Collapse of Austria-Hungary. The crisis of the Austrian Empire and its transformation

Austria-Hungary at the beginning of the 20th century

Territory and population of Austria-Hungary. – Occupation of the population of the monarchy. - A country's economy. - Military industry. – Trade of Austria-Hungary. - Budget. – Austrian imperialism. – The internal situation of the monarchy is the struggle of nationalities. – Labor movement. - State system. - Bourgeoisie and bureaucracy. – The personality of Franz Joseph. – Franz Ferdinand: his character and views. – Foreign policy of Austria-Hungary. - Alliance with Germany. – Alliance and relations with Italy. – Balkan question. – Austria-Hungary and Russia. – Austria and Italy in the Balkans. – The hopeless situation of Austria-Hungary and its inevitable death.

“The fire of gunfire in Sarajevo, like lightning on a dark night, momentarily illuminated the path ahead. It became clear that a signal had been given for the collapse of the monarchy,” he writes figuratively in his memoirs former prime minister Austro-Hungarian monarchy Czernin.

The premonition did not deceive this diplomat, and the monarchy, as a state association, left the stage and retreated into the realm of history. A few more years will pass, and the memory of this once powerful monarchy will become increasingly erased, receding into the distance of centuries.

Future humanity, of course, has lost a little with the disappearance of this remnant of the dark Middle Ages and will hardly remember its former life with regret. We ourselves would not want to awaken thoughts about the former Habsburg monarchy in the memory of our contemporaries, if only it were not for the task we had set ourselves of studying the “brain of the army.” It is impossible, of course, to study the “brain” without touching on the corpse-empire of the Habsburgs, because the structure of this state was reflected in the army, and, consequently, on its “brain matter” - the general staff.

In hoary antiquity, the Habsburg monarchy was born, experienced a period of revival, the highest rise of its glory, and finally, by the middle of the 19th century, it began to lose its luster.

We are not going to write the history of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, but will get acquainted with its state at the beginning of the 20th century, and if we deviate into historical times, it will only be with the aim of clarifying this or that issue.

On an area of ​​675,887 sq. kilometers of the former Habsburg Empire lived a whole conglomerate of different nationalities. 47,000,000 Germans, Hungarians, Czechs, Slavs, Romanians and other nationalities were included in the course of history into one state association.

According to 1900 data, the population was distributed based on their native language, as indicated in Table No. 1.

In addition, of the 1,737,000 inhabitants of Bosnia and Herzegovina occupied in 1878, there were: 690,000 Serbs, 350,000 Croats, 8,200 Jews and 689,000 Mohammedans.

The data presented characterize the diverse composition of the population, which has been the case since ancient times. hallmark Austria-Hungary. The name “patchwork” monarchy could not have been more true to the former Habsburg empire.

It cannot be said that all “flaps” are of equal value. The monarchical principles of building a state on the banks of the Danube could not, of course. recognize the self-determination of each nationality. In the historical struggle for this self-determination, only the Hungarians managed to defend their independence and not only break out from under German oppression, but also follow in the footsteps of their oppressors. The rest of the nationalities were slaves of these two carriers of the cultures of Austria-Hungary.

Table No. 1

The “Industrial Revolution”, which marked the beginning of the formation of a new capitalist society in the countries of the 18th century Western Europe, slowly penetrated the life of Austria-Hungary. It retained its agrarian character for a long time, preferring to receive industrial products from outside rather than develop their production at home. However, industry nevertheless powerfully invaded the conservative society of Austria-Hungary and, although slowly, won more and more space for itself.

By occupation, according to table No. 2, per 10,000 inhabitants were employed in 1900:

The table below, without unnecessary commentary, characterizes the economy of Austria-Hungary. As you can see, industry was more developed in the Austrian half of the state. Large-scale factory production developed mainly in Lower Austria, Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia and Voralberg, in areas that were deprived of salt, oil and fuel. Iron production was concentrated in Lower and Upper Austria, Styria, Carinthia, Carinthia, Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia; mechanical engineering is predominantly in Vienna, Wiener Neustadt, Prague, Brunn and Trieste. In Hungary, the industry is less developed, however, and here its products gradually began to meet the needs of the local market.

Mining in both Austria and Hungary gradually developed, fully providing the industry with raw materials and fuel. However, the distribution of mountain resources, especially fuel, did not correspond to the industrial centers and therefore it was difficult to supply the latter with fuel material.

Agriculture and cattle breeding were developed mainly in Hungary, and this half of the monarchy was its breadbasket. Although the Austrian lands strongly developed agriculture, they still could not manage in food products without the help of Hungary or imports from abroad, and Russia and Romania were not the last suppliers of grain for Austria-Hungary. As for the purely military industry, in Austria-Hungary, as it developed, it gradually fell under the rule of German and then British capital.

Table No. 2

The largest military-industrial enterprise in Austria was the Skoda plant in Pilsen (in Moravia). Founded in 1869 as a steelworks, and remaining a purely commercial enterprise until 1886, the Skoda plant began its military production with armor plates for land fortifications, and then in 1888 produced its first howitzer installation for 5.9" mortars and took out a patent for a new machine gun.

In 1889, Skoda began producing field and other artillery for the Austro-Hungarian army, and in 1896, having built new cannon workshops, began producing naval artillery. In 1900, the Skoda company was transformed into a joint-stock company with the help of the Credit Institution and the Bohemian Accounting Bank.

In 1903, the previously maintained connection with Krupn was consolidated by the exchange of patents, and Skoda actually became a branch of Krupn, supplying steel with it to our Putilov plant.

In 1908, Skoda already supplied guns for Spanish warships, and in 1912, together with the Hartenberg Cartridge Company and the Austrian Arms Factory, it received an order from China for artillery and hand weapons, in return for a loan arranged for it by Viennese bankers. The Skoda company is becoming as ubiquitous as Krupp himself.

In 1909, after the Bosnian crisis, the Pilsen plant was significantly expanded and received government orders in the amount of 7,000,000 crowns with a delivery date of 1914. In 1912, the gun and machine shops were again expanded, and the following year the company entered into an agreement with the Hungarian government to build a large gun factory in Giora, in which the Hungarian treasury was to invest 7 million. CZK, and the company - 6 million. CZK

Closely associated with the Austrian Daimler Motor Society, in 1913 the Skoda company began installing its heavy howitzers (28 centimeters) on Daimler cars.

Another major Austrian military industrial enterprise was the Vitkovica Coal and Iron Company in Moravia, which produced armor, gun barrels, shells, armored domes and gun mounts. The company was part of the Nickel Syndicate of Steel Workers, a joint stock company with its headquarters at Vickers House, Westminster.

The third large company is the Austrian arms factory in Steyer, headed by Mannlicher. The factory supplied the Austro-Hungarian army with a rifle of this name. The factory was founded in 1830, and its rifle was adopted in 1867. In 1869, a joint stock company was formed, and in 1878 the productivity of the Steyer plant had already reached 500,000 rifles per year, and it employed over 3,000 people. The plant was also part of an association with the “German Arms and Projectile Factory” and “Br. Boller and Co."

In Prague there was a dynamite plant from the Nobel association, which had widely spread its bonds in European countries.

Finally, Armstrong and Vickers had a torpedo factory in Fiume.

There are no words that the industry of Austria-Hungary could not enter into any competition with world powers, but, in any case, its development moved rapidly forward. Using its own capital, syndicating with foreign capital, the heavy industry of the Habsburg monarchy rose to its feet every year, and, if only for difficulties in domestic politics, the development of industry would have been faster than it actually turned out to be.

From what has been said about the development of industry, it is clear that in Austria-Hungary, on the one hand, a class of large capitalists was formed, and on the other, the proletariat was growing.

As for trade, Austria-Hungary, according to 1912 data, traded only 5,600 million on a global scale. stamps, accounting for 3.3% of all world trade. The greatest exchange of goods took place with Germany, England, Italy, the United States of America and then with the Balkan states (Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece). It should be noted that trade with the latter encountered resistance from Hungarian farmers, who saw the development of trade with foreign countries as undermining their own well-being. Special prohibitive and high duties were introduced, which, on the one hand, helped the development of Hungarian agriculture, but, on the other, increased the cost of products, often creating crises and making Austria dependent on Hungary, not to mention the bitterness against the Danube monarchy that was created in neighboring Slavic countries.

The budget of Austria-Hungary was formed from four budgets: imperial, Austrian, Hungarian and Bosnian. The empire-wide budget was intended mainly to maintain the empire-wide army, empire-wide government institutions and to cover expenses associated with the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the constitution, Austria and Hungary paid certain debts to the imperial budget, and Austria's contribution significantly exceeded the Hungarian one. Compared to other European powers, the budget of Austria-Hungary in millions of francs, as shown in table No. 3, was as follows:

Table No. 3

Thus, only Italy had a budget smaller than Austria-Hungary, while other powers overtook the former Habsburg Empire.

The growth of the budget did not correspond to the development of the productive forces of Austria-Hungary, as a result of which the public debt increased every year and in 1911 was expressed in the amount of 18,485,000 crowns, which amounted to 359 crowns per inhabitant. In terms of the severity of public debt, however, Austria-Hungary was overtaken this year by France, Italy, and Germany, and only in England and Russia the population was less burdened with debt. However, if we consider that every Frenchman and German had a greater income than a subject of Austria-Hungary, it becomes clear that the Habsburg Empire boosted the strength of its population. We will not reveal what the reasons were for this for now, since we will return to this issue even further.

We have no right to make further searches in the field of economic statistics, since this would evade our task. We need what has been stated as a basis for further judgments about the Danube Empire.

The diverse composition of its population and the slow development of productive forces indicate that this state could not cope with the imperialism of its European neighbors. If we can talk about Austrian imperialism, then only as a system with too limited dreams and goals, far from capturing those colonies, the struggle for which was waged by the other great European powers, and in particular by the allies - Germany and even Italy.

Austrian imperialism, as such, scattered its networks only in the nearby Balkans and its extreme aspiration was access to the Aegean Sea, and then attempts to gain harbors in Asia Minor. The Austrian imperialists never dreamed of anything more. Despite the fact that the Austrian industry was finding its feet more and more firmly every year, its representatives turned out to be not only interested in the broad expansion of their German allies, but also afraid of it; they were satisfied with their local market. Thus, representatives of the Austrian iron industry turned out to be very interested in their domestic market, since prices for iron and steel in Austria are 100 percent higher than in Germany. The Hungarian farmers were not only afraid of German dominance, but also sought to limit the import of agricultural and livestock products from neighboring Romania and Serbia. If the Austro-Hungarian capitalists are ready to follow their German brothers, realizing that they will get only a minor share in this, it is only because that there is no other way out, that they too are getting some profits from the expansive policies of their ally.

Thus, if the internal market was still free, if there was still a lot of income at home for the capitalists of the Danube Empire, i.e. in other words, if there were no incentives for an aggressive policy outside the country, then it would seem that the Habsburg Empire should be the “promised” country of the world, and not the burning torch that lit the world fire, which it turned out to be in reality.

The active policy of Austria-Hungary had something else behind it: “a dynastically forced conglomerate of centrifugal national fragments” - Austria-Hungary was “the most reactionary entity in the center of Europe.” Surrounded by related nationalities that were part of the empire, Austria-Hungary, in order to save its unity, in its foreign policy preferred the path it had chosen to enslave neighboring small states, but could not agree to its disintegration. This is where so-called Austrian imperialism is expressed. The Argonauts from the banks of the Danube embarked on military expeditions not in search of the Golden Fleece in distant countries, but to round off their borders, to include in their composition those independent nationalities whose presence confused the loyal subjects of the Habsburgs, disturbing the peace of the latter.

He was no longer at home - within the state, and thus, for Austria-Hungary, foreign policy turned out to be very closely and directly connected with domestic policy.

In view of the above, we consider ourselves obliged to take a look at the internal balance of forces in the Danube Empire.

The once blissful and calm times for the Habsburg dynasty, which expanded its possessions on both banks of the Danube by marriage, had passed by the middle of the 19th century, and “my peoples,” as Franz Joseph called the conglomerate of his subjects, began to move. The marriage bond ceased to have its magical effect, and in 1848 the Hungarian revolution broke out with the idea of ​​national self-determination. Suppressed with the help of the Russians, Hungary did not calm down in its struggle, and by 1867 it achieved independence.

According to the constitution of this year, on the banks of the Danube, instead of the former Austria, there was a dualistic (double) Austria-Hungary, with a special Hungarian parliament, and then an army. Having won, Hungary did not stop in its demands, and the following years, right up to the World War, were filled with internal parliamentary struggle. In other years, this struggle took on a fierce character on all fronts - political, domestic, economic, etc. In a word, the Hungarians did not stop their struggle for independence for a single day until 1918, when the actual separation of Hungary as an independent states.

The defeated bearers of the Austrian idea - the Germans - saw their salvation only in reunification with a strong Germany. Once a strong stronghold for the Habsburg dynasty, the once dominant tribe in the state, its backbone, has now degenerated into the Austrian irredenta. Instead of a cohesive force, the Germans were a centrifugal force, held only by Germany itself, which considered it more profitable to have the Austro-Hungarian monarchy as a whole rather than to include an extra 10,000,000 same-tribe eaters. The expansion of the clerical south of Germany into the arch-clerical Austrian Germans would weaken the position of the Protestant north in the German union and, finally, from an economic point of view it was more profitable for the Spree Germans to have a good customs union with the Danube Germans than to see them as competitors within Germany itself.

This was the situation in which the two dominant nationalities in Austria-Hungary found themselves. The remaining nationalities were divided between them. However, such a division was not very pleasant for those deprived of the right to national self-determination. The struggle for autonomy with the announcement of the 1867 constitution began in both halves of the state. In Austria, the Czechs fought the Germans, the Poles fought the Ruthenians, and the Italians sought to join Italy.

In Hungary there was a long and stubborn struggle between the Hungarians and the Croats, Slovaks, Serbs, and Romanians.

Finally, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, occupied in 1878, there was obvious dissatisfaction among the Serbs with the occupier regime and a desire for an independent Serbia.

In a word, centrifugal national trends every year, as the productive forces developed on the territory of the oppressed peoples, they developed stronger and stronger, creating difficulties in the state and threatening to one way or another result in an armed conflict with the dynasty.

The internal situation of Austria-Hungary was fraught with great dangers, which was no secret to any sensible statesman of the Danube Empire.

They only thought differently about the ways to improve: some saw the need to transform the state through internal reforms, as was done in Germany, others, relying on the experience of the same Germany, sought to create a state with boundaries that would include all independent tribal states into a single connection - the Danube Empire of the Habsburgs. Representatives of the second trend were the Austrian imperialists mentioned above.

“Calming” the monarchy through internal reforms was understood in the sense of declaring autonomy for individual nationalities with the simultaneous grouping of them into large related associations. Thus, dualism was replaced by trialism, i.e. unification of Austria, Hungary and Slovakia from Slavic tribes. However, such a division met resistance among the Germans and Hungarians, who were afraid to let go of the warded Slavs from their hands. Thus, the Hungarian Prime Minister Tissa did not allow anyone to touch “my Serbs,” as he put it, thereby emphasizing the rights of the Hungarian crown to the lands that were part of its lands Slavic peoples. Finally, it was generally difficult to reconcile the Slavs themselves among themselves, not to mention the Romanians and Italians, whose fate even with the new division of the state promised their former dependence on one or another foreign ruler.

