Self-name of the Chukchi. Chukchi - fierce warriors of the north

The Chukchi are the oldest inhabitants of Chukotka. Their ancestors settled here, probably at the turn of the 4th-3rd millennium BC. Since that time, the life of people in the region has proceeded in relatively constant natural and climatic conditions, in the same environment of animals and flora. In this natural-geographical environment, the material and spiritual culture of the Chukchi, their mythology, worldview, and language were formed, racial characteristics developed and consolidated, and unique social relations, social norms, and the nature of their everyday life took shape. The sources of livelihood remained almost unchanged. Only a part of the Chukchi gradually began to combine land hunting with sea fishing; this happened, however, not earlier than the beginning of our era.

Chukchi together with Koryaks, Itelmens, Eskimos and Aleuts identified by anthropologists as a special Arctic race. At the same time, the Chukchi, Koryaks and Itelmens have more common features with each other than with the Eskimos. Anthropological studies in Chukotka have shown the uniqueness of the Arctic race in comparison with the inland Mongoloids.

A number of specific characteristics are found among the Chukchi and Eskimos: intense thermoregulation, high hemoglobin levels, and metabolism, which are characteristic of representatives of the Arctic race in general. Their formation took place in extreme conditions North-East (Alekseeva, Alekseev, 1973. P. 6-7), and the preservation of the characteristics of the Arctic race could only be achieved as a result of isolation and a very long stay of its bearers in this region.

Thus, anthropological data may well be linked with archaeological evidence of the appearance of man in the central regions of Chukotka in the 4th-3rd millennium BC. The Chukchi, Koryaks, Itelmens and Eskimos have a unique crow epic, known only in the region where these peoples settled.

In myths, the raven acts either as a creator of the benefits that nature gives to people, or as an organizer of life. He is the creator of deer, other animals, rivers, mountains, he brought the sun to people, taught them to live in these natural conditions. Consequently, the combination of myths with their realities among the Chukchi took place in the Arctic natural environment.

Even in the myths about the creation of the stars, the earth and all living things, only Arctic flora and fauna appear. The astronomical ideas of the Chukotka aborigines are also in accordance with the above. The names of a number of constellations and individual stars are associated with the main life-sustaining activity - deer hunting. The star Capella from the constellation Auriga is a reindeer bull tied to the sleigh of a man riding two reindeer. Two stars located near the constellation Aquila are called "Doe and Calf". Polar Star - Unpenair("Sticked stake star"). All the other stars walk around like deer on a leash. The Milky Way is a sandy river with islands, on one of which wild deer graze. It is quite obvious that the origins of these ideas are still in the same ancient activity - deer hunting.

As you know, the names of the months reflect the vital activities of people and related natural phenomena. The names of the months of the Chukchi calendar are associated with the life of wild deer in these latitudes, with its migration and biological characteristics. Hunting for wild deer and the corresponding way of life determined the content of all forms of social consciousness of the Chukchi, including religious. All religious activities of the Chukchi are associated with the decisive hunting seasons in the lives of hunters, during which people provided themselves with food supplies, materials for clothing, housing, and lighting.

The Chukchi, together with the Koryaks and Eskimos, unite and at the same time distinguish from among all Siberian peoples a unique fine art. Pantomime dances are known only among these peoples. Their content, techniques and means of plasticity, and voice accompaniments contain the same hunting observations of the behavior of deer and other animals. Particularly expressive are pantomime dances depicting the running of breathless deer. And this area of ​​Chukchi culture reinforces their close, stable connection with the North, with the main source of existence. All of the above is consistent with materials from the most ancient sites of hunters Amguem, Anadyr, Anyue, confirms the autochthony of the Chukchi in the continental regions of Chukotka, the deep historical antiquity of the development of this territory by their ancestors, on which they emerged as an ethnic group, where their material and spiritual culture was formed.

Ethnic history of the Chukchi due to the absence of earlier written sources can be examined in relatively detail only from the middle of the 17th century. Its main milestones are associated with the arrival of Russians in Chukotka. The appearance of Cossacks and industrialists here became decisive not only for their relations with the Chukchi. Through the prism of these relations, the entire history of interaction between the Chukchi and neighboring aboriginal peoples was built, which became the most important component of their new history.

Chukchi-Eskimo ethnic ties can be traced back to at least the 1st millennium AD. The degree of their depth is clearly expressed in their modern racial proximity. Sedentary Chukchi and Siberian Eskimos are typical representatives of the Bering Sea type of the Arctic race.

Contacts between the Chukchi and the Eskimos stimulated the intensive development of their economy and contributed to the transition of part of the population to sedentism and employment in marine hunting. This interaction took place with a clear quantitative predominance of the Chukchi. Under the pressure of continental hunters rushing to the shores of the seas, some of the Eskimos were forced out, some were assimilated and became part of the newcomers who settled in the places inhabited by the Eskimos. The validity of this consideration is confirmed by the fact that many coastal Chukchi villages are based on Eskimo names.

The mutual influence of the Chukchi and Eskimos is reflected in the language. A significant part of the terms associated with sea hunting are of Eskimo origin in the Chukchi language, and the terms reflecting reindeer husbandry and reindeer herding life in the language of the Siberian Eskimos are of Chukchi origin. The oral folk art of the Eskimos contains many fairy tales and legends depicting the life of reindeer herders. These stories came to them from the Chukchi. In turn, Eskimo stories entered the Chukchi folklore fund.

The Chukchi influence on the worldview and religious ideas of the Siberian Eskimos turned out to be significant. It appears especially clearly in holidays associated with reindeer herding. The Eskimos, like the Chukchi, celebrated the festival of the horns of Kilway. In turn, all the main holidays of the coastal Chukchi correspond to and are carried out similarly to the holidays of the Siberian Eskimos: autumn sacrifices to the sea to gain good luck in the upcoming fishery, the main annual holiday dedicated to Keretkunu, holiday of launching kayaks; Feast of "Heads", Feast of the Whale.

The material objects used as amulets and guardians are the same among the Chukchi and Siberian Eskimos. The tambourines of the Chukchi and Eskimos are identical in design, shape and size and differ sharply from the tambourines of other Siberian peoples. Anointing as a means of protection against infectious diseases was used by both. The tattoos of Chukchi and Eskimo women were the same in terms of design shapes and methods of application. There are many similarities in pantomime dances and the accompanying nature of the music.

The most significant consequence of the Chukchi-Eskimo connections is the emergence of a social division of labor. It occurred on the basis of the contact of two hunting cultures - the land culture (Chukchi) and the culture of marine mammal hunters (Eskimos), which gave rise to favorable conditions for the development of exchange. The Eskimos needed reindeer hides and skins, the Chukchi needed blubber and the skins of sea animals.

By the time the Russians arrived in the Northeast, relations between the Chukchi and Asian Eskimos were peaceful. In Chukotka, local markets developed where coastal hunters met with reindeer herders. Such exchange points were known on the river. Kurupka, near Cape Schmidt, in Chaunskaya Bay and other places.

Relations with the Eskimos of Alaska developed differently. In documents from the beginning of the 18th century. Chukchi raids on Alaskan Eskimos, seizure of property, and captivity of women and children are noted. However, by the end of the 18th century, raids gave way to broad trade relations, in the development of which both sides were interested. A lively exchange took place across the Bering Strait. Kavralit - Chukchi traders - became regular suppliers of goods of Russian and Chukchi production to the American coast, from where they exported furs, wood and walrus tusks. Not only the coastal Eskimos, but also the inhabitants of the basins of the Pastola and Yukon rivers with their tributaries were involved in trade relations.

