Immediately after the end of the First World War, Prime Minister Clemenceau adopted a program to restore the French economy. As a result, by 1925 the regions most affected by the fighting had restored their economic power. In order to somehow compensate for the losses in the workforce caused by the death of millions of French at the front, more than 2 million foreign workers were invited to the country. The French government decided to receive funds from Germany to restore the destroyed economy. The slogan of the day was “The Germans pay for everything!” In 1921, the French calculated the full amount of reparations, which amounted to an absolutely fantastic figure - $33 billion. The British, realizing the unreality of paying such an astronomical sum to a war-drained Germany, proposed reducing it to a reasonable size, but the French remained adamant.
Already at the end of 1921, the British advocated reducing reparations from Germany, which was supported by Prime Minister Briand. This caused a storm in parliament, which removed Briand and appointed Poincaré in his place. In 1923, after Germany again failed to pay reparations, he occupied the Ruhr region. IN next year The Dowers Plan was adopted to restore the German economy so that it would be able to pay off the former Entente, and French troops left the Ruhr.
However, in the same 1924, Poincaré was forced to cede power to the radicals led by Herriot, during a reign that included an unprecedented financial crisis. Thanks to this, already in 1926 Poincaré was again in power. He introduced wise economic policies that revived the French national currency. Poincaré was hailed as the "savior of the franc." When the prime minister retired in 1929 for health reasons, he was considered one of the most outstanding politicians of the Third Republic.
By the end of the 1920s, France was able to restore its pre-war level of economic development. Moreover, the prosperous country seemed to remain aloof from the general crisis that engulfed Europe in 1929. Thanks to high customs duties, France remained the only island of stability in a world plunged into chaos by depression. However, by 1931, the crisis had reached France, which was affected no less seriously than its neighbors.
According to the election results in 1932, right-wing parties lost their majority in parliament, losing power to radicals and socialists. At the very beginning of 1934, the reputation of the radical party was greatly damaged by a dirty political scandal in which a number of its leaders were involved. French fascist organizations took advantage of this to try to seize power into their own hands on February 6, 1934. A huge crowd gathered near the parliament building, which was dispersed by police. 15 rebels were killed and more than 1.5 thousand were wounded. Faced with the direct threat of civil war, Prime Minister Daladier resigned, giving up his post in favor of Gaston Doumergue, who formed the National Union cabinet.
In 1935, the Popular Front was formed in France, headed by socialist leader Leon Blum.
In 1935, Doumergue's government collapsed due to the exorbitant ambitions of radical ministers. Doumergue was replaced by Pierre Laval, a former socialist who defected to the right. He tried to fight the crisis by cutting social spending and increasing taxes. This led to the fall of his government already at the beginning of 1936.
The Popular Front won the subsequent parliamentary elections. The Socialists gained a majority in parliament for the first time, but at the same time the share of the Communists increased, gaining 72 seats. Blum became prime minister. Government Popular Front decided to fight the crisis through broad social reforms, which could do nothing to improve the economic situation of the country. In France, an 8-hour working day, paid leave were introduced, and negotiations began between entrepreneurs and trade unions on working conditions. The Socialists tried to nationalize the banking system, but the Senate strongly opposed this. Blum's social reforms were a very expensive undertaking, which hit the ailing economy even harder. The actions of the Popular Front were least of all aimed at stimulating production and restoring the economy. Unemployment remained high, and the increase in wages was quickly eaten up by rising prices. Entrepreneurs began to take their capital out of France, which further fueled inflation.
Blum's reforms failed completely, and when he tried to raise taxes in June 1937, the Senate dissolved his cabinet. In April 1938, the radicals returned to power, and the socialists were again in opposition. The radical Edouard Daladier, who became the new prime minister, formed a cabinet in which the post of finance minister went to Paul Reynaud, who set about restoring the economy destroyed by the crisis and the reforms of the Popular Front.
Through Reynaud's efforts, it was only in 1938-1939 that the French economy reached the level of 1928, but this was achieved mainly due to feverish preparations for war. In March 1940, Paul Reynaud became Prime Minister of France.
On May 10, 1940, the Wehrmacht attacked France, and within weeks the fate of the campaign was sealed. On June 10, with the Germans rapidly approaching Paris, the government moved to Tours. After 4 days, the government left Tours and moved to Bordeaux. Reynaud insisted on continuing hostilities, and on June 16 he was replaced by Marshal Henri Philippe Pétain, a supporter of the truce. On June 22, 1940, a preliminary truce with the Germans was signed in the Compiegne Forest. The ceremony took place in the same carriage in which the French accepted the surrender of the Kaiser's army in November 1918.
After this, more than 30 prominent French politicians, including Daladier, fled to North Africa to form a government in exile there. However, upon arrival in Morocco, they were all arrested on the orders of Pétain. However, the former Deputy Minister of War, General Charles de Gaulle, who emigrated to England, already on June 18, 1940, addressed all the French on the radio, urging them to continue the fight. Soon he created the Free France movement in London, which set as its goal the fight against Nazi Germany.
On July 9, 1940, the remnants of parliament gathered in the resort town of Vichy to discuss the future of France. Pétain's deputy Pierre Laval was able to convince the deputies that Germany had won the war and would now reign supreme in Europe. At Laval's suggestion, parliament transferred all its powers to Pétain. III Republic ceased to exist.
Laval took a pronounced pro-German position, which is why Pétain dismissed him at the end of 1940. However, in April 1942, under pressure from Berlin, Laval returned to the government and remained in it until the collapse of the Vichy regime in 1944.
Meanwhile, during 1940-1942, with the help of the British, de Gaulle managed to win over to his side some commanders of colonial units in the Middle East and Indochina. However, during this period serious disagreements arose between the general himself and the British. The British government was not satisfied with the fact that de Gaulle campaigned based on the imperial interests of France, and paid little attention to strengthening friendly relations between the British, American and French military. The problem was that the French colonial units did not like the Allies and were not very keen to help them in the fight against the Germans. But de Gaulle was unable to fulfill the role of a connecting link during this period.
Nevertheless, in August 1940, the administration of the colonies of Chad, Cameroon, French Congo and Ubangi-Shari (now the Central African Republic) came over to his side. In 1941, de Gaulle's units took part, together with the British, in operations against those loyal to the Pétain government French units in Syria. However, due to the difficulties with the allies described above, de Gaulle's movement was not officially recognized by the United States, and therefore did not have much political weight. But the general continued to act.
During 1942, his people established contact with the bourgeois resistance groups operating in France and subordinated them to their leadership. With the help of General de Gaulle, these groups began to receive weapons, money, and radio stations from London. But at the same time, de Gaulle did not provide support to resistance groups of Marxist and socialist orientation leading an active struggle against the occupiers. However, this situation did not last long, and he soon managed to come to an agreement with some communists. Moreover, in December 1942, a meeting of representatives of both movements took place, at which it was decided to join forces in the fight against the Germans. Already in January 1943, a representative office of the Communist Party operated at the general’s headquarters in London.
Work continued in France itself. In May 1943, General Jean Moulin's representative founded the National Council of the Resistance (NCR), which included representatives of 16 different movements, including the Communist Party, the National Front, the CGT, Christian trade unions, and so on. Armed groups of various Resistance parties united at the beginning of 1944 into the French Internal Forces (FFI), and about half of their numbers were partisan units. The general management of parts of the FFI was carried out by military commission NSS, whose chairman was general secretary National Front, communist Pierre Villon. The communist General Joinville became the chief of staff of the FFI. General de Gaulle, who wanted to control the activities of the partisans, appointed General Koenig, who was in London, as commander of the FFI.
Meanwhile, in the summer of 1943, a unification of organizations led by de Gaulle and General Giraud took place. On July 3, 1943, the French Committee for National Liberation (FCNL) was formed in Algeria under the chairmanship of de Gaulle and Giraud, which effectively became the French Provisional Government in exile. A Provisional National Assembly was established under the FKNO, which performed the functions of parliament. During the same period, General de Gaulle established strong ties with the USSR, and thanks to them, on August 27, 1943, with very cold support from the USA and England, the FKNO was recognized by the international community. In 1944, communists entered this body for the first time.
In March 1944, NSS participants adopted a unified program of action after the end of the war and the liberation of France. It pointed out the need to establish true democracy in France for all segments of the population and contained many socialist points. And very soon there was a chance to bring it to life.
The opening of the Second Front and the landing of Allied troops in Europe served as a signal for the start of the uprising. On June 6, 1944, the PCF Central Committee ordered the start of military operations against the Germans throughout France, and on the same day, de Gaulle, speaking on the radio from London, called on all his supporters to begin a decisive battle with the Germans. After these calls, a huge number of volunteers joined the FFI units - their number increased 10 times and reached 500 thousand people. As a result, the uprising covered 40 of the 90 departments of France, and 28 of them were liberated from the Germans exclusively by Resistance forces. However, strengthening the communists was not part of de Gaulle's plans. He was afraid that France might turn red, and for this reason his representatives began to negotiate with representatives of the police and gendarmerie, especially in Paris, so that their units would come over to his side, and together they would prevent the communists from seizing power. De Gaulle sent his best and most combat-ready units to capture Paris in order to prevent its capture by communist units. Moreover, when an uprising began in Paris before the arrival of the Allied troops and de Gaulle’s units, the general’s representative took an unprecedented step: to sign a truce with the German commandant of Paris, but it was not supported by other fighting groups of the Resistance. Street fighting began in Paris, as a result of which on August 24 most of it was liberated by the rebels. On the same day, de Gaulle's units entered Paris.