The paths of the statesmen from the banks of the Danube of the second group followed the outer lines, and therefore we will leave them for now.

Approaching the history of Europe in the 19th and 20th centuries, we are obliged to illuminate the situation of that driving force, which in all states at the beginning of the 20th century came to the fore - this is the labor movement.

With the development of industry in Austria-Hungary, the working class grew, Social Democracy grew, and became more and more drawn into the internal struggle that was bubbling in the state. However, instead of leading the working class along the path of revolutionary internationalism, Austro-Hungarian social democracy threw it into the arms of bourgeois nationalism, which was burning with struggle, and itself entered into this struggle for the interests of nationalities.

However, despite all the struggle that individual nationalities waged in Austria-Hungary, the latter, as a state association, continued to exist. It was clear that her life's path was being shortened every day, but this required blows from the outside on the flabby body of the Danube Empire, while inside everything so far resulted in a fierce parliamentary struggle, sometimes accompanied by barricades and gunfire in large populated areas of the state.

According to the constitution of 1867, both halves of the state (Austria and Hungary) had their own independent representative institutions, their own independent ministries and their own armies. Bosnia and Herzegovina also had its own independent Sejm. Each of the “halves” allocated delegations that alternately held meetings in Vienna or Budapest, resolving general imperial issues.

The army and the ministries of foreign affairs and finance, supported by the general imperial budget, were recognized as imperial institutions.

At the head of the entire state machine was Franz Joseph, who was, to some extent, the connecting force that for the time being did not allow the mechanism of the empire to go into eternal rest.

As it should be for any bourgeois constitution, in the Austrian constitution there was “paragraph 14”, which gave the right to the supreme power to carry out certain measures in the direction it desired.

National separatism incited hatred not only among the masses, but also penetrated into the upper bourgeois classes of the monarchy. True, a kind of international circle of the ruling court clique was formed around the court, so to speak, but the same centrifugal national federalist aspirations dominated in it. No matter how bourgeois and high in his nobility and origin the Hungarian dignitary of the Danube Empire was, he remained a Hungarian first and foremost. Likewise, other nationalities treated this or that general imperial minister of a certain nationality with suspicion, often seeing in the minister’s projects a derogation of the rights and interests of their nation.

But no matter how the disagreements at the top of the bourgeoisie increased, it, however, still stood firmly on its feet. The presence of a large number of large landowners in Hungary and Galicia, the formation of a circle of large industrialists, the development of banks, etc., replenished the ranks of the big bourgeoisie, which saw the preservation of the monarchy as the only ways for their development.

Following this big bourgeoisie came that huge army of officials, which was a characteristic feature of the former Habsburg monarchy. This army of bureaucrats, living at the expense of the state, was three times larger than the entire military forces of Austria-Hungary, and according to Krauss’ calculations in his book “The Reasons for Our Defeats”: “every fifth or sixth person was an official. Half of Austria’s income went to support officials, who saw the army as the most dangerous enemy for their existence.” Wherever possible, this bureaucratic army went against the armed forces of the empire, proving the severity of the costs associated with maintaining an army.

There is not much to say about the total population. Her material well-being was far from satisfactory. True, in areas in which industry developed, such as in Bohemia and Moravia, the situation of the population improved, but still not enough. The reasons for the unsatisfactory financial situation of the masses were considered to be the bonds that the Constitution of 1867 imposed on national self-determination, those constraints within which it was impossible to talk about any rapid development of the country's productive forces.

As always happens in such cases, looking for a way out of the emerging situation within the state, the eyes of many, and above all Franz Joseph himself, were looking for a supernatural personality, a statesman who would save the collapsing empire.

“My misfortune is that I cannot find a statesman,” said Franz Joseph.

But the misfortune, according to Krauss, lay not in the lack of such statesmen, but, first of all, in the nature of Franz Joseph himself, who did not tolerate independent persons, people with an open look and their own opinion, people who knew their worth and behaved with dignity. Such personalities were not suitable for the Austrian court. Only “lackey natures” enjoyed love in him, as Krauss testifies.

Speaking about Austria-Hungary, one cannot ignore the personality of Franz Joseph, who to some extent served as the cement for this state unification. Despite the national struggle that was going on in the country, the personality of this elderly representative of the Habsburg dynasty enjoyed a certain popularity among the population. The latter was not in the merits of Franz Joseph, but rather in the habit of him, in the assessment of him as an existing factor of historical necessity.

The foregoing may lead to the conclusion that Franz Joseph had little influence on the course of affairs in the Danube Empire. However, it is not. Throughout his long tenure as head of state, Franz Joseph did not let go of the steering wheel of the state machine. True, external and internal storms more than once threatened to tear this instrument of control out of his hands, but he stubbornly held on to it, swimming either against or with the flow.

In a severe internal crisis after the just ended Hungarian Revolution of 1848, having ascended the Habsburg throne as a young man, Franz Joseph immediately plunged into a life full of anxiety and danger.

Having seen a period of absolutism in the state, Franz Joseph from the very first steps had to experience the collapse of it (absolutism) and the transformation of the country into a constitutional state. Life forced us to adapt to new forms; Franz Joseph did not shy away from them and took a new path as much as inexorable circumstances required. Having recognized the victory of the Hungarians and become a dualist monarch in 1867, Franz Joseph was far from any transition to other forms of government. The Constitution of 1867 was his last concession. Faithful to her, the penultimate Habsburg could not come to terms with any further autonomy of nationalities other than the Hungarians: the idea of ​​trialism was alien to Franz Joseph.

Remaining faithful to the monarchical behests of his ancestors, Franz Joseph with each year of his reign moved further and further away from the life that was developing in Europe. Major steps of imperialism, social movement- all this was not for the high-power monarch on the Danube. "His people" were to think of their true master with a feeling of respect and devotion; who, in turn, should not violate monarchical etiquette and go “to the people,” as his ally Wilhelm tried to do. Conservative etiquette was transferred from everyday life to the management of public affairs. Here, too, etiquette had to be observed: everyone could speak only within the circle of their activities, but no more.

As a man with a far from strong nature, with a conservative way of thinking, Franz Joseph, however, did not overestimate his strength and did not shy away from the energetic people who fought for him during the war. internal affairs states. There was one thing he could not forgive such people - violations of court etiquette and loyalty to the Habsburg dynasty. Upon fulfilling these requirements of the monarch, independent and with strong will statesmen could pursue their policies without fear of losing the trust of the elderly Habsburg.

A conservative by conviction, Franz Joseph remained so in his relations with people. The person who received his trust did not quickly leave his high government post, even if he fulfilled his purpose. On the contrary, people who were in some way antipathetic to the emperor, despite all their virtues and qualities, could not count on successful government activities.

Thus, we must make some amendment to Krauss’ testimony in the sense that if “servantry” was recognized by Franz Joseph as a form of expression of loyalty, then only as a form, but in essence, within the framework defined for each official , they were allowed to freely express their thoughts and defend the positions put forward.

A German by birth, Franz Joseph remained one in the foreign policy of the state, despite a number of defeats in the war with Prussia and other German states. The external blows that befell Austria in the first period of Franz Joseph's life forced him to some extent to lose faith in the military power of the Danube Empire. The impending global carnage seemed to suppress him: in this war the monarchy was supposed to disappear, and Franz Joseph stubbornly rejected any actions that could lead to disaster. A bet on “peace” was more desirable for the modern Abdul Hamid than saber-rattling; skillful diplomatic victories were more seductive in their bloodlessness than the deceptive and risky course of military happiness. And if Austria was the instigator of the world war, then we must not forget that the Sarajevo action was directed against the Habsburgs, in whose defense Franz Joseph was even ready to draw his sword, although he did not have particularly unclear feelings for his future successor.

The latter, in the person of Franz Ferdinand, had been part of the government for several years, promising in the future to bring about a change in the internal life of Austria and its external situation.

Distinguished by their nervous nature, embittered at the court from childhood and standing at the head of the administration statesmen, especially the Hungarians, who often bullied the future ruler of the state, Franz Ferdinand had an unbalanced temperament. Sometimes cheerful and lively, and often harsh in his dealings with others, the heir to the throne from his childhood became isolated first within himself and then within his family circle.

Alien to any attempt to seek popularity, who despised humanity too much to value or take into account its opinion, Franz Ferdinand instilled horror and fear in the ministers and other persons involved in governing the state who came to him with reports. An irritable, intemperate cleric, Franz Ferdinand especially despised all the servility that was characteristic of the Austro-Hungarian state machine. However, with people who were not lost and firmly defended their opinions, Franz Ferdinand became different and willingly listened to them.

The future promised a stern ruler for Austria, if history itself had not turned the wheel in the other direction and the “greatest convulsion” had not swept away not only Franz Ferdinand, but also Austria-Hungary as a state unification.

Having experienced the brunt of the Hungarian harassment, not seeing salvation for the Danubian monarchy in the system of dualism, Franz Ferdinand sought it in a radical transformation of the state on the principles of federalism.

His attitude towards the Hungarian half resulted in one phrase: “They (Hungarians) are antipathetic to me, if only because of the language,” said Franz Ferdinand, despairing of trying to learn the Hungarian language. Personal antipathies towards the Hungarian magnates, learned from childhood, were transferred by Franz Ferdinand to the entire Hungarian people. Possessing a political sense, he understood all the harm that was brought with it not only by Hungarian separatism, but, mainly, by the policy of Slavic oppression, stubbornly pursued by the Magyars.

This naturally resulted in the Archduke’s constant desire to help the Romanians, Croats, Slovaks and other nationalities free themselves from Hungarian dominance.

This policy of Franz Ferdinand in the Hungarian question did not remain a secret for Hungary, which paid the same coin of malice and hatred to the descendant of the Habsburgs.

The policy of federalism of Franz Ferdinand did not meet with sympathy, first of all, in Franz Joseph himself, as mentioned above, frozen within the framework of the constitution of 1867. How different views on domestic policy, and personal relationships separated these two representatives of the House of Habsburg from each other. If, in the opinion of the heir, he meant to the emperor “no more than the last lackey in Schönbrunn,” then on the other hand, Franz Joseph also definitely revealed his point of view on all the innovations of his nephew. “As long as I rule, I will not allow anyone to interfere,” the old emperor summed up all the arguments about any reorganization of the state. The created alienation between relatives was further deepened by helpful people, of whom, of course, there was no shortage in the bureaucratic machine of Austria.

Despite the sharp rebuff of his uncle, the nephew did not think of giving up his positions and moving away from governing the country. “Someday I will have to answer for the mistakes I have made now,” said Franz Ferdinand, considering it his duty to delve into public life everywhere. Thus, two control centers were created, two supreme authorities - the present and the future, which often found themselves at opposite poles, between which the delicate bureaucrats of the country's state machine had to maneuver. The latter, already in need of major repairs, creaked even more from all these frictions, slowed down even more, threatening final breakdown. Franz Ferdinand's foreign policy, both domestically and abroad, was associated with the idea of ​​militarism of the Danube Monarchy. The heir to the throne was considered the leader of the military party of Austria. There are no words that the so-called Austrian imperialism was not alien to him; in his dreams, the Archduke found himself again the owner of Venice and other regions of former Austrian Italy. Perhaps his dreams would have carried him even further, if not for the realization that without correcting the internal life of Austria-Hungary itself, without creating a strong army, it was too early to think about an active foreign policy. Behind his back, hiding behind his name, a military party really worked, fanning the torch of war more and more every year, but Franz Ferdinand himself. If he was not a stranger to aggressiveness, then for the time being he considered it necessary to limit it.

Recognizing in foreign policy the preservation of the independence of a dual empire as a necessary condition, Franz Ferdinand sought to limit its alliances only to those that led to the specified goal. Alien both within the state and in foreign policy to the pan-German idea, he sought to peacefully eliminate the clashes between Austria and Russia in the Balkans, considering the ideal of a union of Germany, Austria and Russia. It should be noted that often personal antipathies, often based on family relations to one or another court of a foreign state, invaded foreign policy in the minds of Franz Ferdinand. Wilhelm II found himself in the closest relationship with the Archduke, apparently hoping to subsequently find an obedient vassal in Franz Ferdinand. It is difficult to predict the future, but it is unlikely that the heir to the Austrian throne, having found himself on the last one, would blindly follow his ruler from the banks of the Spree.

It was already said above that for Austria-Hungary, foreign policy turned out to be very closely and directly connected with domestic policy. Indeed, the latter contained all the guiding lines for foreign policy.

In the middle of the 19th century in the west and center of Europe, Austria's foreign policy received blow after blow, the consequences of which were the loss of Italy and the transfer of hegemony in the union German states Prussia.

Austria now found itself face to face with two new states: a united Italy and the North German Confederation.

Most of the possessions of Austria and northern Italy became part of the new Italian kingdom and only minor areas inhabited by Italians remained within Austria. The hope of regaining what was lost did not leave Franz Josef's politicians, and 1866 seemed favorable for this, if not for the decisive defeat on the fields of Kennigrätz. Italy was saved by the force of Prussian arms and retained its 1859 gains.

Not daring to enter the war of 1870 on the side of France, kept from doing so by the hostile position of Russia, Austria missed a favorable opportunity to settle accounts with two of its former enemies - Italy and Prussia. From now on, her policy took a new path of rapprochement with these two states.

Having concluded an alliance with Germany in 1879, Austria became part of the Triple Alliance in 1882 with the annexation of Italy.

Planning to use “blood and iron” to achieve the unification of Germany under the hegemony of Prussia, its future chancellor Bismarck saw Austria as a dangerous enemy in the south. Having brought the matter to a resolution with his armed hand in 1866, Bismarck won a victory, but... did not want to completely finish off the Danube Empire. He needed her for the future. Having eliminated the immediate danger in the person of Austria, Bismarck still considered it as an enemy who could seek revenge. It was necessary to give new guiding lines to Austria's policy, which would distract it from the West, and by the way, would also contribute to the same in relation to Russia.

The victor at Kennigrätz, shortly after the conclusion of peace, quite transparently hinted to Austrian diplomacy about the possibility of finding consolation for the lost Italian regions and for the defeat at Kennigrätz on the Balkan Peninsula. This is where the future of Austria was, according to Bismarck, and what Franz Joseph's diplomacy liked. Needless to say, with this move Bismarck achieved another benefit, namely: by turning Austria to face Constantinople, he turned Russia there too, similarly distracting it from Western affairs. From now on, Austria, strong Austria, had to provide serious services to German diplomacy.

In 1872, during a meeting between the Austrian and German emperors, the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was already decided, and in 1879, after Berlin Congress, when Russia significantly cooled in its sympathies towards Germany, an agreement was signed between both German states that bound these states.