Chukotka-Koryak relations. The Chukchi and Koryaks are connected by a common origin, general features material and spiritual culture, common fundamentals of phonetics, grammar and vocabulary of their languages. Along with this, there are also differences that developed over a long period of time and ultimately led to their ethnic and linguistic isolation. The Yukaghirs played a certain role in this process. Forced under pressure from the Tungus and Yakuts to move east (XIV-XV centuries), they penetrated. To the valley of Anadyr. The Yukagir wedge separated the Koryaks from the Chukchi. The historical vicissitudes of subsequent centuries contributed to the further formation of features that distinguish the Chukchi from the Koryaks.

The first information about Chukchi-Koryak relations appears at the beginning of the 18th century. Distribution of Russians. and Yukaghirs in Anadyr, their seizure of hunting grounds at wild reindeer crossings confronted the Chukchi with the need to look for a way out of the economic crisis. Beginning in 1720, for almost sixty years, the Chukchi persecuted the reindeer Koryaks with exceptional tenacity. About 50 cases of attacks with the aim of seizing their property have been registered. In turn, the Koryaks undertook a series of campaigns in the Chukotka land in order to return property and prisoners.

In the relations between the Chukchi and the Koryak, imbalance and inconsistency were observed. Even during periods of greatest aggravation of their relations, cases of reconciliation were observed separate groups Chukchi and Koryak. However, these connections were often broken. Attacks on neighbors constituted an important link in the process of the Chukchi transition to new social relations.

Chukchi raids on yasak Koryaks caused concern among the Russian authorities. In order to protect the yasak Koryaks, it was decided to strengthen the garrison of the Anadyr fort; several military campaigns took place against the Chukchi, however, they did not bring success. Attacks by the Chukchi were repeated almost every year until there was a certain “saturation” of certain groups of Chukchi with deer, until, in fact, Chukchi herding reindeer herding took shape. After the liquidation of the Anadyr fort, there were practically no obstacles to the penetration of the Chukchi to the south of Anadyr. The Chukchi settled in Anadyr and to the south of it, but no longer as wild deer hunters, but as reindeer herders, owners of large herds.

In 1781, an agreement was reached between the Chukchi, who roamed near Anadyr, and the administration of the Gizhiginsk fortress that the Chukchi would not attack the Koryaks. The Chukchi, who themselves were looking for peaceful living conditions, complied with the agreement. Trade improved, mistrust and suspicion disappeared. Establishing good relations fairs organized by Russians contributed. By the middle of the 19th century. economic and cultural connections have become established with them. In places where reindeer herders came into contact, the boundaries that previously separated the Chukchi from the Koryak disappeared. The Chukchi penetrated far to the south, deep into Koryak territory.

Chukotka-Yukaghir relations. The Yukaghirs came into contact with the Chukchi no earlier than the 13th-14th centuries. Having populated the river Kolyma and its right tributaries, they separated the Chukchi in its lower reaches, captured significant hunting grounds in the Anadyr basin. IN different periods Chukchi-Yukaghir relations developed in different ways. The appearance of Russians in the North-East was not perceived equally by individual groups of Yukaghirs. Some of them, weakened by inter-tribal and inter-clan clashes, sought patronage and protection from the Russians, assisted them in the development of new areas, and were careful yasak payers. Others, on the contrary, opposed the advance of the Russians, refused to pay tribute, and persecuted the Yukaghirs receiving tribute. Similar inconsistency was characteristic of Chukchi-Yukaghir relations.

In the second half of the 17th and first half of the 18th centuries. The Yukaghirs were very weakened. Raids by neighbors, intra-tribal discord, and smallpox epidemics devastated their camps. Not a single people of the Northeast was subjected to such a united attack by its neighbors as the Yukaghirs. In 1678 The Alazeya yasak Yukaghirs asked the Yakut governor Foma Bibikov to send servicemen to them to protect them from the “non-peaceful and non-yasak Chukchi”. Relations between the Chukchi and Yukagirs in Anadyr were also unstable. Frequent attacks by the Chukchi on the Yukagirs are known.

With the annexation of Kamchatka, Anadyrsk became a hub in which a large number of service people were concentrated. Since practically no food was brought here, the Russians’ food depended on fishing and wild deer. All places where deer cross the river. Anadyr was used by residents of the Anadyr fort. This also served as one of the reasons for the deterioration of Chukchi-Yukaghir relations. However, as in Kolyma, in Anadyr the Chukchi persecuted primarily the yasak Yukaghirs. In 1685, the yasak collector of the Anadyr prison Vasily Tarasov wrote to Yakutsk: " Those foreigners pay yasak and those who pay the yasak say: ask us for yasak, but you don’t defend the Koryak and Chukhoch from the non-yasak people, those Koryaks and Chukhchi of many of their springs in the sable fisheries beat their wives and children and their springs to the full and rob the deer"(PFA RAS. F. 21. Op. 4. Book 32. l. 124). By the middle of the 18th century, the persecution of the Yukaghirs became brutal. As a result of a devastating attack in 1756, the Chukchi captured 120 Yukaghirs and captured all of them property.

Despite frequent conflicts, there were other forms of relations between the Chukchi and Yukagirs. The Yukaghirs were intermediaries in trade between the Chukchi and Russians. Through them, the Chukchi communicated with the Okhotsk coast and Yakutia. After the liquidation of the Anadyr fort, all local and newcomer populations were taken to Nizhnekolymsk and Gizhiginsk; there were no Yukaghirs left in Anadyr. However, from the end of the 18th century. Aliens from Kolyma and Gizhiga began to populate Anadyr again. By the middle of the 19th century. Several villages arose (Markovo, Ust-Belaya, Eropol, etc.) with a settled population that traced its origins to the Yukagirs, Chuvans, Khodyns, and Russians. Business relations were established between the Chukchi and the settled residents of Anadyr, and trade began to develop. The local settled population delivered goods from Gizhiga merchants to Anadyr, and handicraft production of items needed in the household and everyday life of Chukchi reindeer herders arose.

In Kolyma and to the east of it at the end of the 18th century. Chukchi attacks on Yukaghirs also stopped. With the founding of the Anyui Fair, a lively exchange began between the Chukchi and the indigenous population of the Kolyma region. In the places of closest contact between the Chukchi and the Yukagirs, an intensive process of assimilation of the Yukagirs took place. Already in the middle of the 19th century. there was a significant number of mixed marriages between the Chukchi and the Yukaghir.

The relationship between the Chukchi and the Russians was no less contradictory. Attempts to force the Chukchi to pay yasak were repeated, but with little success. Several campaigns against the Kolyma Chukchi in the second half of the 12th century. did not bring results, Furthermore, the Chukchi themselves switched to active actions. Until the end of the 80s of the XVIII century. They repeatedly besieged the Nizhnekolyma yasak winter hut, attacked service people, forcing them to live “locked up.”

The position of the Russians in Anadyr was also difficult. In the mid-1670s, there were only 16 servicemen, one clerk and 12 Yukaghir amanats. Only at the end of the 80s of the XVIII century. Some revival begins in the Anadyr prison. Trade and industrial people appear, the number of servicemen increases, the advance of Russians into Kamchatka intensifies, the desire to subjugate the Chukchi and impose tribute on them grows.

The growth of the population of the Anadyr fort exacerbated the food problem; the Cossacks were forced to hunt wild deer where the Chukchi hunted them. On this basis, as already mentioned, clashes between the Chukchi and the Russians and their Yukaghir allies became more frequent. These circumstances prompted the Siberian administration to take decisive action against the Chukchi. Several military campaigns took place against the Chukchi under the leadership of A. Shestakov. Pavlutsky. They did not bring tangible results, and the leaders of these campaigns themselves died.

