! True, then information about what happened was very limited.
In 1975 I served in the Caspian military flotilla with the rank of senior lieutenant. I remember that rumors about an “uprising” at Storozhevoy reached us already at the end of November. They were perceived as a slander against the “healthy naval reality”, since at that time it was simply impossible to believe in such a wild story.
But in August 1976, the first and only official confirmation appeared: a top secret order was brought to the attention of the officers, which reported on the suppression of the attempt of captain of the third rank Sablin to take the ship to Sweden and on the execution by court verdict of the instigator of the “rebellion”.
Later I heard stories about what happened from direct witnesses of those events. From them the following picture emerged. 
Hereditary naval officer Valery Sablin, long before November 8, 1975, expressed dissatisfaction with the fact that only the party elite lived well in the country, and common people There is not enough basic sausage; cronyism and bribery are flourishing among the bureaucrats. Information about these sentiments reached the special officers, but Sablin was not touched, since he himself was considered a “thieve” and was a member of the family of the then head of the political department of the Navy, Admiral Grishanov.
Finally, Sablin is ripe to make himself known throughout the country. He prepared several people for the “rebellion” in advance, convincing them of good intentions. On November 8, the situation was favorable for the speech: the senior assistant to the ship’s commander, a mechanic, and the secretary of the party organization came ashore.
It all started when Sablin went into the cabin of the ship’s commander, Captain 2nd Rank Potulny, and reported that there was terrible disorder in one of the ship’s rooms. "What exactly?" - asked the commander. “I ask you to come and take a look. Words cannot describe it!” - answered Sablin.
As soon as the commander went down the ladder into the room, Sablin locked the door. The political officer sent his accomplice, the ship's librarian and part-time projectionist, senior sailor Shein, to guard Potulny, arming him with a pistol. 
Sablin addressed the sailors of the crew, who had lined up at the command “Big gathering!”, with a brief speech (a more detailed speech was recorded on tape and broadcast several times during the night via in-ship broadcast). Here are the fragments subsequently presented at trial:
“Thinking intensely and for a long time about further actions, I made a decision: to stop with theory and become a practitioner. I realized that I needed some kind of platform from which I could begin to express my free thoughts about the need to change the existing state of affairs. I don’t think you can find a platform like this better than a ship. And the best sea is the Baltic, as it is located in the center of Europe.
No one in the Soviet Union has or can have the same opportunity as we do - to demand from the government permission to speak on television criticizing the internal situation in the country... Our goal is to raise the voice of truth...
Our people have already suffered significantly and are suffering because of their political lack of rights... Only a narrow circle of specialists know how much harm the voluntary interventions of state and party bodies have brought and are causing in the development of the Armed Forces and the country's economy, in resolving national issues and educating youth...
It is assumed that, firstly, the current state apparatus will be thoroughly cleaned, and in some areas - broken and thrown into the dustbin of history, as it is deeply infected with nepotism, bribery, careerism, and arrogance towards the people.
Secondly, the election system, which turns the people into a faceless mass, should be thrown into the trash heap. Thirdly, all conditions that give rise to the omnipotence and lack of control of the state and party apparatus by the masses must be eliminated...” 
Sablin brought the plan of action to the sailors: “Sentry” goes to Kronstadt, and then to Leningrad - the city of three revolutions, in order to start a new, fourth revolution there to correct the mistakes made by the country’s leadership. The speech of “Watchman” should find support among military sailors in Kronstadt and the Leningrad naval base, as well as among workers of Leningrad factories and enterprises, to whom Sablin, having obtained the right from the government of the country to speak on television, intends to present his views.
Three lieutenants and several midshipmen spoke in favor. Sablin and Shein locked everyone who disagreed and opposed it in the hold at gunpoint. For ordinary sailors, Sablin was the boss, and they began to carry out his commands to control the ship as long as this happened within the framework of professional instructions.
When they saw that their own ships were firing at the Storozhevoy, the sailors rebelled against Sablin and freed the commander and other arrested officers.
On November 9, at 10:35 a.m., a radiogram from the commander of the Storozhevoy arrived at the command post of the Baltic Fleet: “The ship has been stopped. Mastered the situation. I am awaiting instructions from the fleet commander." After 20 minutes, border guards boarded the plane. The first part of the drama was over. 
On the same day, a government commission arrived from Moscow, headed by the Commander-in-Chief of the Navy, Admiral of the Fleet of the Soviet Union Gorshkov, and included the head of the political department of the Navy, Admiral Grishanov. At the very first interrogation, Sablin, turning to Grishanov, said: “You know me well, I studied with your son, I often visited your family.” Grishanov was immediately removed from the commission.