On the basis of this agreement they developed to last days relations between Germany and Austria. True, in his policy of national unification, Bismarck for a long time did not dare to break with Russia. leading double play between Vienna and St. Petersburg. However, Bismarck did not at all want to sacrifice Austria because of the beautiful eyes of Russia, and the alliance concluded in 1879, which soon turned into a triple one, retained its strength and vitality. Drawn into Balkan politics, Austria also now needed the assistance of a strong Germany, and no matter how unfaithful the alliance with her was at times, no matter how vivid the memories of the wounds of 1866 were, no matter how clear the role of an assistant in this alliance was for Austria, she still but now she considered it essential for herself.

With Germany's transition to an imperialist policy, in which Austria had relatively little interest, the allies became disillusioned with each other. For Germany, Austria was needed as a vanguard for its penetration to the east - into Asia Minor, as a counterbalance to Russian policy in the Balkans, and for Austria, an alliance with Germany provided the support that was needed in the same Balkan policy, the path which Austria had already embarked on for a long time. Despite the fact that sometimes, with the development of trade relations between Germany and the Balkan states, their interests significantly collided with the trade interests of Austria, the union continued to exist as before. If its strength was in doubt on any side, then it was Austria, while the other side, given the existing political situation, was confident in its Danube ally. Indeed, despite the attempts of the English king Edward VII to make a breach in the alliance and snatch Austria from the embrace of Germany, Franz Joseph remained faithful to the 1879 treaty and rejected offers of diplomacy.

Having linked its fate with Germany, Austria-Hungary entered into imperialist politics with it. Western states Europe, if not actively participating in it, then as an ally of Germany, ready to support it on the path of a future armed conflict. Austria's relations with France and England were built, on the one hand, on the settlement of the Balkan issue, and on the other, on supporting Germany in its world politics.

Since 1882, having found itself in an alliance with Italy, its former enemy, Austria-Hungary had more points of contact with it than with the rest of Western European states.

The wars of 1859 and 1866, as noted above, did not allow the national unification of the Italians, and a significant number of Italian speakers remained in Austria with a passionate desire to be together with their fellow tribesmen. This is how the Italian irredenta was created.

Already at the Berlin Congress in 1878, Italy sought to obtain Trient for the cession of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Austria, but Italian diplomacy had to postpone the dream of this for many years, limiting itself for now to hopes of acquiring Tunisia, supported in this by favorable assurances from England. However, Tunisia was already attracting the stronger France, which also secured the consent of England and Germany.

The domain of the “sick man,” as Türkiye has long been recognized; after the Berlin Congress they were subject to further division and seizure by the main states of Europe.

In 1881, Tunisia was ceded to France, and “offended Italy found it necessary in its policy to rely on Central European states, joining the Triple Alliance in 1882, which at that time seemed to have no special claims, except in the Balkans, on African possessions of the Sultan and, thus, would not pose any special obstacles to the Roman government in its African adventures.

The strained relations between Italy and France were entirely consistent with both Bismarck’s views and England’s, which saw a resurgent Italy good companion against the same France.

Italian irredenta, despite Italy's entry into Triple Alliance in 1882, served as a great obstacle in the relations of the new allies - Austria and Italy. True, at this time the attention of Italian diplomacy was diverted by other goals - the policy of national unification was replaced by an imperialist policy - and the Italians had to not miss the division of Turkey's African possessions.

In 1877, the Austrian Prime Minister Andrassy, ​​discussing with the Italian Prime Minister Christie the reasons for the conflicts arising between these states, put forward the aspirations of the Italian irredentists as one of them and remarked: “it’s amazing how these people don’t understand what they don’t do with the help of grammar.” politics", i.e. that modern politics is in fact not at all determined by the desire for national unification alone, in other words, the point is not to use one grammar.

Agreeing with this point of view, Christie, for his part, pointed out: “we were revolutionaries to create Italy, we became conservatives to preserve it.” By the word “conservative,” Christie meant a supporter of imperialist policies, the path of which Italy had already entered upon, dreaming of taking over Tunisia.

Thus, for the time being, Italian irredentism lost its edge; the Italian government wanted to use Austria as its ally.

Until the end of the 90s, Italy turned its front to France, and diplomatic conflicts constantly occurred in the relations between these states, which even entailed a customs war. Since the beginning of the rapprochement between England and France, Italian policy also changed its course: relations between Italy and France began to improve again, ending with the Italo-French treaty secretly concluded in 1901, according to which France was given freedom of action in Morocco, and Italy in Tripoli.

From this year, Italian policy took an active character against Turkey, and after it against Austria, as interested in affairs on the Balkan Peninsula. The inevitable consequence of the beginning of the fall of Italy from the Triple Alliance was the development of Italian irredentism in the western regions of Austria and the preparation of Italy for a possible armed conflict with the Habsburg monarchy.

Another focus of Italy's struggle with Austria-Hungary was the Balkans, and with them the Adriatic Sea, dominance of which was one of the important goals of Italian policy.

In the Balkans, the interests of Austria, Russia and Italy, as well as other European states, intersected.

As is known, Austria and Russia have been guarding each other in Balkan politics since the 18th century: every step forward by one caused a reciprocal movement by the other.

Under Nicholas I, the idea of ​​dividing the inheritance of a “sick man,” as Turkey was then recognized, was sharpened more and more sharply, ending with the Crimean War.

By 1876, the Balkan issue had become acute again. It was noted above that since 1866, Austria, which had turned its front to the Balkans, henceforth considered its Balkan policy the most important in its external relations with neighboring states. From now on, Austrian diplomats watched with jealous eyes every step of Russia on this peninsula.

In 1875, the Slavic movement in the Balkans flared up again, resulting in a series of uprisings in Bosnia and Herzegovina against Mohammedan landowners led by Catholic priests, not without support, of course, from Austria and even Germany. The Austrian government spoke before the “concert” European countries with the reform project. But the “concert” itself failed, and meanwhile the idea of ​​​​the division of Turkey became sharp again. In the summer of 1876, Alexander II went to Vienna for personal negotiations, which resulted in a written agreement on the formation of independent Slavic states in the Balkans; on compensation for Russia by Bessarabia and in Asia, and Austria was given the right to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Austria-Hungary Question 1.93 In the city of Vienna, concerts of the violinist and composer Niccolo Paganini were held in triumph. But one day the famous Italian virtuoso postponed his concert because he had a dangerous rival who attracted the attention of the public. Who, let me

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The internal political situation of the Habsburg Empire continued to remain tense. Austria-Hungary entered the First World War in a state of chronic political crisis.

While Austria-Hungary was on the verge of collapse, numerous political parties and factions continued to argue over the division of the mythical spoils of war.

Thus, at the beginning of September 1918, an official communiqué reported that the Hungarian government agreed to support the Habsburg claims to the Polish crown only if Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had been under the joint control of the Austrian and Hungarian governments since 1908, fully became part of Hungary .

A general strike began in Salzburg at the end of September. The Pravda editorial described the course of events as follows: “There is a general strike in Salzburg. Even minor officials are on strike. Crowds of workers storm the town hall, and the government pulls up troops from all sides. The shops were taken by the crowd in battle. The gendarmerie attacked, but this attack was repulsed. The city is surrounded by machine guns."

Throughout September, Hussarek made repeated attempts to reconstruct the cabinet and form a government based on a coalition with representatives of parliamentary parties of national minorities. Attempts to include representatives of the Czechs, South Slavs, and Ukrainians in the government, as well as to appoint the Austrian Social Democrat Tandler as minister, continued until mid-October. All these attempts had no chance of success. National deputies did not agree to the creation of a coalition government - top combinations were impossible in the conditions of the growing national liberation movement that unfolded among the people of Austria-Hungary.

The military situation of the Austrian armies was hopeless. The actions of Russian troops, who dealt crushing blows to the Austro-Hungarian army in Galicia and Bukovina at the beginning of the World War, prepared the outcome of the war and predetermined the defeat of Austria-Hungary.

The partisan war in Ukraine against the Austro-German occupiers throughout 1918 led to the disintegration of the occupation forces and further weakened Austria-Hungary.

In the fall of 1918, it became clear that it was impossible for Austria-Hungary, as well as for Germany itself, to continue the war. The breakthrough of the Macedonian front and the conclusion of the Thessaloniki Armistice by the Bulgarian government in September 1918 finally made the military situation of Austria-Hungary critical, creating the threat of a new front of Entente military action against Austria-Hungary on the Danube.

The Austro-Hungarian units on the Italian front had hopelessly lost their combat effectiveness. Hungry, naked, poorly armed soldiers were in no condition to fight, and no repression by the military command could force them to continue the war. The front was falling apart. The front-line roads were clogged with soldiers, alone and in groups, going home. There were no left-wing social democratic political organizations in the military units located on the Italian front.

The discontent of the soldiers was so strong that soldiers' councils began to emerge in the army.

Representatives of all nationalities opposed the reactionary Habsburg regime. By the fall of 1918, a wave of major strikes swept across Austria-Hungary. The workers demanded an immediate end to the war. These were no ordinary strikes in the name of economic demands. It was about the struggle against the Austro-Hungarian Empire, against the power of the Habsburgs, for national independence.

At the same time, there was a rapid development of mass national liberation movements.

Throughout October 1918, political demonstrations took place throughout the country, developing into national uprisings against the rule of the Habsburgs. The main demand was the immediate implementation of complete independence of the oppressed nations and the creation of sovereign national states.

Mass protests by the peasantry broke out everywhere. The peasants burned the landowners' estates, in many cases began to divide the landowners' land, and expelled the Habsburg administration from the villages. The national liberation struggle was closely intertwined with the peasants’ struggle for land.

Describing the situation that had developed in Austria by the beginning of October, the editorial of Pravda stated: “In Austria itself everyone is in a state of white heat.”

At this time, Hussarek's government made a hopeless attempt to reach a compromise. At a meeting of the Reichstag on October 1, 1918, Hussarek proposed government reforms with the aim of transforming Austria-Hungary into a federal state.

The Social Democratic Party submitted a program proposal to the Chamber of Deputies, which was supposed to become the basis for peace negotiations between the government and the Entente.

The proposals of the Social Democratic deputies in the Reichsrat stated: “The Austro-Hungarian government declares its readiness to reconsider the relationship between nations and the state on the basis of freedom and self-government of all peoples. To this end, the government will first of all submit to legislative institutions a proposal for the creation of special parliaments of individual nations.” Reporting about this program, the Soviet press wrote that the Social Democrats were “lulling the masses with pacifist nonsense.” Thus, the Austrian government wanted to preserve the Habsburg monarchy, based on national oppression, and somewhat modify the external façade of Austria-Hungary by introducing national autonomy. In an editorial entitled “Little time left,” the central organ of Austrian Social Democracy supported the reform program and called for saving the Habsburg monarchy before it was too late. But it was already late.

In the first half of October 1918, the national liberation movement in the Slavic regions of Austria

Ro-Hungary assumed such proportions that the creation and formalization of national states began, breaking all ties with the Habsburg monarchy.

On October 14, a general political strike was declared in Prague, which immediately spread throughout the Czech Republic and became the beginning of a national liberation revolution against the rule of the Habsburgs. In an editorial about the revolution in the Czech Republic, Pravda wrote: “This revolution is still of a nationalist nature... National enmity has long been tearing apart Austria-Hungary. The national struggle was in full swing even before the war began. The popular masses of the oppressed nationalities, dissatisfied with their situation, looked for the culprit not in the entire bourgeoisie, but only in that part of it that added its national oppression to the economic exploitation of the working people... The increased revolutionary mood of the popular masses is now following the old familiar line national struggle against the Germans as the dominant nationality."

At numerous rallies held in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, decisions were made on the need to overthrow the Habsburg monarchy and proclaim an independent Czechoslovak Republic. This was the beginning of the national revolution.

Emperor Charles, trying to maintain power over the Czech Republic, on October 16 issued a manifesto on the transformation of Austria-Hungary into a union of national states and on granting national autonomy to the Czechs and other peoples. On October 17, this belated proposal was rejected by the Czech deputies of the Reichsrat.

Events in Prague confronted the public with a fait accompli: the Habsburg monarchy was ceasing to exist. The striking workers began an economic blockade of German Austria and the front, cutting off their supplies and not allowing a single train to leave the Czech Republic. All this meant an open break with the monarchy, disorganization of its rear and contributed to the further weakening of the military situation, which by this time had become clearly catastrophic.

The same events occurred almost simultaneously in the South Slavic regions of Austria-Hungary. Late October - early November 1918

The Austrian government actually lost all power in the South Slavic provinces, whose peoples raised the banner of the struggle for the creation of sovereign states, for the destruction of the empire.

National liberation movements in all parts of the monarchy effectively put an end to the existence of the Habsburg state even before hostilities ceased. The Soviet press wrote about the situation in Austria-Hungary: “It is no longer in danger of collapse. It has become a fait accompli. The Czechs have already formed their own independent state, which does not want to know about the rest of Austria. The Yugoslavs, the Poles, and the Hungarians behave the same way.”

The Habsburgs no longer had at their disposal repressive means that they could use to suppress national liberation uprisings.

The peoples of Austria-Hungary created their own national states, not paying attention to the decrees of Emperor Charles and the orders and instructions sent by the government from Vienna. The manifesto signed by Charles on October 16, 1918 could not have any real influence on the course of events in the national regions of Austria-Hungary.

The manifesto began with a traditional, but meaningless under the given conditions, appeal: “To my faithful Austrian peoples!” It spoke of the upcoming transformation of Austria-Hungary into a federation, but “until this transformation is completed legally, all institutions existing to protect common interests remain unchanged.”

The Austrian Social Democratic Party was in full agreement with the content of the manifesto and with the proposals that Karl addressed to the nations of Austria-Hungary. “Now the Emperor’s manifesto,” said the Arbeitenzeitung newspaper, “proclaims what we have demanded since 1899.” The Social Democratic author of this article, however, had one remark: “But it’s too late now.” In response to “Karl’s manifesto,” the Czech deputies of the Reichsrat published a categorical refusal of any negotiations. These days, the Czechs have already begun to create their own government.

In mid-October, the National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in Zagreb announced that it was “taking into its own hands the leadership of the political life of these peoples.”

In Galicia, the leaders of the Ukrainian national liberation movement managed to take power into their own hands. Already on November 1, 1918, they created their own government and announced the formation of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic.

But the power of the Austrian government over Galicia was eliminated in mid-October 1818.

A powerful popular uprising took place in Bukovina in October 1918. The rebels created their own government body - the People's Assembly. Gathering on November 3 in Chernivtsi, the People's Assembly, by an overwhelming majority of votes, decided to unite with Soviet Ukraine.

In other Austrian lands, representatives of oppressed nationalities also took up arms to drive out Austrian officials.

In Slovakia there was an active struggle of peasants for land. In early November, peasants began to seize the estates of large Hungarian landowners everywhere and divide the land. The anti-feudal national liberation struggle of the Slovak peasantry spread throughout Slovakia.

In Hungary, the masses, not paying attention to persuasion and threats, in a revolutionary impulse opposed the rule of the Habsburgs. On the night of October 31, the rebel workers seized everything strategically important points Budapest and declared a general strike. The bourgeois-democratic revolution began in Hungary. The coalition government of Michael Karolyi was formed.