Victory in the imperialist war of 1914-1918. cost France dearly. Material losses, according to official data, reached 200 billion francs. During the war years, about 10 thousand enterprises were destroyed or damaged and 200 mines were flooded. 900 thousand residential buildings were completely destroyed or rendered unusable.
The ten northern industrial departments, which before the war produced 80% of the total production of iron, 60% of steel, 50% of coal, 90% of linen and 30% of cotton fabrics, suffered especially great destruction. The war also undermined agriculture. High costs and effort was required to make the land cultivable again. Up to two million hectares of land were dug up with trenches and covered with craters from shells and mines. The volume of agricultural production in 1919 was two thirds of the pre-war level.
While the people were experiencing enormous misfortune, a handful of magnates became incredibly rich. The French financial oligarchy acquired even greater power in the economic and political life of the country. The flow of military orders led to the construction large quantity large enterprises to replace those seized German occupiers in the northern and eastern regions, to the emergence of new industrial centers, automobile, aviation, chemical and other large factories, to the reconstruction and expansion of many old factories. Alsace and Lorraine, returned to France after the war, doubled the total reserves of iron ore in the country, coal reserves by 40%, and the capacity of the metallurgical industry by 75%.
The concentration of industry has increased. The metallurgy industry was dominated by three largest concerns, chemical industry- five, in the automotive industry - three firms, 60% of electrical production was in the hands of one trust.
The powerful banking groups of Rothschild, de Vandel, Paris-Netherlands, Indochina and other banks, closely associated with large industrial companies, represented the “200 families” of capital magnates that determined the domestic and foreign policy of France.
Despite the end of the war, the situation of workers did not improve. As a result of the depreciation of the franc, prices for food and consumer goods were 2-3 times higher than before the war. Workers suffered from severe food shortages, fuel and housing crises. Small and partly even middle peasants eked out a miserable existence.
The Clemenceau government, which came to power in November 1917, brutally suppressed the slightest manifestations of workers' dissatisfaction. It introduced the strictest censorship, created a network concentration camps, throwing people there without any trial, based only on a police report. At the end of the war it was whole year delayed the demobilization of the army in order to prolong the military regime in the country, wage an anti-Soviet war and maintain France’s strong position during the division spoils of war at the Paris Conference.
In an effort to destroy the Republic of Soviets, save their investments in Russia and seize its wealth, the French imperialists acted as militant organizers of all anti-Soviet campaigns of the Entente and provided comprehensive military support counter-revolutionary forces of Kolchak, Yudenich, Denikin, Wrangel, Petlyura, participated in anti-Soviet conspiracies. The Clemenceau government owned a vital role in organizing the intervention of Romanian and Czechoslovak troops against the Hungarian Soviet Republic; it also sent its colonial troops to Hungary. French troops also waged war against the national liberation movement in Syria.
Revolutionary upsurge in 1918-1920.
The French reactionary bourgeoisie and right-wing socialists, frightened by the growth of the revolutionary movement in Europe, launched violent propaganda against Soviet Russia, portraying the Bolsheviks as “barbarians,” “destroyers of civilization.” But many French socialists understood correctly historical meaning October Revolution and began to defend it. Big role Socialist Jacques Sadoul played a role in revealing the truth about Soviet Russia. As a member of the French military mission in Petrograd, in the summer of 1918 he sent the writer Romain Rolland his diaries recording his immediate impressions of the young Soviet Republic and asked that other prominent writers and publicists be familiarized with their contents. He called to prevent the interventionists from “playing the role of executioners of the Great Russian Revolution” and condemned the intervention as an “outrageous crime.” On November 16, 1918, in the French socialist newspaper L'Humanité (Humanity), an article entitled "War in Russia" appeared, signed by its editor-in-chief Marcel Cachin, containing a protest from leftist circles Socialist Party against anti-Soviet intervention. Even the reformist General Confederation of Labor was forced to make the same protest. Among the advanced French intelligentsia, a movement began in defense of the young Soviet Republic. Its initiators were Henri Barbusse, Romain Rolland, Paul Vaillant-Couturier and others.
The imperialist intervention against Soviet Russia caused deep indignation among broad sections of the French people. The movement of solidarity with the Soviet Republic manifested itself with particular force among French soldiers and sailors sent to Russia. In February 1919, soldiers of the 58th infantry regiment, located near Tiraspol, and then the soldiers of the 176th regiment in Kherson and a number of other units refused to fight against the Soviet Republic. On March 25, 1919, a group of French soldiers sent to the regions of Odessa and Crimea published a letter in the Soviet press. It said that, having become convinced of the justice of the revolutionary struggle of the Russian proletariat, they would stop the war and, upon returning to their homeland, would tell the truth to the French workers, “whose minds are clouded by the continuous lies of the government press.”
French soldiers and sailors took part in demonstrations and rallies of the Odessa proletariat against the intervention, and transferred weapons to Bolshevik organizations to defend the revolution. There were cases of French soldiers and sailors going over to the side of the Red Army.
The rapid revolutionization of French soldiers and sailors was facilitated by the establishment of contacts with the Bolsheviks of Odessa and Sevastopol. Selfless propaganda work was carried out among French sailors in Odessa by an active participant in the Russian Civil War, Frenchwoman Jeanne Labourbe, who was a member of the Foreign Collegium of the Odessa Underground Committee of the Communist Party. The French command and the White Guard authorities of the city arrested 11 members of the Foreign Collegium and brutally dealt with them. Jeanne Labourbe also fell victim to the interventionists; she was shot on March 1, 1919. This reprisal against one of the best representatives of the French people caused indignation among the soldiers of the interventionist troops and in France itself.
In French military units Revolutionary action groups that had emerged during the war became more active. On April 16, 1919, an uprising against the intervention broke out on French warships in the Black Sea. On April 17, arrests began among members of the ship committees, but the uprising grew. On April 20, the sailors of the battleships France and Jean Bart, stationed in the roadstead in Sevastopol, raised red flags and demanded the return of the ships to France. Soon such performances covered almost the entire French fleet on the Black Sea. The French government had to retreat: by May 1, the French fleet left the Black Sea, and most of the sailors were demobilized. Attempts to send other warships against Soviet Russia were unsuccessful. In June, in the port of Toulon, the crew of the flagship Provence, which received an order to sail to the Black Sea, refused to carry it out, rebelled and demanded demobilization. Soon there was a new uprising of sailors in Toulon, which was joined by workers. The rebels fought street battles against the troops sent to pacify them. The same events took place in Brest, Rochefort and other places. The government suppressed the uprisings, but was forced to make a number of concessions, including canceling its orders for warships to go to sea. The revolutionary struggle of the French proletariat also intensified. Transport workers, dockers, metal workers, miners, textile workers demanded an 8-hour working day, higher wages, recognition of the rights of trade unions, an end to the intervention against Soviet Russia and the speedy demobilization of the army. When the reactionary court, challenging the working class, acquitted the murderer of Jaurès, Vilain, the pariah proletariat responded on April 6, 1919 with a grandiose 300,000-strong demonstration under the slogans: “Death to Vilain!”, “Down with the Clemenceau government!” “Long live Soviet Russia!”, “Long live Lenin!”
The revolutionary uprisings of the masses and the revolt of the fleet on the Black Sea forced the Clemenceau government to officially declare its refusal to directly participate in the intervention. At the same time, the government unleashed brutal repression on revolutionary soldiers and sailors. Many of them were sentenced to hard labor and imprisonment.
The aggressive policy towards the Soviet Republic continued. The French government provided assistance to Denikin and other counter-revolutionary forces, supplied weapons to bourgeois states neighboring the Soviet Republic, especially Poland, and forcibly sent Russian soldiers stationed in France to Denikin’s disposal, although most of them demanded to be sent to Soviet Russia. Speaking in December 1919 in the Chamber of Deputies, Clemenceau said that the French government had spent billions of francs on anti-Soviet intervention and intended to surround the Soviet Republic with a “barbed wire barrier.”
Trying to weaken the growing revolutionary movement, the ruling circles passed through parliament in April 1919 a bill introducing an 8-hour working day. But the wave of demonstrations and strikes did not subside. On May 1, 1919, a general political strike took place under the slogans: “Complete demobilization of the army!”, “World without annexations!”, “Against anti-Soviet intervention and high taxes on wages!” Powerful demonstrations of international labor solidarity took place in major cities. In Paris alone, 500 thousand people took part in them. Workers erected barricades; Soldiers often fraternized with workers. On May 8 in Paris, over 300 thousand people attended the funeral of the worker Lorne, who was killed by police during the May Day clashes. At the end of the month, workers demonstrated at the Wall of the Communards at the Père Lachaise cemetery under the slogans: “Long live the Sevastopol sailors!”, “Long live the Russian Revolution!”, “Long live the Soviets!” Protest rallies against the sentences of participants in the Black Sea uprising and demonstrations with the participation of workers, soldiers and sailors took place in Brest, Toulon, and Toulouse.
The movement against the anti-Soviet policy of the government developed widely among the intelligentsia. On October 26, 1919, a protest of prominent writers, publicists, and historians against the blockade of the Soviet Republic was published in L'Humanit. The protest was signed by 72 people, including Anatole France and Henri Barbusse.