After a lengthy investigation, all officers and midshipmen were released. Many of them were demoted, others were appointed with demotion. Most were transferred to the reserve. The Storozhevoy was urgently replaced with crew, refueled, loaded with ammunition and food, and it went to sea to participate in exercises.
All dismissed Sentinel officers were provided with housing. Sablin’s wife was given an apartment in Kaliningrad. At one time she worked as a waitress at the Moscow restaurant. Sablin's son entered the Higher Naval School. 
The Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR, which met from July 6 to July 13, 1976, found Valery Sablin guilty under paragraph “a” of Article 64 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR (treason) and sentenced to death. On August 3, 1976, Sablin was shot.
Shein was sentenced to 8 years in prison.
The investigative file contains a letter from Sablin to his parents, seized during the search, dated November 8, 1975:
“Dear, beloved, my good daddy and mommy! It was very difficult to start writing this letter, since it will probably cause you anxiety, pain, and maybe even indignation and anger towards me... My actions are guided by only one desire - to do what is in my power so that our people, wake up the good, mighty people of our Motherland from political hibernation, for it has a detrimental effect on all aspects of the life of our society...” 
I will give two opposing opinions of people who participated in the analysis of this incident.
Captain of the first rank Oktyabr Bar-Biryukov:
- Sablin’s act is akin to the feat of Lieutenant Schmidt. His honest name was completely undeservedly consigned to oblivion, and his family fell into disgrace. It's time to put an end to this! Justice must prevail - as it happened in relation to the majority of the repressed participants in the bloody Kronstadt rebellion of 1921.
The case of Captain 3rd Rank V.M. Sablin (as well as sailor A.N. Shein and other comrades in action) should be fundamentally reviewed by the relevant structures, taking into account the changes that have taken place in the country. And he and his comrades were rehabilitated (with Sablin’s restoration to military rank, with the return of awards and payment monetary compensation family).
Vice Admiral Anatoly Kornienko:
- Of course, the country was then in a difficult economic situation. People lived poorly. There was a lot of injustice in many areas of life. Including in the military. But in order to achieve a dubious goal, Sablin endangered the lives of the entire crew, whose members had families, children, and relatives.
Now some want to glorify Sablin. They see in his adventure almost a call for perestroika. Others say that it was a brave act, not everyone is capable of such a thing. Yes, to a certain extent brave. But how does it differ from the actions of terrorists - they also take mortal risks to achieve their goals. But at the same time, hundreds of other lives are put at risk. And what? Are they acquitted, defended, odes sung in their honor, or proclaimed national heroes?
How did Sablin’s actions differ from the actions of those terrorists who hijacked ships, planes, and blew up airliners with people on board? Nothing. Sablin took the Storozhevoy out to the open sea. This could lead to a disaster, the needless death of the crew. This heroic act? Are these bold actions?
The version about the march to Kronstadt raises doubts. I was then at the fleet command post. I remember a report came from the Irbensky lighthouse: “BOD “Storozhevoy” - course 290 degrees, speed - 18 knots.” I would like to emphasize that from this point on the map the recommended course to Kronstadt is marked - 337 degrees. 290 is heading towards Sweden. From the Irbensky lighthouse to the territorial waters of Sweden there were forty-three miles left - 2.5 hours of sailing, and to Kronstadt - 330 miles, 18 hours of sailing. Then no one had any doubt that Sablin was leading the ship into Swedish territorial waters.
In general, I treat Sablin the way such people have been treated since Ancient Rus': he is an apostate.
Hero or oathbreaker?
In any case, history has already given its assessment of his actions. Sablin's dream came true. The regime has fallen. A lot of sausage, cheese and other things appeared in stores. But partyocracy, bureaucracy, bribery, and corruption have acquired even wilder forms."Watchman" new government sold to India for scrap. She did not accept Sablin himself even posthumously. The Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation reviewed Sablin’s case “in the light of new circumstances.”
In the indictment, the “execution” article for treason against the Motherland was replaced with articles about military crimes: abuse of power, disobedience and resistance to superiors. The executed Sablin was sentenced to 10 years in prison, and the sailor Shein, who helped him, was given 5 years for complicity, instead of the previous eight he had fully served.
The ruling of the military collegium of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation states that neither Sablin nor Shein are subject to rehabilitation...