Although Austria-Hungary actually no longer existed, the Austrian Reichsrat still continued to sit. Speaking at a meeting of the chamber these days, the leader of the Austrian Social Democratic Party, Karl Renner, demanded that bread prices be reduced, that 3.5 kg of potatoes per person be issued weekly, and that meat and flour be brought to Vienna from Hungary. In early October, the political parties of the Austrian bourgeoisie in the Reichsrat approached the Social Democratic deputies with a proposal to create a united parliamentary club of Austrian political parties. The Social Democratic leadership responded with agreement in principle on October 4, but proposed that representatives of the Christian Social and German National parties should first decide to recognize “the right of the Slavic and Roman nations of Austria to self-determination.”

The Social Democratic resolution proposed “to enter into negotiations with representatives of the Czech and Yugoslav peoples on the transformation of Austria into a federation.”

The resolution warned in advance that “the German people in Austria will fight by all means against the inclusion of one or another part of them in foreign territory.” It was absolutely clear that we were talking about the Sudetenland.

Thus, the speech of the Social Democratic deputies of the Austrian parliament opened up a period of long struggle for reactionary projects for the creation of the Danube Federation and for the implementation of other no less reactionary plans in South-Eastern Europe.

The Social Democratic resolution also expressed the idea, which was very beneficial for the entire Austrian reaction, that there is a “German people in Austria” and that, therefore, there are no Austrian people in Austria.

It is not surprising that all political parties of the Austrian reaction joined the decision made on October 4, 1918 by the Social Democratic deputies.

On October 21, a meeting of 210 Austrian members of parliament took place. It proclaimed itself the "Provisional National Assembly". In this regard, the Social Democratic press declared, “the first step has been taken towards the formation of a German-Austrian people’s state.”

At the meeting on October 21, 1918, Victor Adler, on behalf of the Social Democratic Party, read a lengthy declaration and repeated many times that Austria must become a “democratic and truly people's state.”

At the same time, he avoided the question of the form of government and the nature of this democracy, stating only that the constitution would be established by a future Constituent Assembly.

The leaders of many parties considered it advisable to maintain Habsburg power. Social Democracy tacitly approved at this meeting the declarations of the Christian Social and German National parties that they agreed to the “democratization” of Austria only if the monarchy was preserved. The Austrian historian Victor Bible had reason to note that “the coup took place in complete calm thanks to the good organization of the Social Democratic Party.”

At the very beginning of the revolution, an alliance of social democracy with other parties was formed. Outward expression This union was the unanimous election of three equal chairmen of the Provisional National Assembly. The following were elected: Seit from the Social Democratic Party, Fink from the Christian Social Party and Dinghofer from the German National Party.

The organ of the Viennese banks published a manifesto on the abdication of Emperor Charles under the title “Not abdication, but non-participation.” The editorial included the comment: “The title of emperor remains. The Emperor does not abdicate." Charles signed a similar declaration on November 13 in relation to Hungary.

On the day of the publication of the manifesto, deputies of the lower house of the Austrian parliament from the Austrian states gathered for their last meeting and listened to the speech of the chairman of the chamber, who stated that “the Austrian constitution, which has not yet ceased to be valid for us,” does not provide for the self-dissolution of parliament. Therefore, the parliamentary meeting is postponed.” The deputies listened with interest to the message that they would receive deputy salaries from the republic until the expiration of their mandates.

The next day, the deputies elected back in 1911 appeared in the same meeting room as deputies of the Provisional National Assembly.

Asya Golverk, Sergei Khaimin
Compiled based on materials from the encyclopedias Britannica, Larousse, Around the World, etc.

Roman era

Very little is known about the first inhabitants of Austria. Scarce historical evidence suggests the existence of a pre-Celtic population. Around 400–300 BC Warlike Celtic tribes appeared with their own dialect, religious cults and traditions. Mixing with the ancient inhabitants, the Celts formed the kingdom of Norik.

At the beginning of the 2nd century. BC. Rome's power extended to the Danube. However, the Romans were forced to constantly fight the nomadic Germanic barbarians who invaded from the north across the Danube, which served as the border of Roman civilization. The Romans built fortified military camps at Vindobona (Vienna) and at Carnuntum, 48 km from the former; in the Hoer Markt area of ​​Vienna there are remains of Roman buildings. In the middle Danube region, the Romans promoted the development of cities, crafts, trade and mining, and built roads and buildings. Emperor Marcus Aurelius (died at Vindobona in 180 AD) composed part of his immortal Meditations at Carnunt. The Romans implanted religious pagan rituals, secular institutions and customs, Latin language and literature among the local population. By the 4th century. refers to the Christianization of this region.

In the 5th and 6th centuries. Germanic tribes overran most of the Roman possessions in the western part of modern Austria. The eastern and southern parts of modern Austria were invaded by Turkic-speaking nomads - Avars, and migrated with them (or after them) Slavic peoples- future Slovenes, Croats and Czechs, among whom the Avars disappeared. In the western regions, missionaries (Irish, Franks, Angles) converted pagan Germans (Bavarians) to the Christian faith; The cities of Salzburg and Passau became centers of Christian culture. Around 774, a cathedral was built in Salzburg, and by the end of the 8th century. the local archbishop received authority over neighboring dioceses. Monasteries were built (for example, Kremsmunster), and from these islands of civilization the conversion of the Slavs to Christianity began.

Hungarian invasion of the East March

Charlemagne (742–814) defeated the Avars and began to encourage German colonization of the East March. German settlers received privileges: they were given plots of land, which were cultivated by slaves. Cities on the Middle Danube flourished again.

Frankish rule in Austria ended abruptly. The Carolingian Empire was mercilessly devastated by the Hungarians. These warlike tribes were destined to have a lasting and profound influence on life in the middle part of the Danube valley. In 907, the Hungarians captured the Eastern March and from here carried out bloody raids into Bavaria, Swabia and Lorraine.

Otto I, German Emperor and founder of the Holy Roman Empire (962), defeated a powerful Hungarian army in 955 on the Lech River near Augsburg. Pushed east, the Hungarians gradually settled downstream in the fertile Hungarian Plain (where their descendants still live) and adopted the Christian faith.

Babenberg board

The place of the expelled Hungarians was taken by German settlers. The Bavarian Eastmark, which at that time covered the area around Vienna, was transferred in 976 as a fief to the Babenberg family, whose family holdings were located in the Main valley in Germany. In 996, the territory of the Eastern March was named Ostarriki for the first time.

One of prominent representatives The Babenberg dynasty was Macrgrave Leopold III (reigned 1095–1136). The ruins of his castle on Mount Leopoldsberg near Vienna have been preserved. Nearby are the Klosterneuburg monastery and the majestic Cistercian Abbey of Heiligenstadt, burial place of Austrian rulers. The monks in these monasteries cultivated the fields, taught children, compiled chronicles and cared for the sick, significantly contributing to the education of the surrounding population.

German settlers completed the development of the Eastern March. Methods of cultivating land and growing grapes were improved and new villages were founded. Many castles were built along the Danube and inland, such as Dürnstein and Aggstein. During the period of the Crusades, cities prospered and the wealth of the rulers grew. In 1156, the Emperor awarded the title of Duke to the Margrave of Austria, Henry II. The land of Styria, south of Austria, was inherited by the Babenbergs (1192), and parts of Upper Austria and Krotna were acquired in 1229.

Austria entered its heyday during the reign of Duke Leopold VI, who died in 1230, having become famous as a merciless fighter against heretics and Muslims. The monasteries were showered with generous gifts; the newly created monastic orders, the Franciscans and Dominicans, were cordially received in the duchy, poets and singers were encouraged.

Vienna, which had been in decline for a long time, became the residence of the Duke in 1146; great benefit was gained from the development of trade thanks to crusades. In 1189 it was first mentioned as a civitas (city), in 1221 it received city rights and in 1244 it confirmed them by receiving formal city privileges, which determined the rights and obligations of citizens, regulated the activities of foreign traders and provided for the formation of a city council. In 1234, a more humane and enlightened law on their rights was issued for Jewish residents than in other places, which remained in force until the expulsion of Jews from Vienna almost 200 years later. At the beginning of the 13th century. The city's borders were expanded and new fortifications emerged.

The Babenberg dynasty died out in 1246 when Duke Frederick II died in battle with the Hungarians, leaving no heirs. The struggle for Austria began, an economically and strategically important territory.

Strengthening the Austrian state under the Habsburgs

The Pope transferred the vacant throne of the duchy to Margrave Hermann of Baden (reigned 1247–1250). However, the Austrian bishops and feudal nobility elected the Czech king Přemysl II (Otakar) (1230–1278) as duke, who strengthened his rights to the Austrian throne by marrying the sister of the latter Babenberg. Przemysl captured Styria and received Carinthia and part of Carniola under a marriage contract. Přemysl sought the crown of the Holy Roman Empire, but on September 29, 1273, Count Rudolf of Habsburg (1218–1291), respected both for his political prudence and for his ability to avoid disputes with the papacy, was elected king. Przemysl refused to recognize his election, so Rudolf resorted to force and defeated his opponent. In 1282 - one of key dates in Austrian history - Rudolf declared the lands of Austria that belonged to him to be the hereditary possession of the House of Habsburg.

From the very beginning, the Habsburgs considered their lands to be private property. Despite the struggle for the crown of the Holy Roman Empire and family discord, the dukes of the House of Habsburg continued to expand the borders of their possessions. An attempt had already been made to annex the land of Vorarlberg in the southwest, but this was completed only by 1523. Tyrol was annexed to the Habsburg possessions in 1363, as a result of which the Duchy of Austria moved closer to the Apennine Peninsula. In 1374, the part of Istria facing the northern tip of the Adriatic Sea was annexed, and 8 years later the port of Trieste voluntarily joined Austria to free itself from Venetian domination. Representative (estate) assemblies were created, consisting of nobles, clergy and townspeople.

Duke Rudolf IV (reigned 1358–1365) made plans to annex the kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary to his possessions and dreamed of achieving complete independence from the Holy Roman Empire. Rudolph founded University of Vienna(1365), financed the expansion of St. Stephen and supported trade and crafts. He died suddenly, without realizing his ambitious plans. Under Rudolph IV, the Habsburgs began to bear the title of Archdukes (1359).

Economy of Austria during the Renaissance

During periods of peace, trade flourished with neighboring principalities and even with distant Russia. Goods were transported to Hungary, the Czech Republic and Germany along the Danube; in volume this trade was comparable to trade along the great Rhine route. Trade with Venice and other northern Italian cities developed. Roads improved, making it easier to transport goods.

Germany served as a profitable market for Austrian wines and grain, and Hungary bought fabrics. Household iron products were exported to Hungary. In turn, Austria bought Hungarian livestock and minerals. In Salzkammergut (Lower Austrian Eastern Alps) a large number of table salt. Domestic needs for most products, except clothing, were provided by domestic manufacturers. Craftsmen of the same specialty, united in a workshop, often settled in certain urban areas, as evidenced by the names of streets in the old corners of Vienna. Wealthy members of the guilds not only controlled affairs in their industry, but also participated in the management of the city.

Political successes of the Habsburgs

Frederick III. With the election of Duke Albrecht V as German king in 1438 (under the name Albrecht II), Habsburg prestige reached its apogee. By marrying the heiress to the royal throne of the Czech Republic and Hungary, Albrecht increased the possessions of the dynasty. However, his power in Bohemia remained nominal, and both crowns were soon lost to the Habsburgs. The Duke died on the way to the site of the battle with the Turks, and during the reign of his son Vladislav, the Habsburg possessions decreased significantly. After the death of Vladislav, ties with the Czech Republic and Hungary were completely severed, and Austria itself was divided between the heirs.

In 1452, Albrecht V's uncle Frederick V (1415–1493) was crowned Holy Roman Emperor under the name Frederick III. In 1453 he became an Archduke of Austria, and from that time until the formal dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 (except for a short period in the 18th century), the Habsburgs retained the imperial crown.

Despite endless wars, as well as revolts of the nobles and residents of Vienna, Frederick III managed to expand his possessions, annexing part of Istria and the port of Rijeka (1471). Frederick believed that the Habsburg dynasty was destined to conquer the whole world. His motto was the formula “AEIOU” ( Alles Erdreich ist Oesterreich untertan, “The whole earth is subject to Austria”). He wrote this abbreviation on books and ordered it to be carved on public buildings. Frederick married his son and heir Maximilian (1459–1519) to Mary of Burgundy. As a dowry, the Habsburgs received the Netherlands and lands in what is now France. During this period, the rivalry between the Austrian Habsburgs and the French kingdom began, which continued until the 18th century.

Maximilian I (king in 1486, emperor in 1508), who is sometimes considered the second collector of the Habsburg possessions, acquired, in addition to the possessions in Burgundy, the districts of Gorotia and Gradisca d'Isonzo and small territories in the southern parts of modern Austria. He made an agreement with the Czech-Hungarian king to transfer the Czech-Hungarian crown to Maximilian in the event that Vladislav II died without leaving a male heir.

Thanks to skillful alliances, successful inheritances and advantageous marriages, the Habsburg family achieved impressive power. Maximilian found wonderful matches for his son Philip and his grandson Ferdinand. The first married Juana, heiress of Spain with its vast empire. The domains of their son, Emperor Charles V, surpassed those of any other European monarch before or after him.

Maximilian arranged for Ferdinand to marry the heiress of Vladislav, King of Bohemia and Hungary. His marriage policy was motivated by dynastic ambitions, but also by the desire to transform Danubian Europe into a united Christian bastion against Islam. However, the apathy of the people in the face of the Muslim threat made this task difficult.

Along with minor reforms in government, Maximilian encouraged innovations in the military field that foreshadowed the creation of a regular standing army instead of a military aristocracy of warrior knights.

Expensive marriage contracts, financial disarray and military expenses were draining the state treasury, and Maximilian resorted to large loans, mainly from the wealthy Fugger magnates of Augsburg. In return, they received mining concessions in Tyrol and other areas. From the same source, funds were taken to bribe the electoral votes of the Holy Roman Emperor.

Maximilian was a typical prince of the Renaissance. He was a patron of literature and education, supporting scientists and artists such as Conrad Peutinger, a humanist from Augsburg and an expert on Roman antiquities, and the German artist Albrecht Dürer, who, among other things, illustrated books written by the emperor. Other Habsburg rulers and the aristocracy encouraged the fine arts and amassed rich collections of paintings and sculptures that later became the pride of Austria.

In 1519, Maximilian's grandson Charles was elected king, and in 1530 became Holy Roman Emperor under the name Charles V. Charles ruled the empire, Austria, Bohemia, the Netherlands, Spain and the Spanish overseas possessions. In 1521, he made his brother, Archduke Ferdinand, ruler of the Habsburg lands along the Danube, which included Austria proper, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola and Tyrol.

Accession of the Czech Republic and Hungary

In 1526, the troops of Suleiman the Magnificent invaded Hungary. Civil strife within the country's ruling class facilitated the victory of the Turks, and on August 29 the flower of the Hungarian cavalry was destroyed on the field of Mohács, and the capital Buda capitulated. The young king Louis II, who fled after the defeat at Mohács, died. After his death, the Czech Republic (with Moravia and Silesia) and Western Hungary went to the Habsburgs.