Through their struggle, the French working class, the working peasantry, and the progressive intelligentsia provided fraternal assistance to the Soviet people and defended their bourgeois-democratic freedoms, which were encroached upon by the French oligarchy. In this struggle, workers won an 8-hour working day and recognition of the rights of trade unions.
In order to suppress the revolutionary movement in the country, continue the struggle against Soviet Russia, as well as pursue a “firm policy” in the German question, the French oligarchy formed a “national bloc”, which, along with right-wing bourgeois parties - such as the Republican Federation, the Republican a democratic union, a group of royalists - included a party of radicals and radical socialists, associated with a large layer of the petty bourgeoisie. Its participation in the bloc meant that the big bourgeoisie managed to create a relatively broad coalition.
During the election campaign in November 1919, the reactionary bourgeoisie waged chauvinistic agitation, slandered the Soviet Republic, intimidated the French people with the “threat of Bolshevism,” and bombarded voters with leaflets calling for protection Treaty of Versailles, promised them material benefits from supporting the policy of the “national bloc”, putting forward the slogan “The Germans will pay for everything!”
As a result, the parties of the “national bloc” managed to get two-thirds of the seats in the Chamber of Deputies. Among the 375 deputies of the “national bloc” there were 140 millionaires, including Guy de Wandel, Rothschild, Luscher and other capital magnates.
The head of the government became in January 1920 one of the leaders of the “national bloc” - the former socialist Alexandre Millerand, closely associated with the largest metallurgical concern Comité des Forges. Millerand's government began its activities by actively participating in organizing the attack of bourgeois-landowner Poland on the Soviet Republic. In domestic policy its goal was to “curb” the working class and abolish the 8-hour working day. At the same time, wide opportunities for enrichment were created for the big bourgeoisie. Many factory owners received subsidies from the government to restore their enterprises, which were several times higher than the actual value of the enterprises. Political businessmen also took part in dirty financial frauds.
As one of the government members, Minister of Liberated Regions Reibel, later admitted, at least 20 billion francs were stolen.
The working class, all working people persistently continued the struggle against the reactionary policies of the ruling circles. On February 23, 1920, a strike of French railway workers began on the Paris-Lyon-Mediterranean line, involving 250 thousand people. The strikers demanded compliance with an 8-hour working day, increased wages, recognition of the rights of trade unions, and nationalization railways. Under pressure from the powerful railway workers' movement, the reformist leadership of the General Confederation of Labor addressed an open letter to the government, in which they stated that they would not allow a violation of the 8-hour working day, and even supported the demand for the nationalization of the railways, stipulating that it should be carried out through a buyout. At the same time, the leaders of the confederation (Jouhaux, Dumoulin, etc.) continued to pursue conciliatory tactics, trying to end the strike. Soon an agreement was concluded with the management of the railway company, which made some concessions, in particular on the issue of recognition of the rights of the trade union.
An extraordinary congress of railway workers, held on April 26, 1920, removed the compromisers from leadership positions in the trade union and formed a revolutionary leadership that declared a new strike under the slogan of nationalization of the railways. This caused the General Confederation of Labor to publish a call for a general strike of solidarity. Following the railway workers, miners, dockers, and sailors joined the strike merchant fleet. In May, the strike involved up to a million people. In the course of it, not only economic but also political demands were put forward; The strikers actively opposed the supply of weapons to bourgeois-landowner Poland. Tens of thousands of rifles, machine guns, and guns remained in warehouses due to the refusal of dockers to load them. Despite the opposition of the right-wing leaders of the General Confederation of Labor, metalworkers and construction workers also joined the strikers.
Formation of the French Communist Party
The May strike was brutally suppressed by the government, but it went down in French history as an outstanding labor battle.
The revolutionary upsurge clearly showed the French workers the need to create a Marxist-Leninist party that could lead the working class in its struggle for its interests.
Important processes were taking place in the French Socialist Party. In 1918-1920 Many advanced workers who went through the harsh school of war joined the party. The size of the party in 1920 was 150 thousand people compared to 24 thousand in 1915. Its left, revolutionary wing strengthened significantly. Back in 1916, the Internationalists created the Committee for the Restoration of the Socialist Party international relations. In May 1919 it transformed into the Committee for Accession to the Third International. In its organ “Bulletzn Communist” the Committee published articles and speeches by V.I. Lenin and propagated the ideas of the Communist International.
The struggle between supporters and opponents of joining the Communist International became extremely acute. In April 1919, at the extraordinary congress of the Socialist Party in Paris, the majority spoke in favor of conditionally remaining in the Second International. But at the Strasbourg Congress in February 1920, under pressure from the strengthened left wing, it was decided to withdraw from the Second International and send a delegation to Moscow to negotiate with the leaders of the Third International.
The delegates of the French Socialist Party, Cachin and Frossard, who arrived in Moscow, took part in the work of the Second Congress of the Communist International and talked with V.I. Lenin. Lenin's advice, his appeals to French socialists, especially his “Letter to the German and French Workers,” written in September 1920, played an important role in the formation of a new type of proletarian party in France.
The struggle of the left socialists, led by Cachin, for the creation of the Communist Party reached its highest tension at the Socialist Party Congress in Tours on December 25-30, 1920. The right and centrists sharply objected to the accession of the French Socialist Party to the Communist International. They decided in advance that it was better to split the party than to accept the “21 conditions” for admission to the Communist International.
Stormy debates at the Congress of Tours ended in victory for the left wing. The majority of the congress voted (3,208 seats out of 4,731) to join the Third International, which meant the formation of the Communist Party. The leaders of the right and center - Blum, Renaudel, Paul Fort and others - did not obey the decision of the congress and formed a separate, reformist party. However, the schismatics managed to lead no more than a third of the former composition of the Socialist Party.
The Tours split drew the line between reformism and communism in the French labor movement. The formation of the French Communist Party was the greatest achievement of the French working class.
At the same time, the left movement strengthened in the trade unions united by the General Confederation of Labor. The left wing, led by Monmousseau, Semar, Midol and others, demanded the implementation of class politics. Reformist leaders expelled the left and trade union organizations that sympathized with them from the General Confederation of Labor. In response to this schismatic act, the revolutionary elements of the trade unions convened their congress in Saint-Etienne in 1922, at which they founded the Unitary General Confederation of Labor.
Domestic and foreign policy of the government of the “national bloc”
In September 1920, Millerand was elected president of the French Republic. The post of prime minister at the beginning of 1921 was taken by Aristide Briand, who was known as a flexible politician. By this time, sharp disagreements began to brew in the government camp between the radicals and the rest of the parties of the “national bloc.” IN to a certain extent they were caused by the economic crisis of 1920-1921. This crisis manifested itself much weaker in France than in a number of other countries, since France carried out restoration work and developed the Alsace and Lorraine returned to it, but still led to a reduction in industrial production. Many small and medium-sized enterprises ceased to exist. Industrial production in 1921 decreased by 11.3% compared to the previous year. The crisis also had a noticeable impact on foreign trade. France's exports, which amounted to 9.8 billion gold francs in 1920, fell to 7.6 billion in 1921. Due to the increased cost of living, the situation of workers worsened significantly.
In the summer of 1921, the strike movement revived again. First in the east (Vosges, Alsace), then in the north there were strikes by textile workers. Workers now had to wage a defensive struggle to maintain wage levels, against lengthening the working day and deteriorating working conditions.
The ruling circles also encountered complications in the field of foreign policy. The French bourgeoisie considered its main foreign policy tasks to be strengthening the system of military alliances in Europe and ensuring the collection of reparation payments from Germany. In 1921, under the leadership of France, a military alliance of Czechoslovakia, Romania and the Serbian-Croatian-Slovenian state was formed, which later became the so-called Little Entente. In addition, in February 1921, France concluded a military treaty with Poland. All this strengthened the position of French imperialism in Europe. However, on the issue of collecting reparations from Germany, France encountered opposition from England and the United States of America, which, trying to prevent French hegemony on the continent, supported German imperialism.
The French government tried to influence Germany with repression. Back in April 1920, French troops occupied Frankfurt am Main, and on March 8, 1921, together with Belgian troops, they occupied Düsseldorf, Duisburg and Ruhrort. But these measures did not lead to timely receipt of reparations: out of 20 billion gold marks that Germany had to pay for 1920 and for four months of 1921, it contributed only 3 billion marks, and out of 66 million tons of coal , subject to delivery before August 31, 1922, 45 million tons were sent.
The failure of the Briand government to achieve satisfaction of the demands of the French imperialist bourgeoisie caused discontent in extreme reactionary circles. This dissatisfaction intensified when Briand agreed to convene an economic conference in Genoa with the participation of representatives of the Soviet Republic. On January 12, 1922, Briand's cabinet fell. The new government was formed by the militant reactionary Raymond Poincaré, and Briand took the post of Foreign Minister.
The Poincaré government intensified its attack on the working class and, above all, on its vanguard - the Communist Party, as well as on the Unitary General Confederation of Labor. The decree abolishing the 8-hour working day in the navy, issued in 1922, served as a signal for increasing the working day at many enterprises. The authorities brutally dealt with the strike movement, often depriving communists of their mandates in the organs local government, initiated legal proceedings against communist deputies of the Communist Party in parliament. This reactionary politics was directed not only against the communists, but also against all democratic forces in the country.
The ruling classes encouraged militarism in every possible way. France continued to maintain an army that was prohibitively large for peacetime, reaching 700 thousand people, and increased its air force, which in 1922-1923. surpassed the aviation of all European countries combined, helped arm Poland, Czechoslovakia and its other allies.