Sergey Turchenko, captain of the first rank
The riot on the large anti-submarine ship (BOD) of the Baltic Fleet "Storozhevoy" began on the night of November 8-9, 1975. The uprising was led by Captain 3rd Rank Valery Sablin, who served as political officer on the ship. Before entering the Lenin Military-Political Academy, he served for nine years in combat positions on ships of the Northern and Black Sea fleets.
An in-depth study at the Academy of the works of the classics of Marxism-Leninism confirmed Sablin in the idea that the government was leading the people in the wrong direction. The naval officer developed a detailed program for the reconstruction of society. He advocated a multi-party system, freedom of speech and discussion, and a change in the procedure for elections in the party and the country. The officer decided to announce his program, pointing out at the same time the glaring mistakes and corruption of the Soviet leadership, from the “tribune” of the Storozhevoy military ship, which he ended up serving in after the academy.
“Storozhevoy”, along with other warships of the Red Banner Baltic Fleet, took part in the naval parade on November 7, 1975, after which it had to leave for repairs in Liepaja. On the evening of November 8, the political officer organized a screening of the film “Battleship Potemkin.” Sablin locked the commander of the "Sentry" captain 2nd rank Potulny at the hydroacoustics post. At the command of the political officer, the “big gathering” signal was announced. The sailors and foremen lined up on the lower deck, at the stern of the ship.
Sablin informed them that he had taken command of the ship and intended to lead it to Leningrad, from there to address the entire country with an appeal. He talked about the corruption at the top, about the need to go on television, tell the people the truth and bring about change. The sailors supported Sablin. However, in the wardroom his fiery appeal was met with more restraint. Only a few officers and midshipmen approved of the actions of the rebellious political officer. The rest were silent - they were led into the lower room of the ship.
Sablin hoped that the performance of “Storozhevoy” would be supported by the people of Leningrad, and then the whole country. However, the fleet command and the country's leadership learned about the riot much earlier from the mechanic officer Firsov, who had escaped from the ship, and who was a non-staff secretary of the Komsomol committee. Having weighed anchor, the BOD left the parade formation of ships, turned around on the river and moved into the Gulf of Riga. Radiograms were broadcast from the ship to the central party and Soviet authorities. The ship announced that it was heading to the Neva to the Aurora parking lot and demanded that one of the crew members be allowed to speak on Central Television and Radio. The "Sentry" was accompanied by border ships.
To cross the "Sentry" was sent a whole squadron. The country's highest military-political leadership gave the order to stop the mutinous ship by any means. If necessary, bomb and sink. The patrol ships opened fire on the superstructures - the BOD did not respond, continuing to leave. On the morning of November 9, 1975, Soviet aviation used weapons against Storozhevoy. Two air regiments were raised on combat alert in the Baltic Military District. One of the best pilots of the air regiment accurately placed a bomb under the stern of the BOD, damaging the skin, propeller and rudder. The ship began to describe circles. By that time, the ship's commander, freed by the sailors, climbed onto the captain's bridge and shot Sablin with a pistol. Having arrested the political officer wounded in the leg, Potulny took command and ordered the move to be stopped. Amphibious assault landed on the ship.
The Sentinel sailors were taken to Riga and placed in coastal barracks. KGB officers immediately began interrogations. Together with Sablin, the sailor Shein was brought to trial and received 8 years in prison. The rest were subsequently released, some were demobilized, having taken an undertaking not to disclose the circumstances of the riot.
Sablin was placed in Lefortovo, where the investigation and clarification of all the circumstances of the emergency began. Sablin immediately took all the blame for what happened, without naming anyone as an accomplice. From the first interrogations, he was charged with treason and attempting to hijack a warship abroad, which he initially categorically rejected.
On July 13, 1976, the final closed meeting of the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the USSR was held, which sentenced Captain 3rd Rank V. Sablin to death, finding him guilty under paragraph “a” of Article 64 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR (treason to the Motherland). The officer was stripped of his military rank, order and medals. The verdict was final and not subject to cassation appeal. The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR rejected the request for pardon. Already on August 3, 1976, Sablin was shot.
In 1994, the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation reviewed Sablin’s case “in the light of new circumstances.” In the indictment, the “execution” article of “treason to the Motherland” was replaced with articles about military crimes: abuse of power, disobedience and resistance to a superior. The executed Sablin was sentenced to 10 years in prison, and the sailor Shein, who helped him, was given 5 years for complicity instead of the previous eight he had fully served... The ruling of the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation dated April 12, 1994 indicated that neither Sablin nor Shein are not subject to rehabilitation.