Until then, the inhabitants of the Habsburg domains spoke almost exclusively German, with the exception of the population of small Slavic enclaves. However, after the annexation of Hungary and the Czech Republic, the Danube Power became a very diverse state in terms of population. This happened just at a time when mononational states were taking shape in Western Europe.

The Czech Republic and Hungary had their own brilliant pasts, their own national saints and heroes, traditions and languages. Each of these countries had its own national estates and provincial diets, which were dominated by wealthy magnates and clergy, but there were far fewer nobles and townspeople. Royal power was more nominal than real. The Habsburg Empire included many peoples - Hungarians, Slovaks, Czechs, Serbs, Germans, Ukrainians and Romanians.

The court in Vienna took a number of measures to integrate the Czech Republic and Hungary into the Habsburg family domains. Central government departments were reorganized to meet the needs of the expanding power. The palace chancellery and the privy council began to play a prominent role, advising the emperor mainly on issues of international politics and legislation. The first steps were taken to replace the tradition of electing monarchs in both countries with Habsburg hereditary law.

Turkish invasion

Only a threat helped unite Austria, Hungary and the Czech Republic Turkish conquest. Suleiman's 200,000-strong army advanced along the wide Danube valley and in 1529 approached the walls of Vienna. A month later, the garrison and the inhabitants of Vienna forced the Turks to lift the siege and retreat to Hungary. But wars between the Austrian and Ottoman empires continued intermittently for two generations; and almost two centuries passed until the Habsburg armies completely expelled the Turks from historical Hungary.

The Rise and Fall of Protestantism

The areas where Hungarians lived became the center for the spread of reformed Christianity on the Danube. Many landowners and peasants in Hungary accepted Calvinism and Lutheranism. Luther's teaching attracted many German-speaking townspeople; in Transylvania, the Unitarian movement aroused widespread sympathy. In the eastern part of the Hungarian lands proper, Calvinism prevailed, and Lutheranism became widespread among some of the Slovaks and Germans. In the part of Hungary that came under Habsburg control, Protestantism encountered significant resistance from Catholics. The court in Vienna, which highly valued the importance of Catholicism in maintaining the absolute power of the king, proclaimed it the official religion of Hungary. Protestants were required to pay money to maintain Catholic religious institutions and for a long time were not allowed to hold government positions.

The Reformation spread unexpectedly quickly throughout Austria itself. The newly invented printing allowed both opposing religious camps to publish and distribute books and pamphlets. Princes and priests often fought for power under religious banners. A large number of believers in Austria left the Catholic Church; The ideas of the Reformation were proclaimed in the Cathedral of St. Stephen in Vienna and even in the family chapel of the ruling dynasty. Anabaptist groups (such as the Mennonites) then spread to Tyrol and Moravia. TO mid-16th century V. a clear majority of the population of Austria seemed to have accepted Protestantism in one form or another.

However, there were three powerful factors that not only restrained the spread of the Reformation, but also contributed to the return of a large part of the neophytes to the fold of the Roman Empire. catholic church: internal church reform proclaimed by the Council of Trent; The Society of Jesus (Jesuit order), whose members, as confessors, teachers and preachers, focused their activities on the conversion of families to this faith large landowners, correctly calculating that their peasants would then follow the faith of their masters; and physical coercion carried out by the Viennese court. The conflicts culminated in the Thirty Years' War (1618–1648), which began in the Czech Republic, where Protestantism was deeply rooted.

In 1606–1609, Rudolf II guaranteed freedom of religion to Czech Protestants through a series of agreements. But when Ferdinand II (reigned 1619–1637) became emperor, Protestants in the Czech Republic felt their religious freedoms and civil rights were threatened. The zealous Catholic and authoritarian ruler Ferdinand II, a prominent representative of the Counter-Reformation, ordered the suppression of Protestantism in Austria itself

Thirty Years' War

In 1619, the Czech Diet refused to recognize Ferdinand as emperor and elected Elector Frederick V, Count Palatine of the Rhine, as king. This demarche led to the beginning of the Thirty Years' War. The rebels, who disagreed on all the most important issues, were united only by hatred of the Habsburgs. With the help of mercenaries from Germany, the Habsburg army completely defeated the Czech rebels in 1620 at the Battle of White Mountain near Prague.

The Czech crown was once and for all assigned to the House of Habsburg, the Diet was dispersed, and Catholicism was declared the only legitimate faith.

The estates of the Czech Protestant aristocrats, which occupied almost half the territory of the Czech Republic, were divided among the younger sons of the Catholic nobility of Europe, mainly of German origin. Until the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy in 1918, the Czech aristocracy spoke predominantly German and was loyal to the ruling dynasty.

During the Thirty Years' War, the population of the Habsburg Empire suffered enormous losses. The massacre was brought to an end by the Peace of Westphalia (1648), according to which the Holy Roman Empire, which included Germany and Italy, virtually ceased to exist, and many princes who owned its lands were able to realize their long-standing dream of independence from the power of the emperor. However, the Habsburgs still retained the imperial crown and influence over German state affairs.

Victory over the Turks

In the second half of the 17th century. The Ottoman armies resumed their attack on Europe. The Austrians fought the Turks for control of the lower reaches of the Danube and Sava rivers. In 1683, a huge Turkish army, taking advantage of the uprising in Hungary, again besieged Vienna for two months, and again caused enormous damage to its suburbs. The city was overflowing with refugees, artillery shelling caused damage to the Cathedral of St. Stephen and other architectural monuments.

The besieged city was saved by the Polish-German army under the command of Polish king Jan Sobieski. On September 12, 1683, after a fierce firefight, the Turks retreated and never returned to the walls of Vienna.

From that moment on, the Turks began to gradually lose their positions, and the Habsburgs extracted more and more benefits from their victories. When in 1687 most of Hungary, with its capital Buda, was liberated from Turkish rule; the Hungarian Diet, as a sign of gratitude, recognized the hereditary right of the Habsburg male line to the Hungarian crown. However, it was stipulated that before ascending the throne, the new king had to confirm all the “traditions, privileges and prerogatives” of the Hungarian nation.

The war against the Turks continued. Austrian troops conquered almost all of Hungary, Croatia, Transylvania and most of Slovenia, which was officially secured by the Peace of Karlowitz (1699). The Habsburgs then turned their attention to the Balkans, and in 1717 the Austrian commander Prince Eugene of Savoy captured Belgrade and invaded Serbia. The Sultan was forced to cede to the Habsburgs a small Serbian region around Belgrade and a number of other small territories. After 20 years, the Balkan territory was recaptured by the Turks; The Danube and Sava became the border between the two great powers.

Hungary, under the rule of Vienna, was devastated, its population decreased. Vast tracts of land were given to nobles loyal to the Habsburgs. Hungarian peasants moved to free lands, and foreign settlers invited by the crown - Serbs, Romanians and, above all, German Catholics - settled in the southern regions of the country. It is estimated that in 1720 Hungarians made up less than 45% of the population of Hungary, and in the 18th century. their share continued to decline. Transylvania retained a special political status when governed from Vienna.

Although Hungarian constitutional privileges and local authority were intact, and the tax benefits of the aristocracy were confirmed, the Habsburg court was able to impose its will on the Hungarian ruling elite. The aristocracy, whose land holdings grew along with its loyalty to the crown, remained loyal to the Habsburgs.

During periods of rebellion and strife in the 16th and 17th centuries. More than once it seemed that the multinational Habsburg state was on the verge of imminent collapse. However, the Viennese court continued to encourage the development of education and the arts. Important milestones in intellectual life were the founding of universities in Graz (1585), Salzburg (1623), Budapest (1635) and Innsbruck (1677).

Military successes

A regular army equipped with firearms was created in Austria. Although gunpowder was first used in war in the 14th century, it took 300 years for guns and artillery to become truly formidable weapons. Artillery pieces made of iron or bronze were so heavy that at least 10 horses or 40 oxen had to be harnessed to move them. To protect against bullets, armor was needed, which was burdensome for both people and horses. The fortress walls were made thicker to withstand artillery fire. The disdain for the infantry gradually disappeared, and the cavalry, although reduced in number, lost almost none of its former prestige. Military operations began to largely boil down to the siege of fortified cities, which required a lot of manpower and equipment.

Prince Eugene of Savoy rebuilt the armed forces on the model of the army of France, where he received military education. Food was improved, troops were housed in barracks, and veterans were given land taken from the Turks. However, aristocrats from the Austrian military command soon began to obstruct the reform. The changes were not profound enough to allow Austria to win the fight against Prussia in the 18th century. However, for generations, the military and bureaucracy provided the Habsburgs with the strong support needed to maintain the integrity of the multinational state.

Economic situation

Agriculture remained the basis of the Austrian economy, but at the same time there was an increase in manufacturing production and financial capital. In the 16th century the country's industry experienced crisis several times due to inflation caused by imports into Europe precious metals from America. At this time, the crown no longer had to turn to moneylenders for financial help; now government credit became the source of funds. Iron was mined in quantities sufficient for the market in Styria and silver in Tyrol; in a smaller volume - coal in Silesia.

Architectural masterpieces

After the feeling of the Turkish threat disappeared, intensive construction began in the cities of the Habsburg Empire. Masters from Italy trained local designers and builders of churches and palaces. In Prague, Salzburg and especially in Vienna, buildings in the Baroque style were erected - elegant, graceful, with rich external and internal decoration. Lushly decorated facades, wide staircases and luxurious gardens became characteristic features of the city residences of the Austrian aristocracy. Among them, the magnificent Belvedere Palace with a park, built by Prince Eugene of Savoy, stood out.

The ancient court seat in Vienna, the Hofburg, has been expanded and embellished. The Chancellery of the Court, the huge Karlskirche church, which took 20 years to build, and the imperial summer palace and park in Schönbrunn are just the most striking buildings in a city that shone with its architectural splendor. Throughout the monarchy, churches and monasteries damaged or destroyed during the war were restored. The Benedictine monastery in Melk, located on a cliff above the Danube, is a typical example of Baroque in rural Austria and a symbol of the triumph of the Counter-Reformation.

The Rise of Vienna

Vienna, which finally became an archbishopric, was the center of Catholic Germany and the capital of the Habsburg Empire. People of art and merchants from all over Austria, from the Czech Republic and Hungary, from Spain and the Netherlands, from Italy and southern Germany flocked to the city.

The court and aristocracy encouraged the development of theater, fine arts and music. Along with popular theatrical performances, Italian-style opera flourished. The emperor himself wrote operas in which the archduchesses played. Local folk music, which has made Vienna famous throughout the world, originated in the city's taverns, havens for singers and musicians. During this period, the foundations were laid for what would make the Habsburg seat the musical capital of Europe.

Austria in the 18th century

Throughout the 1700s, Austria survived severe military trials, achieved new heights of power and prestige, and achieved significant cultural achievements.

At first, the prospects for development seemed far from brilliant. Luck turned away from Emperor Charles VI (reigned 1711–1740). Having no male heirs, he feared that the multinational state would be plunged into internal conflicts or dismembered by foreign powers after his death. To avoid this, the court entered into negotiations with the Land Diets and foreign states in order to achieve recognition of Charles's daughter, Maria Theresa, as heir to the throne.

These efforts were initially successful. The official document, known as the Pragmatic Sanction of 1713, stipulated that all Habsburg possessions would remain indivisible at all times and be handed down according to seniority. However, when approving this decision, the Sejms of the Czech Republic and the Hungarian lands made it clear that if the Habsburg dynasty faded away, they would be able to choose another ruling house.

Empress Maria Theresa

In accordance with the Pragmatic Sanction of 1713, Maria Theresa (reigned 1740–1780) ascended the Austrian throne (1740). A heavy burden of responsibility fell on the shoulders of the 23-year-old empress. King Frederick II of Prussia immediately laid claim to most of the prosperous province of Silesia, which was part of the Czech kingdom.

The Prussian monarch did not recognize Maria Theresa's right to the inheritance of Charles VI and declared his intention to free half of the Silesian population, which professed Protestantism, from Catholic Austria. The King of Prussia attacked Silesia without any formal reason or declaration of war, which was contrary to accepted international norms. Thus began a long struggle between Prussia and Austria for dominance in Central Europe, which ended with the final military defeat of Austria in 1866. France and a number of small German principalities took part in the attack on the Habsburg possessions, seeking to expand their possessions.

Unprepared for war and worse armed, Austria easily succumbed to the rapid onslaught of the enemy. At times it began to seem that the monarchy was falling apart. Stubborn and courageous, Maria Theresa took a decisive step by turning to her Hungarian subjects for help. In response to promises of real concessions, the Hungarian magnates demonstrated their loyalty, but their help was insufficient. In 1742, most of Silesia went to Prussia. Despite repeated attempts by Austria to regain the lost province, Prussia held the land until the end of World War II.

Striving to improve international situation country, the empress entered into dynastic marriages of her children (those of the 16 who reached maturity). Thus, Marie Antoinette became the bride of the heir to the throne of France, the future King Louis XVI.

Thanks to the turbulent political events in Europe, Austria made a number of territorial acquisitions. At the beginning of the century, the Spanish Netherlands (present-day Belgium) was annexed, which remained a kind of colony until 1797. Rich provinces in Italy were acquired: Tuscany, most of Lombardy, Naples, Parma and Sardinia (the last three were briefly held by Austria).

Largely contrary to the moral beliefs of Maria Theresa, although in accordance with the wishes of her son Joseph, Austria sided with Russia and Prussia in the first partition of Poland (1772) and received the principalities of Auschwitz and Zatorsk, southern part Krakow and Sandomierz voivodeships, Ruske (without Kholm land) and Belz voivodeship. About a million people lived in this territory, there were fertile lands and salt mines. 23 years later, another part of Poland came under Austrian rule, with its ancient capital Krakow. Claims were also made to the northern part of the Principality of Moldova southeast of Galicia. The area was controlled by the Turks; in 1775 it was incorporated into the Habsburg state under the name Bukovina.

Internal reforms

Measures have been taken to improve the mechanism government controlled in Austria and the Czech Republic, strengthening the unity and stability of the provinces, overcoming chronic financial deficits and improving the state of the economy as a whole. In all these areas, Prussia served as a model and inspiration. In Austria, it was believed that modernization would increase the military power of the state, confirm Austria's claims to great power status and prepare the way for weakening the power of King Frederick of Prussia.

The Austrian military, public administration and tax system were completely overhauled. The central place in the reorganization of state power was occupied by the State Council, which had advisory functions and consisted of specialists from each of the departments of internal affairs. A new supreme court was created, and the judicial system was separated from the government system. In accordance with the trends characteristic of the Enlightenment, new legal codes were issued. The foreign policy and military departments underwent a radical renewal.

Military spending increased and centralized recruitment was introduced. The increasingly complex organization of the armed forces required the involvement of more civilian workers. To increase the efficiency of public administration and ensure centralization, the number of civil servants in Vienna and in the provinces was expanded; they were now recruited from the middle class. In the hereditary lands of the crown and in the Czech Republic, local landtags lost a number of important functions, and crown officials were given a wide range of powers, ranging from supervision of serfs to jurisdiction in matters of police and education.