As the military confrontation between the Chukchi and the Koryaks and Yukagirs, whom the Russians were obliged to protect as Russian subjects, faded away, peaceful relations between the Chukchi and the Russians began to improve. The pacification of the Chukchi was greatly influenced by their need for Russian-made goods. With the liquidation of the Anadyr fort (1771), the Anyui fair became the main center connecting the Chukchi with the Russians, which marked the beginning of regular trade.

Going towards rapprochement with the Chukchi, the Siberian administration sought support among the Chukchi Qavralyt traders, who were also in to the greatest extent interested in peaceful relations with the Russians. They were given the ranks of toyons and elders, given personalized seals, and awarded medals and daggers. In response, Chukchi traders and toyons unconditionally contributed yasak. As for the bulk of the Chukchi, it was never possible to oblige them to pay yasak. In exchange for furs, they demanded gifts equivalent to its value. The established practice of exchange was legalized in " Charter on the management of foreigners", adopted in 1822. The Chukchi had to pay yasak at their discretion, they did not obey the civil and criminal laws of the Russian state. The government only watched state borders on the territory of the Chukchi settlement and regulated trade with them.

Increasingly frequent in the 19th century. Incidents of foreign ships infiltrating Russian waters in the North Pacific and increased poaching and smuggling have prompted the government to pay more attention to Chukotka. The protection of territorial waters by Russian military courts began, and in 1888 a decision was made to form the Anadyr district administration. The military governor of the Primorsky region determined the main task of the first “chief of Chukotka” L.F. Grinevetsky: " You should strive to make the Chukchi aware of their belonging to the Russian Empire and try to explain them not so much for the profits of the state treasury, but for the sake of the fact that paying yasak proves that a foreigner recognizes a certain government power "(RGIA DV. F. 702. Op. 2. D. 414. L. 71).

The creation of an administrative apparatus in Chukotka did not, however, lead to any serious change in the situation. The Russian administration continued to rely on local authorities in the person of elders from among the merchants and rich Chukchi, whose influence practically did not spread beyond the boundaries of their camps and immediate neighbors. According to V.V. Solyarsky, the administrative imposition of control among the Chukchi turned out to be ineffective (Solyarsky, 1916, p. 49). Legal status of the Chukchi at the beginning of the twentieth century. remained the same as it was defined in the Charter of 1822. They were considered dependent on the Russian state, but not its subjects. They were governed according to their own customs. They did not bear any duties and were not subject to any fees. Yasak was donated voluntarily only at fairs, for which they received gifts. The activities of the Chukotka spiritual mission, created in 1879, did not bring tangible results either. The propaganda of Orthodoxy gave birth only to a kind of syncretism traditional beliefs and Christianity with the predominance of primordial ideas and cults.

The weak involvement of the Chukchi in the administrative and political system of the Russian state did not prevent them from recognizing themselves as people of this state. As it got better transport connection with Chukotka, Russian trade and contacts with the Russian population expanded, the isolation of individual Chukchi groups and the stagnant nature of their life and culture disappeared, they were increasingly drawn into the general mainstream of development of the Russian state.

I.S. Vdovin
from the book Peoples of North-East Siberia

Most northern region Far East – Chukotka autonomous region. Its territory is home to several indigenous peoples who came there thousands of years ago. Most of all in Chukotka there are Chukchi themselves - about 15 thousand. For a long time, they roamed throughout the peninsula, herding deer, hunting whales and living in yarangas.
Now many reindeer herders and hunters have turned into housing and communal services workers, and yarangas and kayaks have been replaced by ordinary houses with heating.
Cucumbers for 600 rubles per kilogram and a dozen eggs for 200 – modern consumer realities in remote areas of Chukotka. Fur production is closed because it does not fit into capitalism, and the extraction of venison, although still going on, is subsidized by the state - deer meat cannot compete even with expensive beef, which is brought from " big land" A similar story is with the renovation of housing stock: construction companies It is unprofitable to take on repair contracts, since the lion's share of the estimate is the cost of transporting materials and workers off-road. Youth leaving villages and serious problems with healthcare - Soviet system collapsed, but a new one has not really been created.

The ancestors of the Chukchi appeared in the tundra before our era. Presumably, they came from the territory of Kamchatka and the current Magadan region, then moved through the Chukotka Peninsula towards the Bering Strait and stopped there.

Faced with the Eskimos, the Chukchi adopted their marine hunting trade, subsequently displacing them from the Chukotka Peninsula. At the turn of the millennium, the Chukchi learned reindeer husbandry from the nomads of the Tungus group - the Evens and Yukaghirs.

“Now it is no easier to get into the reindeer herders’ camps of Chukotka than in the time of Tan Bogoraz (the famous Russian ethnographer who described the life of the Chukchi at the beginning of the 20th century).
You can fly to Anadyr and then to national villages by plane. But then it’s very difficult to get from the village to a specific reindeer herding team at the right time,” explains Puya. Reindeer herders' camps are constantly moving, and long distances. There are no roads to get to their camp sites: they have to travel on tracked all-terrain vehicles or snowmobiles, sometimes on reindeer and dog sleds. In addition, reindeer herders strictly observe the timing of migrations, the time of their rituals and holidays.

Vladimir Puya

Hereditary reindeer herder Puya insists that reindeer husbandry is “ business card» region and indigenous people. But now the Chukchi generally live differently from how they used to: crafts and traditions fade into the background, and they are replaced by the typical life of remote regions of Russia.
“Our culture suffered greatly in the 70s, when the authorities decided that it was expensive to maintain high schools with a full complement of teachers in every village,” says Puya. - IN regional centers boarding schools were built. They were classified not as urban institutions, but as rural ones - in rural schools, salaries were twice as high. I myself studied at such a school, the quality of education was very high. But the children were torn away from life in the tundra and the seaside: we returned home only for summer holidays. And therefore we lost the complex, cultural development. There was no national education in boarding schools; even the Chukchi language was not always taught. Apparently, the authorities decided that the Chukchi - soviet people, and we have no need to know our culture.”

Life of reindeer herders

The geography of the Chukchi's residence initially depended on the movement of wild reindeer. People spent the winter in the south of Chukotka, and in the summer they escaped the heat and midges to the north, to the shores of the Arctic Ocean. The people of reindeer herders lived generic system. They settled along lakes and rivers. The Chukchi lived in yarangas. The winter yaranga, which was made from reindeer skins, was stretched over a wooden frame. The snow from under it was cleared to the ground. The floor was covered with branches, on which skins were laid in two layers. An iron stove with a pipe was installed in the corner. They slept in yarangas in dolls made of animal skins.

But the Soviet government, which came to Chukotka in the 30s of the last century, was dissatisfied with the “uncontrolled” movement of people. The indigenous people were told where to build new – semi-permanent – ​​housing. This was done for the convenience of transporting goods by sea. They did the same with the camps. At the same time, new jobs arose for indigenous residents, and hospitals, schools, and cultural centers appeared in the settlements. The Chukchi were taught writing. And the reindeer herders themselves lived almost better than all other Chukchi - until the 80s of the 20th century.