Taxes increased to cover military expenses: total amount them from 756.5 million francs. in 1920 it grew to 1269 million francs. in 1922. The government's dependence on the French Bank increased, as well as on foreign creditors, especially on American and British financial groups. The exchange rate of the franc by the end of 1922 was equal to only 42% of its pre-war parity. This entailed the depreciation of savings and caused discontent among the petty and middle bourgeoisie.
Poincaré's government adhered to a sharply anti-Soviet course. At the Genoa and Hague conferences in 1922, the French delegation took a particularly hostile position towards the Soviet Union.
The most pressing foreign policy issue continued to be the question of reparations. Poincaré's government deliberately increased tension in relations with Germany, leading to the occupation of the Ruhr. The capture of the Ruhr Basin, as the French imperialists hoped, was supposed to give them the opportunity to receive reparation payments, coal and coke for the French metallurgy, chemical semi-finished products and paints for the chemical industry, ensure duty-free import of Alsatian textiles into Germany, and most importantly, undermine the economic power and military Germany's potential, to persuade German monopolies to long-term agreements beneficial to French capitalists and to create the material basis for France's military and economic hegemony in Europe.
At the same time, the French metallurgical monopolies attempted to enter into an agreement with the Ruhr monopolies. In November 1922, the representative of the French monopolists, Lubersack, negotiated with the head of the German concern, Stinnes, on the creation of a Franco-German association of coal and steel, in which the French capitalists intended to take a leading position. The agreement, however, was rejected by the German side.
All these plans extremely worried the English monopolists, who understood that, having captured the Ruhr, France would become England's most dangerous competitor.
On January 11, 1923, French troops, together with Belgian troops, began the occupation of the Ruhr. The occupation was portrayed by the French ruling circles as a forced, temporary and even “peaceful” measure, supposedly intended only to ensure the receipt of reparations from Germany. But soon this policy suffered complete bankruptcy. The occupation of the Ruhr sharply aggravated not only Franco-German, but also French-English contradictions and at the same time weakened the economic position of France. The supply of coal from Germany has decreased due to the cessation of work at the mines. To cover the costs of the occupation, taxes had to be increased significantly. The franc continued to fall rapidly. In addition, the Ruhr adventure of the French ruling circles caused the rise of the revolutionary movement in Germany and a powerful solidarity movement of the French proletariat.
The separatist movement organized by France in West Germany also ended in failure.
The French Communist Party was the only party in the country that led a decisive struggle against the occupation of the Ruhr and exposed the aggressive plans of the bourgeoisie. The newspaper L'Humanité explained to the French workers the true goals of the occupation of the Ruhr day after day and called on the masses to support the German workers in their struggle against the occupiers. On January 14, 1923, the Central Committee of Action, created by the French Communist Party, appealed to the working people of the country with a call to resolutely resist reaction. March, April, May 1923 were marked by a massive strike movement involving hundreds of thousands of people. On May 1, strikes took place throughout the country, whose participants demanded an end to the Ruhr adventure.
In Duisburg and Dortmund, French soldiers chanted the Internationale and marched at the head of demonstrations by German workers. In Essen, French troops refused to shoot at the unemployed who seized the city hall. There was fraternization between French soldiers and railway workers and German workers.
The government unleashed brutal repression on the Communist Party and the Unitarian General Confederation of Labor. Cachin, Monmousseau and other prominent figures in the labor movement were imprisoned on charges of conspiracy against the state. Meanwhile, right-wing socialists - Leon Blum, Paul Faure and others - took the side of the government.
The occupation of the Ruhr worsened the economic and political situation of France. As a result of the enormous occupation expenses, a financial crisis occurred by the end of 1923. France found itself isolated on the international stage and faced open hostility from England. The failure of the Ruhr adventure and internal difficulties in France led in 1924 to the collapse of the “national bloc” and the fall of the Poincaré cabinet.
Negative
Expansion of territories
Features of economic development
Political structure
Features of the labor movement in the 1918-1920s
Activation of socialist parties
Growth of trade unions
Reasons for the decline of the labor movement
Ruhr crisis of 1923
Causes
Features of stabilization in France
Left Bloc Government
Government of National Unity
2
Consequences of the First World War for France
Negative:1.3 million people were killed, 2.8 million were injured.
6 thousand km were destroyed. railways, 52 thousand km. highway
10 departments where hostilities took place were destroyed
about 10 thousand plants and factories
agriculture is in decline
public debt rose to 300 billion francs,
the total loss from the war amounted to 134 billion francs in gold
3
Consequences of the First World War for France
Expansion of territoriesAlsace, Lorraine,
Saar coal basin (until 1935)
Mandatory territories:
Lebanon, Syria, East. Cameroon, East Togo
New industrial areas are growing in France.
Germany's payment of reparations
internal and external loans
create a financial base
development of industrial production
4
Consequences of the First World War for France
Features of economic developmentDominance of monopolies (3-4 per industry),
ruin of the middle strata
A large number of small businesses
Periodic crises in agriculture
The largest financial institution
there was a French bank
Financial groups
Rothschild, de Vandel
control significant capital
5
Consequences of the First World War for France
Political structureThe Constitution of the Third Republic of 1875 is in force,
according to which France is a presidential republic
Multi-party system,
most influential parties
radical and republican
Voting rights
for men over 21 years of age
except military and seasonal workers
November 1919 – parliamentary elections
brought victory to the National Bloc (a coalition of bourgeois parties).
A. Millerand (Chairman of the Council of Ministers) became the head of the government
President – J. Clemenceau
6
Labor movement and social conflicts
Government support for the white movementand participation in the intervention against Soviet Russia caused protests:
April 1919
revolt of French sailors in Odessa, Sevastopol (24 ships);
Inside France, unrest affected 16 military units;
strikes of solidarity with Soviet Russia by French workers
In 1919-1920
About 1 million workers took part in the strikes
May 1, 1919 - rallies, demonstrations
with the promotion of economic demands
May 1920
railway strike demanding the nationalization of railways
7
Labor movement and social conflicts
Activation of socialist partiesNumber of French Socialist Party
in 1919-1920 increased 5 times
As a result of the split
Socialist Party of France at the congress in Tours (1920)
most of the socialists moved
to the side of the created
French Communist Party (180 thousand)
In the socialist one there are about 30 thousand members left.
8
Labor movement and social conflicts
Growth of trade unions1918-1920
strengthening of trade unions
In 1918 General Confederation of Labor (CGT) –
the largest trade union in France, numbered 1,500 thousand members
In 1919 educated
French Confederation of Christian Workers (FCWT)
reformist trade union,
condemned the strikes
cooperated with the bourgeoisie
9
Labor movement and social conflicts
Reasons for the decline of the labor movementVictory in the war strengthened confidence in the government
France experienced a rise in national feelings
Refusal from intervention and withdrawal of troops from Soviet Russia
Concessions to workers from the government and entrepreneurs
Split of the labor movement:
split of the socialist party in 1920
CGT splits in 1919 and 1922
337 thousand members remained in the CGT;
the Unitary General Confederation of Labor was created - UVKT - 360 thousand members
under communist control
about 200 thousand members left trade unions
10
Ruhr crisis of 1923
1922The government of the National Bloc was headed by former President Poincaré.
Main policy objectives:
the fight against the revolution and the desire for French hegemony in Europe
January 1923
accusing Germany of refusing to pay reparations,
Franco-Belgian troops occupy the Ruhr (Rhineland)
France's allies (England and the USA) opposed the occupation of the Ruhr
In the autumn of 1923
Poincare's government was forced to withdraw troops from the Ruhr.
The size of reparations was also revised downwards.
11
Stabilization in France 1924-1929.
CausesGerman reparations
type of international legal
responsibility
state compensation
damage caused
in cash or other form
Accession
Alsace and Lorraine
(metallurgical base)
Recovery
destroyed by war
enterprises
(8 thousand factories)
8 billion marks in gold
Usage
Saarsky coal basin
Ensured industrial production growth by 5% per year
12
Stabilization in France 1924-1929.
Features of stabilization in FranceFast development
metallurgical
and engineering industries
development of new industries:
automotive industry,
aircraft manufacturing,
radio engineering;
use of conveyors
Partial cancellation
state control,
remained in the hands of the state:
National Economic Council
Supreme Railway Council
Bank National Credit
Continued capital flight
income from securities is three times greater,
than from industry
13
Features of the political life of the country during the period of stabilization
Foreign policyInternal
policy
IN
1924
on
elections
wins
installed
diplomatic
relationship
from the USSR
(1924)
amnesty
rebels
V
1919
on
Black
sea
sailors;
"Left Bloc" (union of socialist and radical parties).
government
spoke
for accepting
Germany
to the League of Nations
introduced
8
hourly
worker
day;
Majority
members
government
– radicals,
supported
plan
Dawes
By
reparations
done
attempt to introduce progressive
income tax
tax
Prime Minister
E. Herriot
(before
spring
1925)
1925 – Locarno
Herriot conference.
Banks refused
in loans to the government
Anti-colonial protests suppressed
uprisings
in Syria and Morocco
Capitals are exported
abroad.
In the spring of 1925 Herriot resigned.