The reforms also affected the villages. According to the so-called corvée patents (1771–1778), peasant corvée was limited to three days a week.

In the economic sphere, the development of manufacturing production was encouraged. Despite the resistance of traditional workshop associations, new, modern industrial enterprises were created. Hungary was to serve as a market for industrial products from Austria and a breadbasket for Austrian cities. A universal income tax and a unified system of border and internal duties were introduced. In order to expand international trade, a small merchant fleet was created, and the ports in Trieste and Rijeka were modernized. Companies emerged that carried out trade relations with southern Asia.

Enlightened despotism

Maria Theresa's son, Joseph II, who became his mother's co-regent after 1765, often clashed with her over issues of public policy. In 1780 he took the reins of government into his own hands. The new emperor sought to strengthen the power of Austria and its unity, and improve the system of government. He was convinced that the personal power of the sovereign should be unlimited and that he should instill in the consciousness of the peoples inhabiting the country the spirit of a common homeland. Decrees were issued declaring German the state language, which made it possible to unify the sphere of public administration and speed up judicial procedures. The powers of the Hungarian Diet were curtailed, and soon it ceased its activities altogether.

Demonstrating enlightenment and good will, Joseph II proclaimed the equality of all subjects before the court and in the collection of taxes. Print and theater censorship was temporarily relaxed. The amount of quitrent paid by peasants was now regulated by crown officials, and the amount of taxes levied depended on the income from the land.

Although Joseph II declared himself a defender of Catholicism, he waged a vigorous struggle against the power of the Pope. In fact, he sought to transform the church in his domains into an instrument of the state, independent of Rome. The clergy were deprived of their tithes and were forced to study in seminaries under government control, and archbishops were required to formally swear an oath of loyalty to the crown. Church courts were abolished, and marriage began to be viewed as a civil contract outside the jurisdiction of the church. The number of religious holidays was reduced, and the decoration of religious buildings was regulated by the state. Approximately every third of the monasteries was closed.

Joseph II issued a decree on universal and compulsory schooling. Funds for training were to be allocated by the nobility and local authorities. Although this measure was not fully implemented, school attendance increased significantly.

Joseph II died untimely in 1790. His brother, Leopold II, who had proven himself as ruler of Italian Tuscany, quickly restored the shaky order. Serfdom in Hungary was restored, and in Austria the peasant, although he remained personally free, fell into even more severe dependence on the landowner.

The Hungarian Diet, which had not been convened under Joseph II, was reconvened and confirmed the old liberties and constitutional rights of the kingdom. Leopold II also made a number of political concessions to the Czech Republic and was crowned as the Czech king. To enlist the support of the Czech educated class, in which a sense of national identity was awakening, a department of the Czech language was established at the University of Prague.

Achievements in the field of culture

By decree of Joseph II, the “Palace Theater” (founded by Maria Theresa in 1741) was renamed in 1776 to the “Court National Theater” (“Burgtheater”), which maintained a high level of performance until the 20th century. Vienna was famous for its musical culture, the Italians set the tone. In 1729, Metastasio (Pietro Trapassi) arrived in Vienna, taking the position of court poet and librettist, he wrote texts for operas by the Neapolitan Niccolo Jommelli and Christoph von Gluck.

The great composers Joseph Haydn and Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, representatives of the so-called, worked in Vienna. Viennese classical school. Melody from string quartet op. 76 No. 3 formed the basis (1797), and then the German anthem.

The era of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars

Like all of Europe, Austria suffered the consequences of the French Revolution and the reign of Napoleon Bonaparte. Thirst for territorial conquests, dynastic kinship with French queen Marie Antoinette, sister of Joseph II and Leopold II, fears that the ideas of the French Revolution would influence the various peoples of the monarchy, the growth of patriotism, especially among the German-speaking population - the combination of all these various tendencies and motives made Austria an implacable enemy of France.

Wars against France

Military operations against France began in 1792 and continued intermittently until the fall of 1815. More than once during this time, the Austrian armies were defeated, twice Napoleon's grenadiers stormed the famous Vienna, which in terms of population (about 230 thousand people) in Europe was second only to London and Paris. The Habsburg army suffered heavy losses, the suffering and hardships of residents of large and small cities are comparable to the hardships experienced in the world wars of the 20th century. Galloping inflation, the collapse of the tax system and chaos in the economy brought the state to the brink of disaster.

More than once Napoleon dictated peace terms to Austria. Emperor Franz I was forced to marry his daughter Marie Louise to Napoleon (1810), whom he had previously called the “French adventurer.” The peasants of Tyrol, led by innkeeper Andreas Hofer, rebelled and resisted Napoleonic troops. Austrian troops inflicted a painful defeat on the French at Aspern near Vienna (1809), but were defeated by Napoleon a few days later at Wagram. The Austrian army was commanded by Archduke Charles, whose military glory rivaled that of Prince Eugene of Savoy: their equestrian statues adorn Heldenplatz ("Heroes' Square") in the center of Vienna. Austrian Field Marshal Karl Schwarzenberg commanded the Allied forces that defeated Napoleon at the Battle of Leipzig in 1813.

Austrian Empire

Franz I in 1804 gave his state the name Austrian Empire. By the will of Napoleon, the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation, the crown of which for almost four centuries was actually inherited in the Habsburg family, ceased to exist (1806).

Congress of Vienna

The territorial changes in Europe made during the Napoleonic era also affected Austria. It is significant that international congress, which laid the foundations for a peaceful structure after the overthrow of Bonaparte, was convened in Vienna. For several months in 1814–1815, the Habsburg capital was the meeting place for senior politicians of European states large and small. A wide-ranging network of Austrian spies monitored the arriving high-ranking persons.

The Viennese debate was presided over by Count (later Prince) Clemens Metternich, Foreign Minister and later Chancellor of Austria. At the congress, he successfully ensured a secure position for the House of Habsburg in Europe and prevented Russia from expanding its influence into the central part of the continent.

Austria was forced to abandon Belgium, but received substantial compensation for this. Dalmatia, the western part of Istria, the islands in the Adriatic that previously belonged to Venice, the former Venetian Republic itself and the neighboring Italian province of Lombardy came under the scepter of Vienna. Representatives of the Habsburg family received the crowns of Tuscany, Parma and Modena. Austria enjoyed strong influence in the Papal States and the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. As a result, the Apennine Peninsula actually became an appendage of the Danube monarchy. Much of Polish Galicia was returned to Austria, and in 1846 the small Republic of Krakow, the only free part of Poland retained by the peacekeepers in 1815, was annexed.

Opinions about the form of future German statehood were sharply divided. Metternich managed to prevent the creation of a strong union, and a loose confederation was formed - the German Confederation. It covered the German-speaking states of Europe and that part of Austria that was part of the abolished Holy Roman Empire. Austria received the post of permanent chairman of the confederation.

Franz I and Metternich

During the first half of the 19th century. leading figure in state life Austria was Emperor Franz I. As Chancellor of the Empire, Metternich had significant political weight. After the excesses of the French Revolution and the horrors and unrest caused by the Napoleonic Wars, he strove for order and internal harmony. The Chancellor repeatedly advised creating a parliament from representatives of the different nations of Austria and giving the provincial diets real powers, but the emperor did not listen to his advice.

In the field of diplomacy, Metternich made a significant contribution to the preservation of peace in Europe. When the opportunity presented itself, Austrian troops were sent to suppress local uprisings, creating for themselves, their country and its first minister an odious reputation among the adherents of freedom and national unification.

Domestic policy was determined mainly by Emperor Francis I. Government officials kept the entire education sector and students under strict control, prescribing what could be read and studied. The head of the censorship department, Count Joseph Sedlnicki, banned literary works hostile to the absolutism of the emperor or religion, and organizations suspected of political heresy were persecuted. Journalists were prohibited from even using the word “constitution.”

Development of culture

Vienna's prestige as a musical capital remained high thanks to Ludwig van Beethoven. The works of Franz Schubert can be considered the pinnacle of song lyrics. Joseph Lanner and Johann Strauss the Father became famous for their waltzes.

The outstanding Austrian playwright of this period was Franz Grillparzer. Light, witty plays were written by Ferdinand Raymund and Johann Nestroy.

In the field of religion, enlightened toleration prevailed. Without the consent of the emperor, no one could be excommunicated from the Roman Catholic Church. The clergy supervised education, and the Jesuits were allowed to resume their activities in the empire. Restrictions on Jews were relaxed, and synagogues of both Orthodox and Reform Judaism were built in Vienna. A number of Jewish banking families achieved prominent social position and recognition; Among them, Solomon Rothschild stood out, who was friendly with Metternich and in 1823 received the title of baron.

Unrest among national minorities

The Czech intelligentsia developed their native language, literary and historical works were composed in which the medieval Czech Republic was glorified. Patriotic Czech journalists denounced the Austrian administration and restrictions on civil liberties. In Galicia, Polish patriots declared the independence of their people in 1846. However, the most active in the struggle for national freedom were the Hungarians, or rather the middle strata of the Hungarian nobles. Hungarian writers and scientists revived the golden pages of the past and aroused hopes for a glorious future. Recognized as an apostle of cultural and national revival Hungary became Count István Széchenyi, who belonged to one of the proudest aristocratic families in the kingdom. A well-travelled cosmopolitan, he remained loyal to the Habsburgs but advocated reforms in government. The leadership of the national movement was taken over by lawyer Lajos Kossuth. In 1847, his supporters achieved a majority in the Hungarian Diet.

After the death of Franz I in 1835, the leadership of the Austrian government was entrusted to a regency council with the participation of Metternich, since the new emperor, Ferdinand I (1793–1875), proved incapable of governing. Censorship was relaxed and universities received greater freedom.

The revolution in Paris in 1848 echoed with protests in Vienna, the Czech Republic, Hungary and the Italian provinces. The Habsburg Empire was in danger of collapse. Groups of students and artisans and the liberal bourgeoisie demanded that Prince Metternich resign from government posts and a constitution be adopted in the country. The Habsburg court agreed. 75-year-old Metternich, who had been the “rock of order” for two generations, fled to England.

The Austrian Constituent Assembly abolished serfdom. This became the main achievement of the revolutionary storm. In October 1848, Vienna experienced a second wave of mass unrest. Street battles waged by reform supporters caused serious destruction in cities. The imperial army crushed the uprising. Prince Felix Schwarzenberg, having assumed dictatorial powers, replaced the weak-minded Emperor Ferdinand I with his 18-year-old nephew, Franz Joseph. A draft constitution was developed that provided for the creation of a federal legislature with the participation of various national groups and the equality of nations. But this document never came into force. Later, a unified imperial constitution was proclaimed, but it was not put into effect.

National requirements

In the Czech Republic, Czech-speaking and German-speaking oppositionists initially united to extract concessions from the House of Habsburg. However, their paths diverged when Czech patriots demanded self-government for the Czech Republic and opposed unification into a single German state. Supporters of moderate views spoke out for the preservation of the Austrian Empire, transformed into a federation based on the equality of peoples.

In June 1848, a congress of Slavic leaders of Austria and representatives of foreign Slavs met in Prague to discuss political problems. There was a clash between Czech patriots and the Germans. As a result, the city was occupied by the Austrian army, which was the beginning of the restoration of Habsburg power.

The uprising in Hungary followed a more complicated plot. At Kossuth's request, the Viennese court gave Hungary almost complete control over its internal affairs while maintaining dynastic and military ties with Austria. Serfs were freed and broad civil liberties were promised. But Hungarian politicians persistently denied basic human rights to the small peoples of the kingdom, who collectively outnumbered the Hungarians. For Croats and Romanians, Hungarian chauvinism was even worse than Habsburg authoritarianism. These peoples, incited by Vienna, entered into a struggle with the Hungarians, which was soon joined by Austrian troops.

On April 14, 1849, Kossuth declared the independence of Hungary. Since the Austrian government did not have sufficient military forces to suppress the uprising, it turned to Russian Tsar Nicholas I for help. He responded immediately, and Russian troops dealt a fatal blow to the Hungarian uprising. The remnants of Hungarian autonomy were completely liquidated, Kossuth himself fled.

When the Habsburg dynasty seemed on the verge of collapse, Lombardy and Venice rebelled and the Venetian Republic was revived. However, Austrian troops suppressed the rebellion and restored Austrian dominance over the Italian provinces and the entire Apennine Peninsula.

The Viennese court also sought to prevent the unification of the German states in order to prevent Prussia from gaining a dominant position in German-speaking Europe. Austria emerged from the revolutionary upheavals weakened, but retained its integrity.

Reaction and reform

Prince Felix Schwarzenberg effectively ruled Austria until his death in 1852, and then Franz Joseph took over full power. The Germanization of all peoples of the empire who did not speak German was carried out. The Czech patriotic movement was suppressed, the Hungarians were pacified. In 1850, Hungary was united with Austria into a single customs union. According to the concordat of 1855, the Roman Catholic Church received the right to its own educational system and press.

On the Apennine Peninsula, the movement for national unification was led by a skilled politician of the Sardinian Kingdom (Piedmont), Count Camillo Cavour. His plans included the liberation of Lombardy and Venice. In accordance with a secret agreement with the French Emperor Napoleon III, Cavour provoked a war with Austria in 1859. The combined Franco-Sardinian forces defeated Franz Joseph's forces and Austria was forced to abandon Lombardy. In 1860, the pro-Austrian dynasties in the small states of Italy were overthrown, and a united Italian kingdom was formed under the leadership of Piedmont. In 1884, Austria, in alliance with Prussia, went to war against Denmark for control of the small territories of Schleswig and Holstein.

In 1866, a dispute over the division of Danish spoils led to war between Austria and Prussia. Italy took the side of Prussia, and the Austrian Empire was defeated. However, the terms of the peace treaty dictated by Bismarck turned out to be quite tolerable. This was the subtle calculation of the Prussian chancellor. The House of Habsburg had to renounce its historical role in German affairs without ceding any territory to Prussia (except the lands taken from Denmark). On the other hand, although Austrian troops defeated the Italians on land and sea, Venice was transferred to Italy, and a number of Italian regions remained under Habsburg control.

Birth of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy

The loss of territory and prestige necessitated a new form of relations between Austria and Hungary. Various draft constitutions, which provided for the creation of a unified parliament, were prepared without the participation of the Hungarians. Finally, in 1867, the famous “compromise” was worked out ( Ausgleich). The Austrian Empire, proclaimed in 1804, was transformed into a dualist Austria-Hungary, with Hungarians ruling Hungary and Austrians ruling the rest of the new state. In the sphere of international relations, both states had to act as a single entity, maintaining autonomy in internal affairs.

Constitutional reforms

One of the areas of government reorganization in the 1860s in the Austrian half of the dual monarchy was the further development of a constitution. The Constitution guaranteed civil liberties and equality for all language groups. A bicameral state parliament, the Reichsrat, was established. Deputies of the lower house were elected through indirect elections. The Constitution provided for broad powers for the legislature, which was to meet once a year. The Cabinet of Ministers was responsible to the lower house. Both chambers had equal legislative branch. One of the paragraphs of the constitution (the famous Article XIV) gave the monarch the power to issue decrees between sessions of parliament that had the force of law.