Now residents of Konergino send letters at the post office, shop in two stores (Nord and Katyusha), call “the mainland” from the only landline telephone in the entire village, sometimes go to the local cultural club, and use the medical outpatient clinic. However, the residential buildings in the village are in disrepair and are not subject to major repairs. “Firstly, they don’t give us much money, and secondly, due to the complex transport scheme, it is difficult to deliver materials to the village,” said the head of the settlement, Alexander Mylnikov, several years ago. According to him, if previously the housing stock in Konergino was repaired by utility workers, now they have neither building materials nor work force. “It is expensive to deliver construction materials to the village; the contractor spends about half of the allocated funds on transportation costs. The builders refuse, it is not profitable for them to work with us,” he complained.

About 330 people live in Konergino. Of these, there are about 70 children: most go to school. Fifty people work in housing and communal services local residents, and the school - together with the kindergarten - employs 20 educators, teachers, nannies and cleaners. Young people do not stay in Konergino: school graduates go to study and work in other places. Depressive state The village is illustrated by the situation with the traditional crafts for which the Konergins were famous.

“We no longer have marine hunting. According to capitalist rules, it is not profitable,” says Puya. “The fur farms closed, and the fur trade was quickly forgotten. In the 90s, fur production in Konergino collapsed.” All that remains is reindeer husbandry: in Soviet times and until the mid-2000s, while Roman Abramovich remained as governor of the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, it was successful here.

There are 51 reindeer herders working in Konergino, of which 34 work in brigades in the tundra. According to Pui, reindeer herders' incomes are extremely low. “This is an unprofitable industry, there is not enough money for salaries. The state covers the lack of funds so that the salary is higher than the subsistence level, which in our case is 13 thousand. The reindeer farm that employs the workers pays them approximately 12.5 thousand. The state pays up to 20 thousand extra so that the reindeer herders don’t die of hunger,” complains Puya.

When asked why it is impossible to pay more, Puya replies that the cost of producing venison on different farms varies from 500 to 700 rubles per kilogram. And wholesale prices for beef and pork, which are imported “from the mainland,” start at 200 rubles. The Chukchi cannot sell meat for 800-900 rubles and are forced to set the price at 300 rubles - at a loss. "It makes no sense capitalist development this industry,” says Puya. “But this is the last thing left in the national villages.”

Evgeny Kaipanau, a 36-year-old Chukchi, was born in Lorino into the family of the most respected whaler. “Lorino” (in Chukchi – “Lauren”) is translated from Chukchi as “found camp”. The settlement stands on the shore of Mechigmenskaya Bay of the Bering Sea. Several hundred kilometers away are the American islands of Krusenstern and St. Lawrence; Alaska is also very close. But planes fly to Anadyr once every two weeks - and only if the weather is good. Lorino is covered from the north by hills, so there are more windless days here than in neighboring villages. True, despite relatively good weather conditions, in the 90s almost all Russian residents left Lorino, and since then only Chukchi have lived there - about 1,500 people.

The houses in Lorino are rickety wooden buildings with peeling walls and faded paint. In the center of the village there are several cottages built by Turkish workers - insulated buildings with cold water, which is considered a privilege in Lorino (if you run cold water through ordinary pipes, it will freeze in winter). Hot water in the entire settlement there is, because the local boiler house is working all year round. But there is no hospital or clinic here - for several years now people have been sent for medical care by air ambulance or on all-terrain vehicles.

Lorino is famous for its marine mammal hunting. It’s not for nothing that the documentary film “Whaler” was filmed here in 2008, which received the TEFI prize. Hunting sea animals is still an important activity for local residents. Whalers not only feed their families or earn money by selling meat to the local trapping community, they also honor the traditions of their ancestors.

Since childhood, Kaipanau knew how to properly slaughter walruses, catch fish and whales, and walk in the tundra. But after school he went to Anadyr to study first as an artist and then as a choreographer. Until 2005, while living in Lorino, he often went on tour to Anadyr or Moscow to perform with national ensembles. Due to constant travel, climate change and flights, Kaipanau decided to finally move to Moscow. There he got married, his daughter was nine months old. “I try to instill my creativity and culture in my wife,” says Evgeniy. “Although many things seemed wild to her before, especially when she found out the conditions in which my people live. I instill traditions and customs in my daughter, for example, showing national clothes. I want her to know that she is a hereditary Chukchi.”

Evgeny now rarely appears in Chukotka: he tours and represents the Chukchi culture around the world together with his ensemble “Nomad”. In the ethnopark “Nomad” of the same name near Moscow, where Kaipanau works, he conducts thematic excursions and shows documentaries about Chukotka, including Vladimir Pui.

But living far from his homeland does not prevent him from knowing about many things happening in Lorino: his mother remains there, she works in the city administration. Thus, he is sure that young people are drawn to those traditions that are being lost in other regions of the country. “Culture, language, hunting skill. Young people in Chukotka, including young people from our village, are learning to catch whales. Our people live with this all the time,” says Kaipanau.

In the summer season, the Chukchi hunted whales and walruses, and in the winter season, they hunted seals. They hunted with harpoons, knives and spears. Whales and walruses were hunted together, but seals were hunted individually. The Chukchi caught fish with nets made of whale and deer tendons or leather belts, nets and bits. In winter - in an ice hole, in summer - from the shore or from kayaks. In addition, until the beginning of the 19th century, bears and wolves, rams and moose, wolverines, foxes and arctic foxes were hunted with bows, spears and traps. Waterfowl were killed with a throwing weapon (bola) and darts with a throwing plank. From the second half of the 19th century, guns began to be used, and then whaling firearms.

Products that are imported from the mainland cost a lot of money in the village. “They bring “golden” eggs for 200 rubles. I’m generally silent about grapes,” adds Kaipanau. Prices reflect the sad socio-economic situation in Lorino. There are few places in the settlement where one can show professionalism and university skills. “But the situation of the people is, in principle, normal,” the interlocutor immediately clarifies. “After Abramovich’s arrival (from 2001 to 2008), things became much better: more jobs appeared, houses were rebuilt, and first aid stations were established.” Kaipanau recalls how whalers he knew “came and took it from the governor for free motor boats for fishing and left." “Now they live and enjoy,” he says. The federal authorities, according to him, also help the Chukchi, but not very actively.


Kaipanau has a dream. He wants to create educational ethnic centers in Chukotka, where indigenous peoples could relearn their culture: build kayaks and yarangas, embroider, sing, dance.
“In the ethnopark, many visitors consider the Chukchi to be an uneducated and backward people; They think that they don’t wash and constantly say “however.” They even sometimes tell me that I am not a real Chukchi. But we are real people.”

Every morning, Natalya, a 45-year-old resident of the village of Sireniki (who asked that her last name not be used), wakes up at 8 a.m. to go to work at the local school. She is a watchman and technical worker.
Sireniki, where Natalya has lived for 28 years, is located in the Providensky urban district of Chukotka, on the shores of the Bering Sea. The first Eskimo settlement appeared here about three thousand years ago, and in the vicinity of the village remains of the dwellings of ancient people are still found. In the 60s of the last century, the Chukchi joined the indigenous inhabitants. Therefore, the village has two names: from Ekimo it is translated as “Valley of the Sun”, and from Chukchi – “Rocky Terrain”.
Sireniki is surrounded by hills, and it is difficult to get here, especially in winter - only by snowmobile or helicopter. People come here from spring to autumn sea ​​vessels. From above, the village looks like a box of colorful candies: green, blue and red cottages, an administration building, a post office, kindergarten and an outpatient clinic. Previously, there were many dilapidated wooden houses in Sireniki, but a lot has changed, says Natalya, with the arrival of Abramovich. “My husband and I used to live in a house with stove heating; we had to wash dishes outside. Then Valera fell ill with tuberculosis, and his attending physician helped us get a new cottage due to his illness. Now we have a European-quality renovation.”