14
Features of the political life of the country during the period of stabilization
Foreign policyBriand-Kellogg Pact signed
("Parisian
pact") on the renunciation of war
Internal
policy
as instruments of national
politicians
(1928)
Government
undertakes
active
Steps
In summer
1926
government
"Left
block"
(authors: French minister
In.Del Briand
and US Secretary of State Kellogg,
to fight
with inflation,
replaces
government
signed
15
incl.
Germany
and USSR).
introducing new
taxes
and states,
providing
privileges
entrepreneurs,
"National
unity",
Deterioration of relations
from the USSR.
which led to the return of capital from other countries.
Support
Jung's plan
(accepted
The Hague Conference
in 1930 – plan,
in which
entered
socialists
from the "Left Block"
1926
–
stabilization
franc.
accepted in return
Dawes plan to reduce
reparations from Germany
and representatives
right-wing parties.
Held
row
transformations: system;
and abolition
control
suprasocial
her
financial and economic
Head of the government
"National
unity" –
introduced
benefits
By
unemployment;
contributed
militarization
Germany).
R. Poincaré
(1926-1929)
are introduced
pensions
old age,
Withdrawn
troops
frompo
Rhineland
zones.
Construction
"Maginot Line" workers.
illness, disability,
low paid
(fortification system along the Franco-German border)
15
Economic crisis and its consequences
World economic crisis (30-37)also affected France. Leaked
he's very hard.
The light industry suffered the most from the crisis. So, in
1934 gross textile production volume
industry decreased by 65%.
The crisis also hit the country's foreign trade hard. Its volume
decreased by 60%. The crisis also had an impact on the French colonies.
This difficult situation has led to the activation of the far right and
fascist forces in the country. They began to make demands for
strengthening the role of the state in public life. So, in 1932 one of
Coty created major magnates in the perfume industry
a fascist party called the French Cooperation.
In addition, other fascist parties were created in the country. Their
the goal was to establish a fascist regime in France.
Fascist uprising
French fascists to come to powerbegan to act openly. For this purpose 6
February 1934 they raised armed
insurrection. The reason for this case was
"The Stavissky Case." Although the uprising
was defeated, however, the Nazis
demanded the resignation of the government.
Creation of the Popular Front (36-38)
The fascist uprising greatly disturbed French society. INA strong anti-fascist movement was born in the country. In accordance with
calls of the party of socialists, communists and radicals in the country 12
A nationwide demonstration was held in February. So
Thus, favorable conditions for unification have been created in the country
all anti-fascist forces. June 27, 1934 French Socialist
party and the French Communist Party signed a Pact on
unity of action. These two parties were soon joined by
radical party. Thus the Popular Front was created, which
won the elections.
However, soon, even within the Popular Front,
disagreements. The reason is that they could not agree on issues
domestic and foreign policy. Their relationship was cooled by the fact that
The government was unable to eliminate the budget deficit. Signed E.
Daladier's September 30 Munich Treaty was sharply criticized
Popular Front. In accordance with the treaty, the Sudetenland
Czechoslovakia was transferred to Germany. So the party
radicals left the Popular Front and it disintegrated.
Conclusion
Thus, although Francewon the First World War
war, but economic progress is not
accelerated. She couldn't escape from under
influence of the leading powers and carried out
dual policy. She became
victim of fascism.
Board of the national bloc 1919-1924
France during the period of stabilization. Left cartel. 1924-1926
“National Unity” 1926-1930
Economic crisis and the growth of the fascist threat. 1936-1938
France on the eve of World War II 1938-1939.
News of the victorious end of the war caused general euphoria. During the war, 1 million 300 thousand people died, 2 million 800 thousand were injured, of which 600 thousand remained disabled. Added to this was the high civilian mortality rate. The most developed northeastern regions were devastated. Half of the merchant fleet was lost. 134 billion francs were spent on the war. 12-13 billion francs in deposits were lost in Russia, as well as in Turkey and Austria-Hungary. France had 62 billion francs of external debt. The value of the national currency fell. During the war years, the amount of paper money increased 5 times. Production is concentrated and monopolies appear. The social structure of the population is changing. The population of cities is increasing. The number of middle layers is reduced. The growth of trade unions. 1919-1920 maximum lift of the working movement. 1921 is the lowest point in production. The country's party system is changing. Labor movement was under the influence of the socialist party (the French section of the socialist international). It included approximately 180 thousand people. It was closely connected with the General Confederation of Workers - 2 million 400 thousand people. Under the influence of the situation in Russia, the revolutionary socialists are strengthening. In the fall of 1918, they dominated the leadership of the Socialist Party. They are seeking the party's withdrawal from the Second International. In December 1920, the party transformed into the French section of the communist international. Since 1922 it has been called the French Communist Party. The communists were led by Kashen and Tarez. Socialist reformists recreated the former FSSI and returned to the Second International. Blut led them. Climanceau served as prime minister from November 1917. In April 1919, Clemenceau sought the passage of a law on an eight-hour working day and a collective labor agreement. France in 1918-1919 participates in the intervention in Soviet Russia. Soon the troops had to be withdrawn. On the eve of the 1918 elections, a parliamentary coalition, the National Bloc, was formed, uniting 6 republican parties. It included Poincare, Briand, Millerand. This coalition was center-right. The leaders of the National Bloc also used nationalist and Germanophobic slogans. At first they tried to cope with the internal crisis on their own. November 11 is declared the day of victory and memory of the fallen. An eternal flame and a grave are being built unknown soldier under the triumphal arch. Clemenceau loses the presidential election in January 1920. Millerand becomes president, and Poincaré becomes prime minister. The policy is based on economic liberalization: restoration of natural market mechanisms, provision of maximum benefits to monopolies. The government failed to solve the financial problem. The government's attempts to introduce austerity are leading to an intensification of the strike movement. France regained Alsace-Lorraine and the right to exploit the Saar coal basin. France entered the League of Nations. She received a mandate for half of Togo and Cameroon. France put forward strict demands to Russia regarding the return of debts. In 1923, the occupation of the Ruhr region, together with Belgium, ended with the withdrawal of troops, which led to the collapse of the National Bloc. Economic situation only got worse. The level of iron smelting is falling. The franc depreciates even more. The radical party goes into opposition to the others.
In the elections of May 1924, the Cartel of the Left (a center-left coalition) was successful. The Radical Party was founded in 1901. She declared her goals to be the defense of the republic, anti-clericalism, and social reforms. The leader was Eduard Herriot. The program included an amnesty for participants in revolutionary movements, trade unions for government employees, the establishment of a progressive income tax, a peace policy, international cooperation, recognition of the USSR and reconciliation with Germany. The Herriot government stopped its harsh pressure on Germany. In the League of Nations, France stands for security and disarmament. Herriot did not succeed much in domestic politics. The operating conditions for political parties have been improved. The budget deficit has not been resolved. The policy of hidden emissions continues. When it became known that the amount of unsecured francs was 2 billion 500 million, Herriot resigned. During the year, 5 more Left Cartel governments were replaced in power. In 1924, industrial production exceeded pre-war levels. In terms of the pace of industrial development, France was second only to the United States. The government sold off some military enterprises. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs was headed by Briand (1924-1932). He led a course towards achieving mutual understanding with Germany, as well as cooperation with Britain and the USA. The reason for the collapse of the Left Cartel was the colonial wars in Morocco and Syria, which received support from the right. In the spring of 1925, an uprising of the Arab tribes of Abd-El-Kerim began on the border of the French and Spanish possessions of Morocco. The rebels organized their own republic. The French sent 20 thousand soldiers to Africa under the command of Pétain. In the spring of 1926, the uprising was suppressed. Kerim was deported and hid in Egypt. In 1925, an uprising occurs in Syria. In the fall of 1927, the uprising was suppressed.
Since right-wing parties did not have a stable majority in the French parliament, a center-right coalition established itself in power. This also included the Republican Socialist Party. The coalition was called National Unity. Its leader was Poincaré, a lawyer by training. The government's main goal was financial stabilization. To achieve this, Poincaré decided to carry out a set of unpopular measures. He raised comprehensive taxes and reduced government funding for social programs. The government received significant loans from American and British banks. Capital exported during the reign of the left bloc returned to France. During these years, France experienced strong industrial growth. By 1928, the government managed to suppress inflation. Since 1926, government revenues have exceeded expenditures. The gold content of the franc was officially reduced. Poincaré was nicknamed the savior of the franc. As a result of the measures taken, prices have stabilized. The cost of living has stopped rising sharply. Unemployment benefits were introduced in 1926. Since 1928, low-paid workers and employees could receive old-age pensions. Benefit funds were formed through a 5% tax from wages and contributions from entrepreneurs. France was the only country at that time that experienced a labor shortage and an influx work force from abroad. Agriculture did not develop, remaining at the level of 1913. About 8 thousand industrial enterprises were restored after the war. More than 8 billion marks were received from reparations, mainly in the form of coal, timber and cement. The textile industry now gave way to metallurgy, and the automobile industry, the aviation industry, the film industry, and the production of rayon grew rapidly. Small and medium-sized production continued to predominate. In 1931, the urban population exceeded the rural population. The National Unity won the next elections in 1928, but after that it began to fall apart. The initiator was the radical party. Here the faction of Edouard Daladier gained strength, and he advocated cooperation with the socialists. In July 1929, Poincare resigns, and Briand and Tordier become his successors. France agreed to Young's plan. In the summer of 1930, French troops were withdrawn from the left bank of the Rhine. To ensure security, it was decided to build a giant line of fortifications on the border with Germany. It was called the Maginot Line. With the outbreak of World War II, construction was never completed. The defensive line did not cover the border with Belgium. Construction meant France's transition to a defensive position. In September 1929, Briand proposed a project for a European federal union at the League of Nations; it provided for the coordination of the foreign policies of European countries. The project was rejected by all countries. In 1931, Briand lost the presidential election and left politics.