The legislative assemblies of the 17 Austrian states (Landtags) received broader powers, but the crown appointed governors who could override the decisions of the Landtags. Initially, it was the Landtags that elected deputies to the lower house of the Reichsrat, but in 1873 direct elections by districts and curiae (class or qualification categories of voters) were introduced.

Political parties

Austrian-German deputies were divided into rival political factions. The largest group were supporters of the monarchy. In the 1880s, two new parties were organized - the Christian Social and the Social Democratic. The first of them acted mainly on behalf of the Austrian-German peasants and petty bourgeoisie, and its leaders were loyal to the Habsburg dynasty and the Roman Catholic Church.

Social Democrats declared their adherence to the teachings of Karl Marx, but advocated carrying out political and social reforms through constitutional methods. The party was headed by party leader Viktor Adler and theorist in the field of national problems Otto Bauer. Controversies over the national question weakened the movement, but it nevertheless campaigned successfully for universal suffrage for all adult men.

There was also a small but vocal faction of Great Germans who demanded the unification of areas with a German-speaking population with the German Empire. This trend in Austrian politics had a serious impact on the mindset of Adolf Hitler, who spent several years in Vienna.

National minorities

The Czechs demanded that the Czech Republic be given the same status in the monarchy that Hungary received, but they were never able to achieve this. The development of educational opportunities and economic prosperity gave greater confidence to the Czech middle class. In general, Czech patriots such as Tomas Masaryk sought internal self-government for the Czech Republic, without demanding the destruction of the empire and the creation of an independent Czech state. In the Sejm of the Czech Republic there was a struggle between Czech deputies and representatives of Austrian-German elements. Czech-German hostility from time to time paralyzed the work of the parliament in Vienna. The Czechs achieved concessions in the field of language, access to public service and in the field of education, and yet not a single constitutional formula was adopted that could satisfy the claims of the Czechs and at the same time be acceptable to the Austro-Germans.

The Poles in Galicia received a significant degree of autonomy, which completely satisfied them. This province became the object of envy and admiration of Polish patriots living in the Russian and Prussian-German parts of Poland. Among the large Ukrainian minority in Galicia, unrest continued due to discrimination and repression by the Poles, and a small stratum of Ukrainian intelligentsia fought for the rights of their compatriots. One of the Ukrainian factions spoke out for political unification with the Ukrainians of the Russian Empire.

Of all the Austrian peoples, the South Slavs (Slovenes, Croats, Serbs) caused the greatest concern at the Viennese court. The number of representatives of this national group increased in 1908, when Austria-Hungary annexed the former Turkish province of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The South Slavs in Austria varied greatly in their views. Some of them sought to unite with the Kingdom of Serbia, others were satisfied with the existing situation, and others preferred the creation of a South Slavic state within the framework of the Habsburg Monarchy.

This last alternative meant the formation of a state covering the South Slavic areas of both Hungary and Austria, with the same status as the Austrian Empire or the Kingdom of Hungary. This proposal met with some support in Austria, but was negatively received by almost all Hungarian politicians. Broader projects were also proposed for the reconstruction of the monarchy into a federal union of peoples, but the concept of the Habsburg "United States" was never put into practice.

There was also no unity among Austria's Italian minority, who lived in south Tyrol, Trieste and the surrounding area. Some Italian-speaking residents tacitly accepted Vienna's rule, while militant separatists called for unification with Italy.

Partly to calm national feelings, partly in response to strong pressure from the Social Democrats, universal adult male suffrage was introduced in 1907 for elections to the Austrian parliament (Reichsrat). However, political unrest in the multinational empire intensified. In the spring of 1914, a break was declared in the work of the Reichsrat, and parliament did not meet for three years.

World War I

The news of the start of the war was greeted with enthusiasm. The danger of an offensive by the Russian army rallied the Austrians; even the Social Democrats supported the war. Official and unofficial propaganda inspired the will to win and largely suppressed interethnic contradictions. The unity of the state was ensured by a harsh military dictatorship; the dissatisfied were forced to submit. Only in the Czech Republic the war did not cause much enthusiasm. All the resources of the monarchy were mobilized to achieve victory, but the leadership acted extremely ineffectively.

Military failures at the beginning of the war undermined the morale of the army and the population. Streams of refugees rushed from the war zones to Vienna and other cities. Many public buildings were converted into hospitals. Italy's entry into the war against the monarchy in May 1915 increased war fervor, especially among the Slovenes. When Romania's territorial claims to Austria-Hungary were rejected, Bucharest went over to the Entente side.

It was at that moment when the Romanian armies were retreating that the eighty-year-old Emperor Franz Joseph died. The new ruler, young Charles I, a man of limited ability, sidelined the men on whom his predecessor had relied. In 1917, Karl convened the Reichsrat. Representatives of national minorities demanded reform of the empire. Some sought autonomy for their peoples, others insisted on complete separation. Patriotic sentiments forced Czechs to desert the army, and the Czech rebel Karel Kramar was sentenced to death on charges of treason, but then pardoned. In July 1917, the emperor declared an amnesty for political prisoners. This gesture of reconciliation reduced his authority among the militant Austro-Germans: the monarch was accused of being too soft.

Even before Charles ascended the throne, Austrian Social Democrats were divided into supporters and opponents of the war. Pacifist leader Friedrich Adler, son of Victor Adler, assassinated the Austrian Prime Minister, Count Karl Stürgk, in October 1916. At the trial, Adler sharply criticized the government. Sentenced to a long prison term, he was released after the revolution in November 1918.

End of the Habsburg dynasty

A low grain harvest, a decrease in food supplies to Austria from Hungary and a blockade by the Entente countries doomed ordinary Austrian city dwellers to hardships and hardships. In January 1918, munitions factory workers went on strike and returned to work only after the government promised to improve their living and working conditions. In February, a riot broke out at the naval base in Kotor, with participants raising a red flag. The authorities brutally suppressed the riots and executed the instigators.

Separatist sentiments grew among the peoples of the empire. At the beginning of the war, patriotic committees of Czechoslovaks (led by Tomas Masaryk), Poles and South Slavs were created abroad. These committees campaigned in the countries of the Entente and America for the national independence of their peoples, seeking support from official and private circles. In 1919, the Entente states and the United States recognized these emigrant groups as a de facto government. In October 1918 national councils within Austria, one after another declared the independence of lands and territories. Emperor Charles's promise to reform the Austrian constitution on the basis of federalism accelerated the process of disintegration. In Vienna, Austro-German politicians created a provisional government for German Austria, and the Social Democrats agitated for a republic. Charles I abdicated on November 11, 1918. The next day the Republic of Austria was proclaimed.

Constitutional reforms complemented those carried out in Austrian part of the empire laws of 1868 on civil marriage and freedom of religion. Laws on public education were also adopted, according to which compulsory eight-year education was introduced. At the same time, Catholicism was declared the state religion.

In the Austrian part of the state, opportunities were opened for various financial transactions, the free sale of land was allowed, and railway companies were exempt from taxes. These measures contributed to the acceleration of economic development, but at the same time financial speculation flourished. The first years after the reforms of 1867—the “seven fat years”—became a time of unprecedented economic growth. However, the period of frenzied speculation ended with a grandiose stock exchange crash of 1873, which led to massive bankruptcy of banks and large financial losses of the population. After this, capital from the sphere of financial speculation began to gradually move into the production sphere. The state promoted the development of industry with its protectionist policies, which protected the domestic market from foreign competition; railways passed from private hands to state control. Gradual modernization took place in the central provinces of Austria Agriculture, but the national outskirts still lagged behind in their development.

Electoral reforms carried out until the end of the 19th century significantly expanded the circle of voters. Over time, the equality of religions was proclaimed, and the influence of the Catholic Church gradually weakened.

After the crisis of 1873, a wave of anti-Semitism arose in Austria, and Jews were blamed for the financial collapse. The German (or all-German) national movement that emerged under these conditions, along with anti-capitalist slogans, put forward a demand to exclude Jews from all spheres of public life. The nationalists preached the idea of ​​a “German Austria” and advocated unification with “Greater Germany.” After the inclusion in the program of the German National Union of a special “Aryan paragraph” directed against the Austrian bourgeoisie of Jewish origin, V. Adler, who laid the foundation for Austrian Social Democracy, and T. Herzl, who became the founder of the Jewish national movement - Zionism, left it , which set as its goal the creation of a “Jewish home” in Palestine. Anti-Semitism was especially widespread in the capital of the empire. The fight against corruption and “Jewish dominance” became the main slogan of the Christian Social Union, which advocated the transformation of a society that did not show concern for the poor. The leader of the Union was triumphantly elected burgomaster of Vienna in 1895. In such an atmosphere in Austria, A. Schicklgruber, the future Hitler, was born and raised.

Under pressure from the workers' and social democratic movements in Austria, the foundations of social legislation were laid. Adopted in 1885-1887. laws established an 8-hour working day for women, a 10-hour day for men and compulsory Sunday rest.

In 1889, the united Social Democratic Party of Austria (SDPA) was founded, but interethnic contradictions soon destroyed its unity. Hungary had its own social-democratic party. The SDPA became the first party to adopt a special program on the national issue. The theorists of “Austro-Marxism” put forward the idea of ​​“cultural-national autonomy” of the lands, without granting them political self-government. This approach did not contribute to solving the national problem either in the party or in the state. As a result, interethnic contradictions within the SDPA, especially between the Czechs and Germans, led to its transformation into a federation of six independent national parties, which were united only by the struggle for universal suffrage. The law on universal male suffrage was adopted in 1907, and the first elections based on it brought success to the Social Democrats.

The Austro-Hungarian agreement of 1867 caused discontent among other peoples, but only the Polish gentry managed to secure their exclusive position in Galicia. The compromise with the Poles cemented their superiority over the Rusyns and Jews, who made up more than half of the Galician population. Of the peoples who lived in Austria in an oppressed position, there were also Serbs and Italians. Their national movement was inspired by the example of the independent states created by these peoples on the Austrian borders.

The 1867 agreement caused particular indignation in Bohemia (Czech Republic), which demanded the restoration of the unity of the lands of the “Bohemian Crown” and granting it the same rights that Hungary received. The Austrian authorities were ready to recognize the historical rights of Bohemia, but the categorical protest of Hungary disrupted the agreement being prepared in 1871. Only limited reforms were carried out, expanding the voting rights of Czechs and the possibilities of local self-government. More than a third of the population of Bohemia were Germans, who entered into a decisive confrontation with the Czech national movement. Material from the site

Among the German population of Bohemia, the ideas of the German National Union were widely popular. A manifestation of irreconcilable differences was the division of the ancient Charles University in Prague into German and Czech universities. Until the collapse of Austria-Hungary, there was a stubborn struggle in Bohemia, leading to street clashes and fights between deputies.

Bohemia was the industrial center of Austria-Hungary, providing late XIX V. up to three quarters of its industrial production. The Czech concern Skoda supplied its vehicles and weapons to the world market and became one of the largest military enterprises in Europe. Bohemia was also famous for the production of beer, crystal, and glass products (Bohemian glass). Here there was the highest level of literacy and general education in the empire, there was universal compulsory education up to the age of 14 and a system of vocational training. As a result, the Czechs became the strongest in economically and the most politically organized nation in the Austrian half of the monarchy. Based on rapprochement with related Slovaks who lived in Hungary, the ideology of “Czechoslovakism” arose, which gave its name independent state, created after the collapse of Austria-Hungary.

On this page there is material on the following topics:

  • Problems of Austria-Hungary in the 19th century

  • Did 19th century Austria have universal suffrage?

  • Lesson summary: Austria-Hungary at the end of the 19th century.

  • Austria towards the end of the 19th century

  • Social movements in 19th century Austria-Hungary

Questions about this material:

Remember! What territories were part of the Austrian Empire? Name the peoples who lived in this territory.

1. The crisis of the Austrian Empire and its transformation

Coat of arms of Austria-Hungary

Flag of Austria-Hungary

After the Crimean War, Austria found itself in foreign policy isolation. The consequence of this was the heavy defeats of the empire in the wars of 1859 and 1866, which ended with the loss of Italian possessions and the loss of its leading position in the German lands. The war of 1859 undermined financial system Austria and led to an aggravation of internal contradictions. The constitutional experiments of the early 1860s, during which local Landtags were restored, could not correct the situation. Kaiser Franz Joseph summed it up: “Now we will have some kind of parliamentary life, power, however, remains in my hands.”

Of particular importance was the “passive resistance” of Hungary, which demanded the 1848 constitution and would not settle for less. Other peoples of the empire also showed dissatisfaction with their situation. It became obvious that the old model of governing a multinational state, based on the almost unlimited power of the monarch, required replacement. The defeat in the war with Prussia was the final impetus that forced the Austrian government to begin solving pressing problems.

During the discussion of ways out of the crisis, it was decided that the basis of the solution “under the current circumstances is the combination of German and Hungarian elements against Pan-Slavism.” Negotiations ended in December 1867 with the signing of an Austro-Hungarian agreement to transform the empire into a dual monarchy, consisting of two parts - the Austrian, where Franz Joseph retained the title of Kaiser (emperor), and the Hungarian, where he was titled king. State unity was ensured by personal union, embodied in the person of the Kaiser-King, and the creation of three general ministries- military, finance and foreign affairs. In their internal affairs, the two parts of the monarchy enjoyed complete independence, each receiving its own constitution and representative bodies elected on the basis of a high property qualification. In seventeen Austrian provinces, local Landtags were also elected. In this peculiar way the Austrian Empire was transformed into constitutional monarchy. But even despite this, Austria-Hungary remained, in its internal structure, the most archaic state in Europe, in which such relics of antiquity were preserved that had long been forgotten in other countries.

Was it possible to solve the internal problems of the Austrian Empire by transforming it into a dual monarchy? Give reasons for your position.

2. Austria

The constitutional reforms complemented the 1868 laws on civil marriage and freedom of religion carried out in the Austrian part of the empire. Laws on public education were also adopted, according to which compulsory eight-year education was introduced. At the same time, Catholicism was declared the state religion.

In the Austrian part of the state, opportunities were opened for various financial transactions, the free sale of land was allowed, and railway companies were exempt from taxes. These measures contributed to the acceleration economic development, but at the same time financial speculation flourished. The first years after the reforms of 1867—the “seven fat years”—became a time of unprecedented economic growth. However, the period of frantic speculation ended with a grandiose stock market crash in 1873, which led to massive bank failures and large financial losses for the population. After this, capital from the sphere of financial speculation began to gradually move into the production sphere. The state promoted the development of industry with its protectionist policies, which protected the domestic market from foreign competition; Railways passed from private hands to state control. In the central provinces of Austria there was a gradual modernization of agriculture, but the national outskirts still lagged behind in their development.

V. Gause. Ball at imperial court Habsburgs. 19th century drawing

Electoral reforms carried out until the end of the 19th century significantly expanded the circle of voters. Over time, the equality of religions was proclaimed, and the influence of the Catholic Church gradually weakened.