Clothing and food

Chukchi men wore kukhlyankas made of double reindeer skin and the same trousers. They pulled a boot made of camus with soles made of seal skin over siskins - stockings made of dog skin. The double fawn hat was bordered at the front with long-haired wolverine fur, which does not freeze from human breath in any frost, and fur mittens were worn on rawhide straps that were pulled into the sleeves. The shepherd was as if in a spacesuit. The clothes the women wore were tight-fitting to the body and tied below the knees, forming something like pants. They put it on over the head. Over the top, women wore a wide fur shirt with a hood, which they wore on special occasions such as holidays or migrations.

The shepherd always had to protect the number of deer, so livestock breeders and families ate vegetarian food in the summer, and if they ate deer, then it was completely, right down to the antlers and hooves. They preferred boiled meat, but often ate it raw: the shepherds in the herd simply did not have time to cook. The sedentary Chukchi ate the meat of walruses, which were previously killed in huge quantities.

How do they live in Sireniki?

According to Natalya, it’s normal. There are currently about 30 unemployed people in the village. In the summer they pick mushrooms and berries, and in the winter they catch fish, which they sell or exchange for other products. Natalya’s husband receives a pension of 15,700 rubles, while the cost of living here is 15,000. “I myself work without part-time jobs, this month I will receive about 30,000. We, undoubtedly, live an average life, but somehow I don’t feel that salaries are increasing,” – the woman complains, remembering the cucumbers brought to Sireniki for 600 rubles per kilogram.

Dome

Natalya’s sister works on a rotational basis at Kupol. This gold deposit is one of the largest in the world. Far East, is located 450 km from Anadyr. Since 2011, 100% of the shares of Kupol have been owned by the Canadian company Kinross Gold (ours have no time for such trifles).
“My sister used to work there as a maid, and now she gives masks to miners who go down into the mines. They have a gym and a billiard room there! They pay in rubles (the average salary at Kupol is 50,000 rubles - DV), transferred to a bank card,” says Natalya.

The woman knows little about production, salaries and investments in the region, but often repeats: “The Dome helps us.” The fact is that the Canadian company that owns the deposit created a Social Development Fund back in 2009; it allocates money for socially significant projects. At least a third of the budget goes to support indigenous peoples Autonomous Okrug. For example, Kupol helped publish a dictionary of the Chukchi language, opened courses in indigenous languages, and built a school for 65 children and a kindergarten for 32 in Sireniki.

“My Valera also received a grant,” says Natalya. – Two years ago, Kupol allocated him 1.5 million rubles for a huge 20-ton freezer. After all, the whalers will get the animal, there is a lot of meat - it will spoil. And now this camera is a lifesaver. With the remaining money, my husband and his colleagues bought tools to build kayaks.”

Natalya, a Chukchi and hereditary reindeer herder, believes that the national culture is now being revived. He says that every Tuesday and Friday the local village club holds ensemble rehearsals “ Northern lights"; courses of Chukchi and other languages ​​are opening (albeit in the regional center - Anadyr); competitions like the Governor's Cup or the Barents Sea regatta are held. “And this year our ensemble is invited to a grand event - an international festival! Five people will fly to the dance program. It will all be in Alaska, she will pay for the flight and accommodation,” says the woman. She admits that Russian state supports national culture, but she mentions the “Dome” much more often. Natalya does not know of a domestic fund that would finance the peoples of Chukotka.

Another key issue is healthcare. In Chukotka, as in other northern regions, says Nina Veisalova, a representative of the Association of Small Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East (AMKNSS and FERF), respiratory diseases are very common. But, according to available information, tuberculosis dispensaries are closing in ethnic villages. There are many cancer patients. The previously existing health care system ensured the identification, observation and treatment of sick people from among small peoples, which was enshrined in law. Unfortunately, such a scheme does not work today. The authorities do not answer the question about the closure of tuberculosis dispensaries, but only report that in every district and settlement of Chukotka hospitals, medical outpatient clinics and medical and obstetric centers have been preserved.

There is a stereotype in Russian society: the Chukchi people drank themselves to death after they came to the territory of Chukotka " a white man” – that is, since the beginning of the last century. The Chukchi never drank alcohol, their body does not produce an enzyme that breaks down alcohol, and because of this, the effect of alcohol on their health is more detrimental than that of other peoples. But according to Evgeniy Kaipanau, the level of the problem is greatly overestimated. “With alcohol [among the Chukchi], everything is the same as everywhere else. But they drink less than anywhere else,” he says. At the same time, says Kaipanau, the Chukchi actually did not have an enzyme that breaks down alcohol in the past. “Now, although the enzyme has been developed, people still do not drink as the legends say,” sums up the Chukchi.

Kaipanau’s opinion is supported by Doctor of Medical Sciences GNICP Irina Samorodskaya, one of the authors of the report “Mortality and the share of deaths in economically active age from causes related to alcohol (drugs), MI and IHD from all deaths aged 15-72 years” for 2013. According to Rosstat, the document says, the highest mortality rate from alcohol-related causes is indeed in the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug - 268 people per 100 thousand. But these data, Samorodskaya emphasizes, apply to the entire population of the district. “Yes, the indigenous population of those territories are the Chukchi, but they are not the only ones who live there,” she explains. In addition, according to Samorodskaya, Chukotka is higher in all mortality indicators than other regions - and this is not only alcohol mortality, but also other external causes. “It is now impossible to say that it was the Chukchi who died from alcohol, this is how the system works. First, if people do not want an alcohol-related cause of death on their deceased relative's death certificate, it will not be listed. Secondly, the vast majority of deaths occur at home. And there, death certificates are often filled out by a local doctor or even a paramedic, which is why other reasons may be indicated in the documents - it’s easier to write that way.”

Finally, another serious problem in the region, according to Veisalova, is the relationship between industrial companies and the indigenous local population. “People come like conquerors, disturbing the peace and quiet of the local residents. I think there should be regulations on the interaction between companies and peoples,” she says.

Language and religion

The Chukchi, living in the tundra, called themselves “chavchu” (deer). Those who lived on the shore were “ankalyn” (Pomor). There is a common self-name of the people - “luoravetlan” (real person), but it has not caught on. 50 years ago, approximately 11 thousand people spoke the Chukchi language. Now their number is decreasing every year. The reason is simple: in Soviet times, writing and schools appeared, but at the same time a policy was pursued of the destruction of everything national. Separation from their parents and life in boarding schools forced Chukchi children to know their native language less and less.

The Chukchi have long believed that the world is divided into upper, middle and lower. At the same time, the upper world (“cloud land”) is inhabited by “ top people"(in Chukchi - gyrgorramkyn), or "people of the dawn" (tnargy-ramkyn), and the supreme deity among the Chukchi does not play a serious role. The Chukchi believed that their soul was immortal, they believed in reincarnation, and shamanism was widespread among them. Both men and women could be shamans, but among the Chukchi the shamans of the “transformed sex” were considered especially powerful - men who acted as housewives, and women who adopted the clothes, activities and habits of men.

Time and the Chukchi themselves will draw all the conclusions.

Even in ancient times, the Russians, Yakuts and Evens called the reindeer herders Chukchi. The name itself speaks for itself: “chauchu” - rich in deer. Deer people call themselves that. And dog breeders are called ankalyns.

This nationality was formed as a result of a mixture of Asian and American types. This even confirms that the Chukchi dog breeders and the Chukchi reindeer breeders have different attitudes towards life and culture, they say various legends and myths.

The linguistic affiliation of the Chukchi language has not yet been precisely determined; there are hypotheses that it has roots in the language of the Koryaks and Itelmens, and ancient Asian languages.