In the fall of 1930, France enters a crisis. Its deepest point of decline occurred in 1932. The depth of the decline in production and the unemployment rate were less than in America and Germany. German reparations were used to stimulate production. A large number of jobs were maintained in the Northeast. French exports are increasing. A broad program of militarization of the economy is being developed (militarization program, rearmament of the army, construction of the Maginot Line). High share of the agricultural spectrum in the economy. Artificial containment of crisis tendencies increased its duration. The reasons were dependence on imported raw materials, a persistent lag behind agriculture, and the influence of banking circles not interested in industrial investments. Unemployment ranged from 1 to 2 million people. Wages fell by 20%. Working hours remained high. The crisis hit the middle and petty bourgeoisie especially hard. The production and sale of luxury goods is sharply reduced. In 1934, prices for agricultural products began to fall and peasants became bankrupt. Retail prices for consumers were 4-5 times higher than purchase prices. Dirigisme (state intervention in the economy) was seen as a temporary anti-crisis measure. The government of Tordier and Loval applied measures of soft, indirect regulation in the economy. The government has created a protected sector. It included the largest banks, railways, chemical and metallurgical companies. Enterprises in the protected sector received tax breaks, government orders and preferential transport tariffs. To invest these expenses, social programs were cut. Social discontent was blocked by restrictions on constitutional freedoms and the gradual formation of a strong government regime. Therefore, the right version of dirigisme did not meet with widespread support. The Socialists have reactivated the cartel of the left. They developed their own version of dirigisme, close to the teachings of Keynes. The main ideas were the reduction of military spending, the creation of a unified social insurance system, the introduction of a 40-hour work week, the regulation of legal relations, and the creation of a public sector in the economy. The government of the left-wing cartel was headed by Herriot; his policies were unsuccessful. In 1932, France agrees to end German reparations. The Geneva Conference decides on Germany's military equality. The cartel's economic program was not implemented either. Herriot quickly resigned. The government of the leftist cartel is changing somewhat. Every government crisis was resolved by shuffling portfolios. Many ministers served in successive cabinets 4, 5, 6 times. The impotence of the left grew into a crisis of the entire political regime of the Third Republic. French fascism, later than in Italy and Germany, emerged as a force vying for power. Here fascism was split into many groups and did not have a single ideological platform and leader. French fascism relied not only on the middle strata, but also on right-wing forces and the church. It was close to the Spanish and Portuguese version. Instead of anti-capitalist phraseology, slogans were put forward to preserve the current social order. The spread of fascism was prevented by democratic traditions. French fascism had two branches, the first consisted of small groups (French Solidarity, Active Action etc.). They were few in number and little known. The second branch was represented by the mass organization Combat Crosses; it consisted of veterans of the First World War who were awarded the Combat Cross. The organization was founded in 1928. She gained popularity very quickly. In 1931, de la Roque led this movement. He appointed section chairmen personally. The Battle Crosses had branches that united youth or veterans who were not awarded the Battle Crosses. The fascist program: mitigating the misfortunes of the disadvantaged at the expense of the wealthy, introducing a guaranteed minimum wage, broad powers of the president of the republic, withdrawal from the League of Nations, arming the country. All fascist leagues were financed by big capital, right-wing governments, and included famous people. The only performance of the fascists was a demonstration regarding the Stavisky case. Stavisky issued false bonds, and when the fraud was discovered, he fled to Switzerland and was killed by someone there. It turned out that he was connected with many deputies and ministers. The Nazis put forward the slogan “Down with the Thieves” and on February 6, 1936, headed towards the Chamber of Deputies, but were stopped by the police. 15 people died. The next day, performances take place in a number of cities. On February 9, the communists organized a large anti-fascist demonstration. Barricades are being erected. On February 12, a general strike of protest against fascism takes place with the participation of 5 million people. The government issues 14 decrees. The budget is increasing due to social programs.
By the mid-1930s, elements ready for cooperation appeared in the socialist and communist factions. They are gradually gaining the upper hand. Communists Maurice Thorez and Jacques Duclos and socialist Bluesy. On July 27, 1934, a unity of action pact was signed. A united workers' front is being created. Dissolution of fascist leagues, defense of democratic freedoms. Joint action against Nazi terror in Germany and Austria. The methods of work were rallies and demonstrations. Both parties promised to refrain from mutual criticism. A special committee was created to coordinate actions. On July 14, 1935, a demonstration of communists, socialists and radicals took place. The National Committee of the Popular Front was created. Freedom of the press, women's right to work, international cooperation within the framework of the League of Nations. Economic demands: shortening the workweek without cutting wages, organization public works , creation of a national fund to combat unemployment, tax relief. The program demanded the abolition of emergency decrees and the nationalization of banks. The program reflected the economic interests of broad sections of the population, their democratic views, and the willingness of political leaders to compromise. In April-May 1936, the Popular Front Party won the elections. The Socialists took 149 seats, the Communists 72 seats, the Radicals 109 seats, and the Others 45 seats. Socialists and radicals formed the Blum government (until July 1937). The communists refused to join the government (and they weren’t really wanted to see them there (c) Dr. Stein). A few days later, strikes began at many enterprises. On July 7, agreements between trade unions and representatives of entrepreneurs, the “Matignon Agreement,” were signed. In exchange for ending the strikes, entrepreneurs pledged to increase wages by an average of 12%, and also pledged to respect the rights of trade unions. The government has pledged to reduce working hours and introduce paid holidays. During the summer of 1936, the Chamber of Deputies adopted about 130 laws (on a 40-hour work week, on paid vacations, on collective agreements, on the abolition of emergency decrees, the prohibition of paramilitary fascist leagues, the democratization of the management of a French bank, the nationalization of the military industry, the law on the expansion of public works, unemployment benefits, increased pensions and wages for government employees. Peasants and artisans received a one-year deferment on debt payments and state courts at a favorable interest rate. A grain bureau was created, which purchased grain from peasants at high prices (2 -3 times higher than market prices). Compulsory school education was extended to 14 years, the Ministry of Culture and Sports was created.) These measures were timely and effective, but they did not change the fundamentals of the credit and financial mechanism. Entrepreneurs delayed the signing of collective agreements. The fascist leagues declared disarmament and continued to exist. In the fall of 1936, Blum stopped the continuation of reforms. The Spanish Civil War begins. The communists are in favor of support. But France adheres to a policy of non-intervention. The Communist Party began organizing volunteer brigades to help Spain. There has been a revival of the economy. Unemployment decreased by approximately 100 thousand people (apparently 100 thousand unemployed did not wait for their situation to improve and died of hunger, or simply committed suicide (c)Dr. Stein). Tens of thousands of teachers got jobs. At this point, capital flight from France began. The government tried to stop this process. The interest rate was increased from 3 to 5%. In 1937, the country's economic condition deteriorated again. In June, Blum demanded emergency powers. He said that he would establish control over the financial sector, new taxes on capital would be introduced, the export of capital would be prohibited, and forced production investment would be introduced. This program met resistance from radicals, some socialists and bourgeois parties. Blum did not receive emergency powers and was forced to resign. The new cabinet was headed by Shotan (until January 1938). He also requested emergency powers and received them. He increases indirect taxes and this causes negativity among the communists. Shatan creates a national railway society with mixed capital. The second Shatan government (January-March 1938) issues a law on an increased wage scale. An increase in prices by a certain percentage contributes to an immediate increase in wages. The franc is being devalued. It is proposed to abandon the 40th working week. In foreign policy, the line of non-interference in Spanish affairs continues. In March-April 1938, Blum's second government tried to stop the collapse of the popular front. Blum proposes to present Franco with an ultimatum, demanding that he refuse all external assistance. However, the French generals opposed such an ultimatum and it was not presented. Blum again requested emergency powers, but was again refused. Edouard Daladier headed the new government.
Daladier tried to take into account previous experience, wanting to build a coherent system of managing the economy and social relations. Entrepreneurs were afraid of strict dirigisme and interfered in every possible way. Daladier abandoned reliance on a parliamentary majority and announced the creation of a government of national defense. An overwhelming majority voted in favor of Daladier's emergency powers. At this time, on September 29, 1938, Daladier and representatives of other powers signed the Munich Agreement. The Communist Party votes against this. This meant the virtual collapse of the popular front. November 10, 1938 formally ceases to exist after the release of the radical party. The Popular Front proved the possibility of uniting leftist forces in the fight against fascism. The government began to treat the economy and prepare the country for war. Taxes on all types of income, on real estate, and indirect taxes have been increased. A 6-day work week has been legalized. Utility tariffs have been increased. A 3-year special regime was introduced, which made it possible to increase the working day to more than 40 hours. In 1939, 23 billion francs were allocated for military spending. The construction of 4 battleships and 2 aircraft carriers began. Industrial production reached the 1929 level for the first time. The flight of capital has now been replaced by its influx. Daladier severely suppressed workers' protests. Communists and socialists now fundamentally condemned any of his steps. Right-wing parties also tried to stay away. The crisis of the political regime continued. France has retained its reputation as the center of world culture. The duels stop. Buses and cars are becoming increasingly important. From 1919 to 1929, the number of cars increased 14 times (up to 1 million 300 thousand). Approximately every 30th person owned a car. The network of metro lines is expanding. Party competitions are coming into fashion. Music halls and dance halls are becoming fashionable. Cinema is gradually replacing theater.