After the crisis of 1873, a wave of anti-Semitism arose in Austria, and Jews were blamed for the financial collapse. The German (or all-German) national movement that emerged under these conditions, along with anti-capitalist slogans, put forward a demand to exclude Jews from all spheres of public life. The nationalists preached the idea of ​​a “German Austria” and advocated unification with “Greater Germany.” After the inclusion in the program of the German National Union of a special “Aryan paragraph” directed against the Austrian bourgeoisie of Jewish origin, V. Adler, who laid the foundation for Austrian Social Democracy, and T. Herzl, who became the founder of the Jewish national movement - Zionism, came out of it, which set its the goal of creating a “Jewish home” in Palestine. Anti-Semitism was especially widespread in the capital of the empire. The fight against corruption and “Jewish dominance” became the main slogan of the Christian Social Union, which advocated the transformation of a society that did not show concern for the poor. The leader of the Union was triumphantly elected mayor of Vienna in 1895. In such an atmosphere in Austria, A. Schicklgruber, the future Hitler, was born and raised.

Under pressure from the workers' and social democratic movements in Austria, the foundations of social legislation were laid. Adopted in 1885-1887. laws established an 8-hour working day for women, a 10-hour day for men, and compulsory Sunday rest.

In 1889, the united Social Democratic Party of Austria (SDPA) was founded, but ethnic contradictions soon destroyed its unity. Hungary had its own Social Democratic Party. The SDPA became the first party to adopt a special program on the national issue. The theorists of “Austro-Marxism” put forward the idea of ​​“cultural-national autonomy” of the lands, without granting them political self-government. This approach did not contribute to solving the national problem either in the party or in the state. As a result, interethnic contradictions within the SDPA, especially between the Czechs and Germans, led to its transformation into a federation of six independent national parties, which were united only by the struggle for universal suffrage. The law on universal male suffrage was passed in 1907, and the first elections based on it brought success to the Social Democrats.

The Austro-Hungarian agreement of 1867 caused discontent among other peoples, but only the Polish gentry managed to secure their exclusive position in Galicia. The compromise with the Poles cemented their superiority over the Rusyns and Jews, who made up more than half of the Galician population. Of the peoples living in Austria in an oppressed position, there were also Serbs and Italians. Their national movement was inspired by the example of the independent states created by these peoples on the Austrian borders.

The 1867 agreement caused particular indignation in Bohemia (Czech Republic), which demanded the restoration of the unity of the lands of the “Bohemian Crown” and granting it the same rights as Hungary received. The Austrian authorities were ready to recognize the historical rights of Bohemia, but the categorical protest of Hungary disrupted the agreement being prepared in 1871. Only limited reforms were carried out to expand Czech voting rights and local government opportunities. More than a third of the population of Bohemia were Germans, who entered into a decisive confrontation with the Czech national movement.

Among the German population of Bohemia, the ideas of the German National Union were widely popular. A manifestation of irreconcilable differences was the division of the ancient Charles University in Prague into German and Czech universities. Until the collapse of Austria-Hungary, there was a stubborn struggle in Bohemia, leading to street clashes and fights between deputies.

What interethnic contradictions existed in the Austrian part of the empire?

Bohemia was the industrial center of Austria-Hungary, which produced at the end of the 19th century. up to three quarters of its industrial production. The Czech concern Skoda supplied its vehicles and weapons to the world market and became one of the largest military enterprises in Europe. Bohemia was also famous for the production of beer, crystal, and glass products (Bohemian glass). It had the highest level of literacy and general education in the empire, there was universal compulsory education until the age of 14 and a system of vocational training. As a result, the Czechs became the economically strongest and most politically organized nation in the Austrian half of the monarchy. Based on rapprochement with their kindred Slovaks who lived in Hungary, the ideology of “Czechoslovakism” arose, which gave its name to the independent state created after the collapse of Austria-Hungary.

3. Hungary

By agreement of 1867, the Hungarians regained the Constitution of 1848, Franz Joseph became the constitutional king of Hungary. In the dual monarchy, Hungary received equal rights with Austria and enjoyed complete independence in internal affairs. Hungarian politicians gained great influence in central authorities authorities and largely determined the foreign policy of Austria-Hungary. The Kingdom of Hungary restored its historical borders, which included Slovakia, Transylvania, Serbian Vojvodina and Croatia with Slavonia. Of all these territories, only Croatia had internal autonomy. In 1868, a law on the political equality of nationalities was adopted, which proclaimed the Kingdom of Hungary a single national state: “All citizens of Hungary... politically constitute one nation, an indivisible single Magyar nation, its equal members are all citizens of the fatherland, no matter what nationality They didn't belong."

While granting constitutional rights to all peoples, the ruling Hungarian minority continued to ignore their national identity. The policy of Magyarization pursued by him (from the self-name of the Hungarians Magyars) gave the problem interethnic relations in Hungary the character is even more acute than in the Austrian part of the empire. Any national organizations were banned there, the Hungarian language dominated the education system, almost all national schools were closed, higher education institutions educational establishments were in the hands of the Hungarians. At the same time, the Hungarians remained a minority in their “historical kingdom.” By the beginning of the 20th century. for 8 million Hungarians there were 18 million representatives of other nationalities.

The population of the entire Austria-Hungary in 1910 was 52 million people, of which 12 million were Austrians, 10 million were Hungarians, and about 30 million were representatives of other peoples, mainly Slavic.

The fight against Hungarian dominance was waged primarily in the cultural sphere. Each nation tried to preserve its own national identity through its languages ​​and culture. The Romanians of Transylvania were drawn to their brethren in independent Romania; The Slovaks gradually became closer to their kindred Czechs in Bohemia. In the lands of the southern Slavs, the ideology of “Yugoslavism” became widespread, and the unified Serbo-Croatian language was widely recognized. All these movements gradually prepared the collapse of the Hungarian Kingdom.

Peasants of the Hungarian part of Austria-Hungary in national costumes: Vlachs, Magyars, Slovaks, Germans

The Hungarians themselves waged a constant struggle for further expansion of their rights as part of the dual monarchy, trying to reduce relations with Austria to a minimum. The Compromise of 1867 provided for the revision of agreements on problems common to Austria and Hungary every ten years. Negotiations on this topic regularly gave rise to clashes over the very nature of the Austro-Hungarian agreement and the scope of rights granted to Hungary. Relations became particularly strained from the end of the 19th century, when Hungary’s economic and political positions within the dual monarchy strengthened. The contradictions that grew over the decades weakened the internal unity of the monarchy and prepared its inevitable collapse.

The development of the Hungarian economy accelerated as a result liberal reforms, carried out after the transformation of the monarchy, especially in the 1880s. The state took control of the main railway lines, subordinating all trade traffic through Hungarian territory. Unlike Austria, large land ownership remained here, and the landed aristocracy continued to play a major role in all spheres of social and political life. Economic growth began with agriculture, for the products of which the entire market of Austria-Hungary was opened, protected by duties from foreign competition. The processing of agricultural products received particular development, and the Hungarians moved from exporting grain to exporting flour. In the shortest possible time, the Hungarian flour milling industry in terms of technological level came out on top in Europe and second in the world, second only to the United States. Other sectors of the Hungarian economy have also achieved great success. In industry, transport engineering has become the most prosperous sector. However, material well-being extended only to a minority of the population. Despite all the successes, Hungary was called “the country of three million beggars.”

4. Three capitals

In 1872, Buda and Pest, located on opposite banks of the Danube, united into one city - Budapest. The capital of Hungary has become one of the most beautiful cities in Europe.

Vein. Opera building. Architect A.Z. von Sickardsburg. 1888

Vein. Museum of Art and History. Architects G. Semper and K.-F. von Hasenauer. 1889

Budapest. Opera theatre. Architect B. Ibl.1875-1884

Budapest. Eastern Station. Architects D. Roschlitz and J. Feketehazi. 1884

Prague. National Theatre. Architect I. Zitek. 1868-1881

Prague. National Museum. Architect I. Schultz. 1885-1890

One of its main decorations were eight bridges spanning the Danube. The architectural monuments built in the 19th - early 20th centuries include, first of all, buildings that housed cultural institutions: the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, the Opera House, the National Museum, the Museum fine arts. In 1894, in connection with preparations for the celebrations marking the founding of the Hungarian state, the construction of a monument dedicated to the millennium of Hungary began. In 1887, the first tram ran through the streets of Budapest, and in 1896, the first metro in continental Europe was opened.

The capital of Austria-Hungary, Vienna, acquired its modern appearance during a grandiose reconstruction that was carried out throughout the 1850-1880s. During these years, on the site of the old fortress walls, a ring of Ringstrasse boulevards was built, distinguished by ceremonial buildings, which embodied a wide variety of architectural styles and trends. In addition to stately public buildings and private mansions, Vienna's attractions include the Opera, the City Theater, the Kunsthistorisches Museum, the Natural History Museum, and the Austrian Museum, built before the First World War. By the end of the 19th century. the population of Budapest and Vienna exceeded 1 million people.

In the second half of the 19th century. Prague was also transformed. During this period, a modern city center was formed around Wenceslas Square in the Nove Mesto area, also distinguished by ceremonial buildings.

An event in the history of Czech culture was the opening in 1881 of the National Theater, built with public donations. The Czech cultural elite of that time is called the “generation of the National Theater”. Following this, the National Museum was built, which also became one of the symbols of cultural revival. The banks of the Vltava were connected by new bridges and decorated with new embankments. At the beginning of the 20th century. In Prague, monuments to the baptist of the Czech Republic, St. Wenceslas and the reformer of the Czech church Jan Hus.

Along with Budapest and Vienna, Prague has become a cultural center of pan-European significance. It was during the era of Austria-Hungary that a unique Central European culture developed in these cities. urban culture and a characteristic way of life common to all three capitals and distinguishing them from the rest of Europe.

5. Foreign policy of Austria-Hungary

After Austria was ousted from its traditional areas of foreign policy activity - Germany and Italy - its main attention turned to the Balkans. The turn of foreign policy to the East was also facilitated by the strengthening of Hungary’s position as part of a dual state. It was the Hungarians who increasingly began to determine the general nature of the foreign policy of Austria-Hungary, which increasingly acquired an anti-Russian orientation. Austro-Russian rivalry in the Balkans manifested itself with all its force during the Eastern Crisis of 1875-1878. In cooperation with the British, Austro-Hungarian diplomacy minimized Russia's successes in the Balkans, and at the same time acquired Bosnia and Herzegovina. It then took two years to pacify the rebellious provinces. The anti-Russian turn in the policy of Austria-Hungary was consolidated in 1879 by the conclusion of a military alliance with Germany. The accession of Italy to this union temporarily softened the traditional Austro-Italian contradictions.

Despite Bismarck's attempts in the 1880s. weaken the Austro-Russian rivalry, Austria-Hungary continued to strengthen its position in the Balkans. In 1881, agreements were concluded with Serbia, making it economically and politically dependent on Austria-Hungary. In 1883, Romania joined the alliance of Austria-Hungary, Germany and Italy (the Triple Alliance), hoping to reclaim Bessarabia from Russia. Austria-Hungary then entered into an agreement with Great Britain to counter Russian policies towards the Ottoman Empire. In the same year, the Austrian protege Ferdinand Coburg took the Bulgarian throne and since then Bulgaria has long linked its fate with the countries of the German bloc.

Some softening in Austro-Russian relations occurred at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries, when the two powers agreed to pursue a coordinated policy in the Balkans. However, already in 1903, the coup that took place in Serbia created a new situation in this region. Serbia left the zone of Austrian influence and became a center of attraction for the Yugoslav peoples of Austria-Hungary, and in response to Austrian pressure it moved towards rapprochement with Russia. From that moment on, the Austro-Serbian confrontation became an important factor in international relations and a threat to the European world.

Caricature of the Triple Alliance. Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy are smoking on a keg of gunpowder. End of the 19th century

The desire of Austria-Hungary to finally secure Bosnia and Herzegovina led to the emergence of the second Bosnian crisis. In 1878, Austria-Hungary received the right to administer Bosnia and Herzegovina, but formally they remained part of the Ottoman Empire. The 1908 revolution in Turkey, which brought to power the nationalist opposition - the Young Turks - created a threat of weakening Austrian influence in the Balkans, so in Vienna a decision was made on annexation, that is, the formal seizure of Bosnia and Herzegovina. An agreement was reached with the Turkish government on the payment of compensation for the captured provinces and on the refusal of Austria-Hungary to trade “capitulations”.

Remember what “surrender” is. What consequences did the “surrender regime” have for Turkey?

The protests of Serbia and Russia against such a gross violation of the terms of the Berlin Treaty were ignored. At the same time, Austria-Hungary supported the violation of the terms of the Berlin Treaty by Bulgaria, which declared itself an independent kingdom. Serbia and Russia were forced to come to terms with the changes that had occurred, but their relations with Austria-Hungary were completely damaged.

The Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 contributed to a further aggravation of the situation, during which Austria-Hungary opposed the expansion of the territory of Serbia and Montenegro and contributed to the creation of the Muslim state of Albania as a counterweight. In the ongoing struggle between Serbia and Bulgaria for Macedonia, Austria-Hungary supported the Bulgarians. Despite this, Serbia emerged victorious from the Balkan Wars, its authority among the Balkan peoples increased, and its troops gained combat experience that the Austro-Hungarian army did not have. At the end of hostilities, Emperor Franz Joseph remarked: “This peace cannot be maintained... We are heading towards a new war. God grant that it is limited to the Balkans.” The war against Serbia became an obsession of the Austro-Hungarian leadership.

Questions and tasks

1. How did the crisis of the Austrian Empire manifest itself? How did you manage to overcome it? 2. Describe the internal situation in the Austrian part of Austria-Hungary. 3. Why were interethnic problems in Hungary more acute than in the Austrian part of the empire? 4. Which of the two parts of the dual monarchy, in your opinion, was economically more developed? Provide facts to support your answer. 5. What internal contradictions weakened the dual monarchy and prepared for its collapse? 6. How was the anti-Russian orientation of Austro-Hungarian foreign policy manifested?

Studying the source

Extracts from the basic state law on general affairs and the methods of their interpretation (Austro-Hungarian Agreement of December 21, 1867)

Ҥ 1. The following cases are declared general:

a) foreign affairs... the approval of international treaties, however, so far as required by the constitution, is reserved to the representative institutions of both halves of the empire;

b) military organization with the inclusion of the military fleet, but with the exception of determining the size of the contingent and legislation on the procedure for serving military service...

c) finances, as far as general expenses are concerned, in particular the establishment of the necessary budget and the verification of reports relating to these expenses.

§ 2. In addition, the following affairs, although not subject to general management, must, however, be conducted on the same basis, agreed upon from time to time:

1. Trade matters, especially customs legislation.

2. Laws relating to indirect taxes, which are closely related to industrial production.

3. Establishment of the monetary system and minting of coins.

4. Regulations concerning railway lines of interest to both halves of the empire.

5. Establishment of a military system."

Why were the above cases declared common? What matters were not subject to general management?