Culture and life of the Chukchi people

The Chukchi are accustomed to living in camps, which are removed and renewed as soon as the reindeer food runs out. In summer they go down closer to the sea. The constant need for resettlement does not prevent them from building fairly large dwellings. The Chukchi erect a large polygonal tent, which is covered with reindeer skins. In order for this structure to withstand strong gusts of wind, people prop up the entire hut with stones. At the back wall of this tent there is a small structure in which people eat, rest and sleep. In order not to get too steamy in their room, they undress almost naked before going to bed.

National Chukchi clothing is a comfortable and warm robe. Men wear a double fur shirt, double fur trousers, also fur stockings and boots made of identical material. A man's hat is somewhat reminiscent of a woman's bonnet. Women's clothing also consists of two layers, only the pants and the top are sewn together. And in the summer, the Chukchi dress in lighter clothes - robes made of deer suede and other bright fabrics. These dresses often feature beautiful ritual embroidery. Small children and newborns are dressed in a bag made of deer skin, which has slits for arms and legs.

The main and daily food of the Chukchi is meat, both cooked and raw. Brains, kidneys, liver, eyes and tendons can be consumed raw. Quite often you can find families where they happily eat the roots, stems and leaves. It is worth noting the special love of the Chukotka people for alcohol and tobacco.

Traditions and customs of the Chukchi people

The Chukchi are a people who keep the traditions of their ancestors. And it doesn’t matter at all what group they belong to - reindeer herders or dog breeders.

One of the national Chukotka holidays is the Baydara holiday. The kayak has long been a means of obtaining meat. And in order for the waters to accept the Chukchi canoe for the next year, the Chukchi organized a certain ritual. The boats were removed from the jaws of the whale, on which she lay all winter. Then they went to the sea and brought it a sacrifice in the form of boiled meat. After which the canoe was placed near the home and the whole family walked around it. The next day the procedure was repeated and only after that the boat was launched into the water.

Another Chukchi holiday is the whale holiday. This holiday was held in order to apologize to the killed sea animals and make amends to Keretkun, the owner of the sea inhabitants. People dressed in smart clothes, waterproof clothes made from walrus guts and apologized to the walruses, whales and seals. They sang songs about how it was not the hunters who killed them, but the stones that fell from the cliffs. After this, the Chukchi made a sacrifice to the owner of the seas, lowering the skeleton of a whale into the depths of the sea. People believed that in this way they would resurrect all the animals they had killed.

Of course, one cannot fail to mention the festival of the deer, which was called Kilvey. It took place in the spring. It all started with the fact that the deer were driven to human dwellings, yarangas, and at this time the women lit a fire. Moreover, fire had to be produced, as many centuries ago - by friction. The Chukchi greeted the deer with enthusiastic cries, songs and shots in order to drive away evil spirits from them. And during the celebration, men slaughtered several adult deer to replenish food supplies intended for children, women and the elderly.

Azat Minnekaev "Two Walruses"

To begin with, a short Chukchi heroic tale recorded by V.G. Tan-Bogoraz, whose biography deserves a separate description... but let’s not talk about him. The story goes like this:

"Two people from Cape Chaplin, one of them a shaman, were carried away by a blizzard in winter on floating ice. The ice floe was driven to Lawrence Island, to the village of Chibikak. Residents ran out, killed one of them, drilling his skull with a sharp drill. The shaman was left alive , they made him a slave. He only spent one night with them, then he called his walrus-spirits. Many walruses came and stood in a row so that he could walk over their heads. After many adventures, the shaman returned to Cape Chukotka and told people what fate had befallen his comrade. People decided to avenge him.

The next summer, warriors from all the villages gathered on the shore. We got into the boats. Many large boats sailed to the island of Lawrence. On the shore they saw a village. Thick fog lay on the ground. Almost all the warriors came down to the ground and wanted to attack the enemy. Several people headed straight towards the village, under the cover of the fog. The old man said: “Listen to your voice, howl like a wolf.” They howled like wolves. Another old man, one of the inhabitants of the island of Lawrence, then said: “Oh, they are here.” The young warriors replied: “This cannot be! After all, we are on an island." - “Well, yes, yes! Answer them." Then they roared like walruses. At this time, a large detachment of attackers slowly approached them from behind. Suddenly they attacked the islanders and began to kill them. The women began to choke in terrible fear. Others cut walrus meat to treat the winners. There was a big massacre! Many women were taken with them to Cape Chaplin.

Four years later, the islanders set out to take revenge for the attack. They came at night, all the people were sleeping. They killed people simply by thrusting spears through the furry wall of the canopy. One little boy, an orphan, managed to escape from them and woke up the others. The attackers fled to the sea. On next year the old people from the island of Lawrence said: “Enough. Let there be peace." Summer came, and many islanders gathered on the shore. They brought a lot of wooden vessels and gave them to the people of this side. The old man of our shore said: “How to answer? Give them the skins." They gave them soft skins. “What kind of skins?” - “Deer skins.” - “What are deer?” - “They have horns.” - “What are horns?” Then they were shown the head of a deer. They look and say: “Oh, how wonderful. The nose is like holes in the leather cover of a canoe.” - “Better try the meat.” We cooked deer fat. Then they tasted it: “Oh, this is very tasty.” They went away and left the old man. He was a shaman. The people of this coast took him prisoner just as the islanders took one of our people four years ago.
IN XV-XVI centuries the Chukchi were pushed back from their former places habitat far to the east by Yukaghir tribes forced to migrate under pressure from the Tungus (who, in turn, were pushed out of the Lena basin by the Turkic and Mongolian ancestors of the Yakut-Sakha). In search of new places, the Yukaghirs occupied the Anadyr basin, reaching the Bering Sea and territorially dividing the Chukchi and Koryaks, related by common origin.

In Yukaghir folklore, legends have been preserved that the Yukaghirs were met by a certain ancient people, who lived mainly by elk hunting, divided into “people of the forest” and “people of the sea”; they fought with the Yukaghir newcomers, but they defeated them, and the aborigines were forced to retreat (and the elk’s habitat covers the upper and middle reaches of the Kolyma, Indigirka and Anadyr).

The Chukchi, retreating to the east, entered territories inhabited by Asian Eskimos, and there was no one to move and nowhere to retreat - they had to make room. Whether because of the long-standing ties between the two peoples, or because the coastal Chukchi and Eskimos had basically nothing to share - there were enough sea animals for everyone at that time - but this “densification” took place for the most part peacefully. Chukchi clans often simply moved into Eskimo camps - back in late XIX-at the beginning of the 20th century there were many Eskimo settlements (Kivak, Chechin, etc.) in which the Chukchi lived. The population of such villages spoke a mixed Chukchi-Eskimo jargon, or, as in Uelen at the end of the 18th century, two languages.

The Eskimo population of most mixed camps was completely assimilated over time - the Chukchi hunters who rushed to the coast had a numerical superiority, however, to this day, many places along the shores of both oceans, inhabited exclusively by the Chukchi, bear names based on Eskimo roots. Assimilation was also facilitated by constant trade exchange between the coastal and reindeer Chukchi: the hunters needed reindeer skins and products made from them, and the reindeer herders needed blubber and durable belts made from the skins of sea animals. The Eskimos did not have mainland brothers, so it was economically beneficial for them to speak the Chukchi language and have relatives among the Chukchi.

The Chukchi language is full of Eskimo words, mainly describing sea fishing, while the language of the Asian Eskimos borrows Chukchi terms reflecting reindeer herding life. Many Chukchi names are of Eskimo origin, and vice versa; Such a mixture was greatly facilitated by the ideas about reincarnation that existed among both peoples.