Huge armies were mobilized in the opposing camps: the Entente - 6179 thousand people, the German coalition - 3568 thousand people. The Entente artillery consisted of 12,134 light and 1,013 heavy guns, the German coalition had 11,232 light and 2,244 heavy guns (not counting fortress artillery). As the war progressed, opponents continued to increase their armed forces.
On Western European theater of operations German troops(seven armies and four cavalry corps) occupied a front of about 400 km from the Dutch border to the Swiss. The nominal commander-in-chief of the German armies was Emperor Wilhelm II; their actual leadership was carried out by the commander General Staff General Moltke Jr.
The French armies stood between the Swiss border and the Sambre River on a front of about 370 km. The French command formed five armies, several groups of reserve divisions; The strategic cavalry was united into two corps and several separate divisions. General Joffre was appointed commander-in-chief of the French armies. The Belgian army under the command of King Albert deployed on the Jet and Dyle rivers. English expeditionary force consisting of four infantry and one and a half cavalry divisions under the command of General French, by August 20 he concentrated in the Maubeuge area.
Expanded on Western European theater of war The Entente armies, consisting of seventy-five French, four English and seven Belgian divisions, had against them eighty-six infantry and ten German cavalry divisions. Almost none of the sides had the necessary superiority of forces to ensure decisive success.
Disposition of forces of the opposing camps on the eve of the First World War in 1914.
History of France:
The beginning of the First World War. French participation in the fighting of the First World War in 1914
Fighting on Western European theater began on August 4, 1914 the invasion of German troops into Belgium and the attack on the Belgian border fortress of Liege. Somewhat earlier, on August 2, the advanced units of the German army occupied Luxembourg. The German army violated the neutrality of these two countries, although at one time Germany was on par with others European states solemnly guaranteed it. The weak Belgian army, after twelve days of stubborn defense of Liege, retreated to Antwerp. On August 21, the Germans took Brussels without a fight.Having passed through Belgium, German troops, in accordance with the Schlieffen plan, invaded the northern departments of France with their right wing and began a rapid advance towards Paris. However French troops , retreating, put up stubborn resistance and prepared a counter-maneuver. Planned by German plan the maximum concentration of forces on this strike section of the front turned out to be impossible. Seven divisions were taken to siege and guard Antwerp, Givet and Maubeuge, and on August 26, at the height of the offensive, two corps and one cavalry division had to be transferred to the Eastern European theater of operations, since the Russian high command, without even finishing concentrating its forces, undertook at the urgent request of the French government, offensive operations in East Prussia.
From September 5 to 9, on the plains of France, between Verdun and Paris, a grand battle. Six Anglo-French and five German armies took part in it - about 2 million people. Over six hundred heavy and about 6 thousand light guns resounded with their cannonade along the banks of the Marne.
Just created French 6th Army struck the right flank of the 1st German Army, whose task was to encircle Paris and connect with German troops operating south of the capital. The German command had to remove the hulls from southern section his army and throw it to the west. On the rest of the front, German attacks were vigorously repulsed by French troops.
The German high command did not have the necessary reserves, and it actually did not control the course of the battle at that moment, leaving the commanders to decide separate armies. By the end of September 8, German troops had completely lost their offensive initiative. As a result, they lost the battle, which, according to the plans of the General Staff, was supposed to decide the fate of the war. The main reason The defeat was an overestimation by the German military command of its forces - a miscalculation that underlay the Schlieffen strategic plan.
The withdrawal of the German armies to the Aisne River occurred without much difficulty. The French command did not take advantage of the opportunities that presented themselves to further develop their success. The Germans tried to get ahead of the enemy and occupy north coast France, in order to complicate the further landing of British troops, but they also failed in this “flight to the sea”. After this, major strategic operations on Western European theater stopped for a long time. Both sides went on the defensive, marking the beginning of positional forms of warfare.
On September 14, 1914, Moltke resigned. General Falkenhayn was appointed his successor.
French participation in the fighting of the First World War in 1915
1915 Campaign began with the fact that at the end of winter and spring of 1915 the Anglo-French command undertook a series of strategically ineffective offensive operations. All of them were conducted with limited targets on narrow sectors of the front.On April 22, 1915, near the city of Ypres, German troops attacked Anglo-French positions . During this attack, violating the terms of the international convention prohibiting the use of toxic substances, they carried out a massive balloon release of chlorine. 15 thousand people were poisoned, of which 5 thousand died. The tactical success achieved by German troops as a result of the use of a new weapon of war was very small. Nevertheless, later the use of chemical means of warfare by both warring parties became widespread.
Attacks by Entente armies in Artois in May and June, despite major losses also did not bring any serious results.
The indecisive, limited nature of the Entente's offensive operations allowed the German command to significantly increase its forces against Russia. The resulting difficult situation for the Russian armies, as well as fears that tsarism might withdraw from the war, forced the Entente to finally address the issue of providing assistance to Russia. On August 23, Joffre outlined to the French Minister of War the reasons prompting him to undertake an offensive operation. “It is more profitable for us to launch this offensive as soon as possible, since the Germans, having defeated the Russian armies, can turn against us.” However, under pressure from generals Foch and Petain, the attack was postponed until the end of September, when the fighting on the Russian front had already begun to subside.
September 25, 1915 French troops
launched an offensive operation with two armies in Champagne and one army - together with the British - in Artois. Very large forces were concentrated, but it was not possible to break through the enemy front.
The main feature strategic situation at the turn of 1915 and 1916 was the increase in the military-technical power of the Entente. France and England, thanks to the shift in the center of gravity of military operations to the Russian front, received some respite and accumulated forces and means for a long struggle in the Western European theater. By the beginning of 1916, they already had an advantage over Germany of 75-80 divisions and had largely eliminated their backlog in the field of artillery weapons. The English and French armies had new types of heavy artillery, large stocks of shells and well-organized military production.
The leaders of the Entente countries recognized the need to seek solutions to the war in coordinated offensive operations in the main theaters, without scattering efforts on secondary ones. The dates of offensive operations were clarified: in the Eastern European theater of military operations - June 15, in Western Europe - July 1. The delay in the offensive was a significant flaw in this plan; it made it possible for the German coalition to once again seize the initiative.
The position of the German command when developing the plan for the 1916 campaign was very difficult. It was impossible to think about conducting decisive operations on both fronts at once; the forces were also insufficient to conduct an offensive on several sectors of one front. In his report to Kaiser Wilhelm at the end of December 1915, Chief of the General Staff Falkenhain admitted that for an attack on Ukraine the forces “are insufficient in all respects,” an attack on Petrograd “does not promise a decisive result,” and the movement on Moscow “leads us into the boundless region.” "
“For none of these enterprises,” Falkenhayn wrote, “we do not have sufficient forces. Therefore, Russia is excluded as a target for attacks.” It was not possible to defeat the main enemy - England - due to its island position and the superiority of the English fleet. That left France.
Falkenhayn believed that “France, in its tension, has reached the limits of what is barely bearable” and that the task of defeating France can be achieved if it is forced to exhaust its forces in the fight for such an object, “for the protection of which the French command will be forced to sacrifice last person" Verdun was chosen as such an object.
Attack on the Verdun salient if successful, it would disrupt the entire defense system on the right wing of the French front and open the way to Paris from the east for the German armies. The Verdun region could be a convenient starting base for the advance of the French army north along the Meuse. The German command knew that the Entente had such a plan, and hoped to complicate it by taking Verdun.
History of France:
French participation in the fighting of the First World War in 1916
IN campaigns of 1916 in the Western European theater During the World War, two bloodiest and longest operations stood out - at Verdun and on the Somme. German troops at the end of February attempted to take Verdun with an accelerated attack, but were unable to break the French defense. General Galwitz, who took command of the western sector of the attack at the end of March, noted in his diary: “It seems that what I feared has happened. A major offensive has been launched with insufficient resources.”
July 1, 1916 French and English troops
dealt a strong blow to the enemy on the Somme, and even earlier the Russian armies Southwestern Front broke through the Austro-German positions. Meanwhile, the German army continued its attacks near Verdun, but they gradually died down and completely stopped by September. In October - December, French troops, having carried out a series of powerful counterattacks, drove the enemy out of the most important positions in the fortress area. The battle cost both sides hundreds of thousands of lives.
Operation Somme was prepared by the Entente command as the main operation of the 1916 campaign. It was intended that a powerful group of troops consisting of more than 60 French and British divisions would break through German positions and defeat German troops. The German offensive at Verdun forced the French command to divert some of its forces and resources to this fortress. Despite this, the operation began on July 1, 1916. Huge material and technical resources were concentrated. Just as many shells were prepared for the 6th French Army operating here as were in stock in 1914 for all French troops.
After local battles, English and French troops launched a powerful attack in September. In these battles, the British command used a new means of fighting - tanks. Used in small numbers and still technically imperfect, they ensured the achievement of local successes, but did not provide general operational success. The operational art of Western European military leaders did not create ways to break through the front. The armies were stationed in heavily fortified positions located one after another to a depth of 10-20 km. Numerous machine guns swept away the attacking manpower with their fire. The destruction of defensive positions by artillery required quite a long time, sometimes several days. During this time, the defending side managed to build new lines of positions and bring in fresh reserves.