Relations between the Chukchi and the American Eskimos developed differently. Documentation early XVIII centuries mark Chukchi attacks on the population of Alaska, seizure of property and theft of women and children. Approximately from mid-18th century centuries, there are indications that the Chukchi, along with raids, also conduct trade in Alaska: “In summer in calm weather on kayaks, in winter on ice on reindeer to the island of Imoglin lying almost in the middle of the strait(Fr. Ratmanova) , and from there you can move to America in one day, then the Chukchi often visit that part of the world and trade there, and sometimes carry out robberies there.”

Right: Eskimo walrus skin armor. Similar Chukchi laminars - mergev - differed only rectangular shape"wings"

In 1789, the centurion I. Kobelev managed to persuade the “Uvelensky prison of the best foot man Oprey” to take him with him on such a trading expedition to Ukipen Island (King Island). The Chukchi gathered one and a half hundred people on ten cargo canoes. Approaching the island, the Chukchi stopped the canoes, “dressed in kuyaks, in their hands a spear, bows and arrows on bowstrings as they should fight.” The “Ukipans” did the same on the shore, as Kobelev writes, “for example” - peaceful trade relations had just begun to improve by that time, and neither side completely trusted the other.

The exchange often took place in the form of a “silent bargaining” - one party left their goods and walked away. Representatives of the other side put their things opposite the things they needed and also walked away. Sometimes, before it was possible to “agree”, it was necessary to make several counter-offers, and any misunderstanding could lead to a bloody outcome, after which the survivors of the losing side could organize an expedition for the purpose of revenge - simultaneously capturing booty and prisoners.

In 1793, the Senate discussed the report of Captain Billings, in one of the paragraphs of which it was reported that “North-eastern Americans, having expressed a desire to have friendly treatment with the Russians, are asking for protection from attack and robbery by the Chukchi.” American Eskimos complained to the Russians that the Chukchi “come to their land almost every year in canoes, exterminate them by murder, rob their property, and take their wives and children captive.”

These raids involved not only the coastal Chukchi, but also their friends, the Asian Eskimos, and land-based Chukchi reindeer herders who did not have canoes. The “interaction between the army and navy” of the Chukchi is described in an 18th century document: “The reindeer Chukchi come to the sedentary Chukchi on reindeer and on winter trips to the Koryak they lift those sedentary on their reindeer, and, on the contrary, the sedentary Chukchi reindeer bow and in places far from the sea in the tundra living in the summer carry them on their canoes across the sea and along river and give them their canoes as mutual friendship, and from them the reindeer instead of their canoes, they take deer skins of various ranks for their clothes."

The Eskimos, it must be said, did not remain in debt - they enslaved the Chukchi who were captured or killed them in a sophisticated manner.

The Chukchi did not have specialized combat “drackars” - the same canoes were used in both peacetime and wartime and were used only for the transfer of forces, but not for naval battles. Occasionally, clashes at sea boiled down mainly to a shootout with bows - on undecked ships with tension plating, a full-fledged boarding battle is impossible. But a “diving war” was possible against them, when a person sank under the water and cut the lining, after which the canoe sank along with the crew. This method of fighting enemy boats was rarely used, mainly by fugitives to escape from pursuers, because it was also risky for the diver, because the Chukchi and Eskimos, as a rule, did not know how to swim and generally considered water to be the habitat of kale. There was no division between oarsmen and infantrymen: the main thing was to land, and there both of them equally participated in the land battle.

The flotilla of a dozen canoes and a hundred and a half warriors described by Kobelev was quite typical, but he also mentions the voyage to Alaska in earlier times of a combined armada of a hundred canoes and eight hundred “paratroopers.” Chukchi "Vikings" on campaigns along the coast sometimes reached the territory of Canada (black women were considered the most valuable captives of such long-distance expeditions).

The course of the raid itself, from the words of the Chukchi, was described by the missionary A. Argentov: "Driven by a feeling of revenge for some old grievances and with self-interest in mind, the Chukchi decided to make a raid. This was in 1840. Among 70 people, they landed on some island on a foggy night; the first thing they did was to make a hole in the natives in canoes (so that they would not run into the sea), then they surprised the sleepy inhabitants and killed many. Frightened by the din of the attackers and the desperate cries of their own, the survivors rushed to escape in their canoes: they pushed off into the sea and drowned. All able-bodied women and children were taken captive, and the frail, sick, crippled and elderly were killed without a trace. “Why leave these pathetic ones to be tortured!” - added the narrator." Having finished off the weak members of the tribe left without breadwinners, the attackers showed humanism without any quotation marks: not allowing them to die of hunger, but killing them with weapons, like warriors, helped them escape to the upper world, to a better life.

To protect against mutual attacks, both the Chukchi and the Eskimos tried to locate settlements on a hill, a rocky cape or pebble spit protruding into the ocean, from where it was more convenient to defend, and in peacetime it was easier to see prey at sea. Fortifications were built near or between the settlement and the shore, the simplest and most quickly erected of which were walls made of stretched walrus skins, in which small loopholes were pierced with a spear. In order to make it difficult to approach housing on the road along which it was assumed that the enemies would go, the Eskimos could install camouflaged pegs that crippled the legs of attackers, or wooden plates with spikes, as in a bear hunt. Asian Eskimos sometimes built a snow fort, filled with water for strength, as a field fortification. The approaches to the fortress were also sprinkled with water. If the fortress was located on a hill, then a sleigh equipped with sharp stakes and weighted with stones for speed and pressure could be tied from above the places of the intended assault.

Back in 1931, the residents of Naukan traditionally lined the yarangas almost to the roof with stone, turning them into fortresses.

There were also capital stationary stone fortresses (in Eskimo “umki”), with two types of loopholes: for archery and rolling stones. The entrance was closed with a stone slab. True, these castles were not surrounded by a moat: in permafrost it is difficult to dig trenches deeper than half a meter with stone and bone tools, even in summer. Such fortresses were not designed for a long siege, but the Arctic peoples did not know how to wage one - usually, after a short intense shelling, they proceeded to an assault. But often the residents of the village could be saved by the very fact of the presence of a fortress (if it was not about revenge on this particular clan) - the attackers usually sent scouts ahead, and if they saw that a fortress had been erected in the village, and the residents were ready for defense, then those hungry for more profit , than military feats, the aggressors could bypass this settlement.

Tactical techniques can be judged by legends similar to the one given at the beginning of the post: they tried to attack unexpectedly: at dawn, at morning fog, or they specifically chose the time when the bulk of the men were hunting and the village was left without defenders. The Eskimos, when going hunting, sometimes resorted to tricks: they placed heaps of stones as tall as a man in prominent places, dressed in parkas - to the scouts they were supposed to appear as sentries. It is often mentioned that the flotilla, when approaching an enemy settlement, was divided: the majority of it secretly moored the shore and was preparing to attack from the rear, while the smaller part loitered in sight of the settlement, diverting attention to itself. The landing could also take place at a distance from the enemy camp, so that the inhabitants would not immediately find out about it, and those who sailed could take a break from rowing.

If the war became protracted and hopeless for both sides, a truce was concluded, trade relations were gradually established - and although cases of Chukchi intercontinental banditry continued almost until late XIX centuries, but became less and less frequent; at the beginning of the twentieth century, in a conversation with Bogoraz, a Chukchi merchant described the situation as follows: “The wars are over. The time for peace has come. Everyone thinks only about profit, and all the tribes and peoples are mixed up.” On the Internet there is a mention that the last war between the Chukchi and the Eskimos took place back in 1947 and ended in victory for the Chukchi, but I could not find any mention of the original source of this information, so I could not find any details (what the border guards of both sides were doing at that time, how large-scale the shootout was what they were international consequences... and whether they existed at all, or whether it was just the Soviet Chukchi and the Soviet Eskimos who got into a drunken fight) I can’t say and I can’t vouch for the reliability of the fact itself either. UPD:

Schoolchildren can easily answer the question “Where do the Chukchi live?” In the Far East there is Chukotka or the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug. But if we complicate the question a little: “Where do the Chukchi and Eskimos live?”, difficulties arise. There is no region of the same name; we need to find a more serious approach and understand the national intricacies. Are there differences between the Chukchi, Eskimos and Koryaks? Of course there are. All these are different nationalities, once tribes, having common roots and inhabiting similar territories. The regions in Russia where the Chukchi or Luoravetlans live are concentrated in the north. These are the Republic of Sakha, Koryak Autonomous Okrug and Chukotka Autonomous Okrug. Since ancient times, their tribes inhabited the extreme regions Eastern Siberia. At first they were nomadic, but after the reindeer were tamed, they began to adapt a little to a sedentary lifestyle. They speak the Chukchi language, which has several dialects. The Luoravetlans or Chukchi (self-name) divided themselves into sea hunters living on the coast of the Arctic Ocean, and reindeer hunters of the tundra.

Some anthropologists classify the Eskimos as Mongoloid race of Arctic origin. This nation lives in the state of Alaska (USA), in the northern regions of Canada, on the island of Greenland (Denmark) and quite a few (1,500 people) in Chukotka. In each country, Eskimos speak their own language: Greenlandic, Alaskan Inuit, and Canadian Eskimo. All of them are divided into various dialects. Who are the Chukchi and Koryak? The Luoravetlans first pushed back the Eskimo tribes, and then separated territorially from the Koryaks. Today, the Koryaks (a common people with the Chukchi) constitute the indigenous population of the autonomous district of the same name in the Kamchatka region in Russia. In total there are about 7,000 people. The Koryak language belongs to the Chukchi-Kamchatka group. The first mentions of the Koryaks are found in documents of the 16th century. People are described, some of whom were engaged in reindeer herding, and others in marine fishing.

Appearance

Where do the Chukchi live and what do they look like? The answer to the first part of the question is formulated above. More recently, scientists have proven the genetic relationship of the Chukchi and Indians. Indeed, their appearance has a lot in common. The Chukchi belong to a mixed Mongoloid race. They are similar to the inhabitants of Mongolia, China, and Korea, but are somewhat different.

The eye shape of Luoravetlan men is more horizontal than slanting. The cheekbones are not as wide as those of the Yakuts, and the skin color has a bronze tint. Women of this nationality are more similar in appearance to Mongoloids: wide cheekbones, wide noses with large nostrils. The hair color of both sexes is black. Men cut their hair short, women braid two braids and decorate them with beads. Married women wear bangs. Luoravetlan winter clothes are two-layer, most often sewn from fawn fur. Summer clothing consists of capes or jackets made of deer suede.

Character traits

Drawing psychological picture of this nationality, note the main feature - excessive nervous excitability. Luoravetlan are easily disturbed from a state of spiritual balance; they are very hot-tempered. Against this background, they have a tendency towards murder or suicide. For example, a relative can easily respond to the request of a seriously ill family member and kill him so that he does not suffer in agony. This nation is extremely independent and original. In any dispute or struggle they show unprecedented persistence.

At the same time, these people are very hospitable and good-natured, naive. They selflessly come to the aid of their neighbors and everyone in need. They take the concept of marital fidelity very lightly. Wives are rarely jealous of their husbands.

Living conditions

Where the Chukchi live (pictured below), there is a short polar summer, and the rest of the time is winter. To refer to the weather, residents use only two expressions: “there is weather” or “there is no weather.” This designation is an indicator of the hunt, that is, whether it will be successful or not. From time immemorial, the Chukchi have continued their fishing traditions. They love seal meat very much. A happy hunter catches three in one go, then his family with children (usually 5-6 of them) will be fed for several days.

Places for yarang families are most often chosen surrounded by hills so that there is more calmness. It is very cold inside, although the dwelling is lined length and breadth with skins. Usually there is a small fire in the middle, surrounded by round boulders. There is a hanging cauldron of food on it. The wife takes care of the housework, butchering carcasses, cooking, and salting meat. There are children near her. Together they collect plants in season. The husband is the breadwinner. This way of life has been preserved for many centuries. Sometimes such indigenous families do not go to the villages for months. Some children don't even have a birth certificate. Parents then have to prove that this is their child.

Why is the Chukchi the hero of jokes?

There is an opinion that humorous stories Russians wrote about them out of fear and respect, a feeling of superiority over themselves. Since the 18th century, when Cossack troops moved across endless Siberia and met the Luoravetlan tribes, rumors began to circulate about a warlike nation that was very difficult to surpass in battle.

The Chukchi taught their sons fearlessness and dexterity from childhood, raising them in Spartan conditions. In the harsh terrain where the Chukchi live, the future hunter must be sensitive, be able to endure any discomfort, sleep standing up, and not be afraid of pain. Darling national struggle takes place on a spread slippery seal skin, along the perimeter of which sharply sharpened claws protrude.

Militant reindeer herders

The Koryak population, which before the Chukchi became part of the Russian Empire, fled from the battlefield if they saw at least several dozen Luoravetlans. Even in other countries there were tales about militant reindeer herders who are not afraid of arrows, dodge them, catch them and launch them at the enemy with their hands. Women and children who were captured killed themselves to avoid being enslaved.

In battle, the Chukchi were merciless, accurately killing the enemy with arrows, the tips of which were smeared with poison. The government began to warn the Cossacks not to engage in battles with the Chukchi. At the next stage, they decided to bribe, persuade, and then solder the population (more so in Soviet times). And at the end of the 18th century. A fortress was built near the Angarka River. Fairs were periodically organized near it to trade with reindeer herders in exchange. Luoravetlans were not allowed into their territory. Russian Cossacks have always been interested in where the Chukchi live and what they do.

Trade affairs

Reindeer herders paid tribute to the Russian Empire in the amount they could afford. Often she was not paid at all. With the beginning of peace negotiations and cooperation, the Russians brought syphilis to the Chukchi. They were now afraid of all representatives of the Caucasian race. For example, they did not have trade relations with the French and British simply because they were “white.” Business ties were established with Japan, a neighboring country. The Chukchi live where it is impossible to extract metal ores in the depths of the earth. Therefore, they actively bought protective armor, armor, other military uniforms and equipment, and metal products from the Japanese.

The Luoravetlans exchanged furs and other extracted goods for tobacco with the Americans. The skins of blue fox, marten, and whalebone were highly valued.

Chukchi today

Most of the Luoravetlans mixed with other nationalities. There are almost no purebred Chukchi left now. The “ineradicable people,” as they are often called, assimilated. At the same time, they preserve their occupation, culture, and way of life.

Many scientists are confident that the small indigenous ethnic group is threatened not by extinction, but by the social abyss in which they find themselves. Many children cannot read and write and do not go to school. The standard of living of the Luoravetlans is far from civilization, and they do not strive for it. The Chukchi live in harsh natural conditions and do not like having their own rules imposed on them. But when they find frozen Russians in the snow, they bring them to the yaranga. They say that they then put the guest under the skin along with his naked wife so that she can warm him up.