October and November passed in heavy battles. The operation gradually came to a standstill. Its results boiled down to the Entente seizing 200 sq. km of territory, 105 thousand prisoners, 1,500 machine guns and 350 guns. The losses of both sides exceeded those of Verdun: both sides lost over 1,300 thousand people killed, wounded and captured.
Despite the failure to break through the front, operation on the Somme together with the breakthrough of the Austro-Hungarian front by Russian troops, it not only forced the German command to abandon attacks at Verdun, but also created a turning point in the entire course of the campaign in favor of the Entente.
By the end of 1916, the armies of the states actively participating in the war numbered 756 divisions, whereas at the beginning of the war there were 363. Having increased in number and significantly increased their technical weapons, they, however, lost the most qualified and barracks-trained peacetime personnel. Influenced huge losses and the chauvinistic frenzy of the first months of the war passed. The bulk of the soldiers were elderly reserves and young people on early conscription, poorly prepared in military-technical terms and insufficiently trained physically.
The military command of the Entente countries, forming its strategic plan for 1917 , again decided to defeat the German coalition with coordinated strikes in the main theaters of the war. At the end of 1916, General Nivelle was placed at the head of the French armies. It was planned to attack the English and French armies in the Arras-Bapaume sector, as well as between the Somme and Oise, to pin down German forces and carry out a sudden offensive on the Aisne River, between Reims and Soissons, with the aim of breaking through the German front.
French participation in the fighting of the First World War in 1917
1915 Campaign began when, from March 15 to March 20, 1917, the German command withdrew its troops from the dangerous Noyon salient to a pre-fortified position known as the “Siegfried Line.” Thus, the preparations carried out by the Anglo-French command for the main operation of the strategic plan of 1917 were largely in vain.However, English and french army On April 16, 1917, this operation was launched, with the goal of defeating the enemy in the Western European theater of military operations. Its scope was enormous for that time. More than 100 infantry and 10 cavalry divisions, more than 11 thousand guns of all types and calibers, as well as up to a thousand aircraft and about 130 tanks were supposed to participate in it.
During the general attack of the Entente forces on April 16, 1917, the interaction of the infantry with the artillery was disrupted, the mobile artillery barrage broke away from the infantry, and German machine gunners began to shoot the attackers from their shelters. Only two corps managed to capture the second line. Tanks were thrown into the attack. They had to deploy under fire from enemy artillery (including special anti-tank artillery) on very uncomfortable terrain, pocked with shell craters. As a result, out of 132 tanks, 11 returned, the rest were destroyed or damaged. It was not possible to break through the positions of the German troops.
The next day, General Nivelle decided to continue the attack and regrouped his artillery for this purpose, but on most of the front almost all attacks remained ineffective. Then Nivelle brought new troops into battle. On April 18 and 19, the French corps occupied the southern slope of the Chemin des Dames ridge and Fort Condé, but were unable to advance further. At the insistence of the French government, the operation was stopped.
Nivelle's plan was a complete failure. English and french army paid dearly for this unsuccessful operation. The French army lost 122 thousand killed and wounded, including more than 5 thousand Russians from the 3rd Russian brigade, which fought as part of the 32nd French Corps, the British - about 80 thousand. The Germans also suffered heavy losses.
In connection with this senseless massacre organized by Nivelle, unrest began among the French soldiers. At this time, the bourgeois-democratic revolution that took place in Russia began to influence them. The soldiers' performances were mercilessly suppressed by the command, but still the French and British governments, taking into account the mood of the mass of soldiers, were forced to abandon major offensive operations for a long time.
Until the end of 1917, the Anglo-French command carried out only a few operations of purely tactical significance. One of them was undertaken by British troops in the area of Ypres with the aim of clearing North Flanders and the Belgian coast of the Germans. British maritime circles especially insisted on this, fearing that Germany would use the bases even more widely. submarines on the Flemish coast.
The operation began with an attack on July 31, 1917. The attack was supported by powerful artillery - 2,300 guns (153 guns per kilometer of front) - and 216 tanks. For almost four months, the English troops, drowning in the mud of the Flemish swamps, slowly moved forward. The operation stopped in November. Break through German front failed. As a result of these battles, the British lost 400 thousand killed and wounded, and the Germans lost 240 thousand people.
Another operation was carried out by the French at Verdun. August 22 French troops
, supported by powerful artillery, attacked German positions. 6 tons of shells were thrown onto a linear meter of the front. As a result of well-organized interaction between infantry, artillery and tanks, the offensive was successful.
Last operation The Entente armies in the Western European theater during the 1917 campaign carried out an operation at Cambrai. In it, the British command had in mind to test, in cooperation with other branches of the military, the combat value of tanks and with spectacular success to soften the heavy impression of failure in Flanders. In addition, the military leaders of the Entente hoped to pin significant forces of the German army to Cambrai and thereby alleviate the situation for the Italians. On the morning of November 20, unexpectedly for the Germans, without the usual artillery preparation, the British launched an attack.
Numerous aircraft attacked German artillery and headquarters. By noon, the German defensive line was broken through. Within 6-8 hours, the British army achieved a result that could not be achieved in a number of previous operations. However, she was unable to develop her success. On November 30, the German command, having concentrated large forces, also suddenly launched a counterattack and pushed the British back from most of the positions they had captured.
The operation at Cambrai had neither a strategic nor an operational result. But it confirmed the value of a new means of combat - tanks, and laid the foundation for tactics based on the interaction of infantry, artillery, tanks and aviation operating on the battlefield.
History of France:
Political situation in France during the First World War (1914-1918)
The outbreak of hostilities caused consolidation of political forces in France . The coalition government cabinet of R. Viviani also included representatives of the socialists, including Jules Guesde, who had previously established himself as one of the most consistent opponents of the participation of socialists in bourgeois governments. The Ministry of Internal Affairs then canceled the secret “list B”, which included the names of thousands of SFIO and VKT activists who were to be arrested after the start of general mobilization. The nation was united by a patriotic impulse. However, as the war dragged on, the internal political situation in the country began to worsen. The emotional uplift was replaced by fatigue from DC voltage, dissatisfaction with deteriorating living conditions. Strikes have become more frequent. The strike movement began to acquire a political character. On this wave there was a rapid radicalization of leftist parties. A faction of “Mensheviks” (minoritaires) was formed in the SFIO, very influential despite its name, which advocated the resumption of cooperation with German Social Democracy and support for the anti-war position of the Russian Bolsheviks. The events in Russia in 1917 caused great resonance in France.
At the beginning of the war, chauvinistic sentiments among the masses of the French people seemed very strong. The bourgeoisie and the leaders of the socialist party proclaimed slogan of "sacred unity"
nation in the face of an external enemy. The government, headed by the former socialist Viviani, included representatives of various bourgeois parties and socialists. Guesde and Samba became ministers in the same government with Millerand. After some time, a third socialist, A. Toma, joined the government and took the important post of Minister of Military Supply. Anarcho-syndicalist trade union leaders, such as Jouhaux, took part in the leading government bodies involved in mobilizing industry and workers for the war effort.
The development of events at the front, the deterioration of the situation of the working people with the growing enrichment of the bourgeois strata, gradually opened the eyes of the masses to the true nature of the war. The beginning of the ferment was evidenced by the strike movement that swept through the city in 1915-1916. various layers of workers - railway workers, garment workers, tram operators, miners, bank employees. In 1916, the number of strikes more than tripled compared to 1915. The government introduced compulsory arbitration at defense industry enterprises, depriving workers of the right to strike, and created the institution of “workshop delegates,” which was supposed to promote cooperation between workers and entrepreneurs . But at the beginning of 1917 the strike movement reached even greater proportions. The mass of soldiers was also gripped by discontent. The soldiers began to understand who benefited from the imperialist war.
As the war dragged on and the ferment of the masses intensified, anti-war opposition in the socialist party and trade unions. Due to the small number of revolutionary Marxist elements in the French labor movement and the weakness of Marxist traditions, the opposition was dominated by centrists. J. Longuet and other leaders of the opposition in the Socialist Party justified the party’s behavior at the beginning of the war, its vote for war loans and defended the slogan of “defense of the fatherland.” They rejected revolutionary means of anti-war struggle and limited themselves to pacifist projects of “pressuring the government to make peace.” Representatives of this opposition took part in the events that took place in 1915 and 1916. international conferences of internationalists in Zimmerwald and Kienthal, supporting the centrist majority there. In the trade unions, the anti-war opposition was also led by centrist elements who were conciliatory towards the reformist policies of Jouhaux and other right-wing leaders of the General Confederation of Labor.
The activity of the left and the difficult situation at the front provoked increased disagreement among the Republican parties. If over the previous three years only two cabinets changed in power, then only in 1917 four followed. government crisis. By the end of the year, the socialists had practically gone into opposition. The country's slide into political chaos was stopped by education government cabinet of J. Clemenceau . Ignoring the threat of a split in the republican camp, Clemenceau harshly suppressed anti-war propaganda. Several editors of the socialist newspaper Bonnet Rouge were court-martialed. A show trial took place over famous politician from the radical party J. Caillot, who was part of pre-war years in many government offices. With an “iron hand,” Clemenceau, practically without relying on parliamentary power, implemented a program of emergency measures that made it possible to prepare the decisive offensive in the 1918 campaign.
History of France:
The socio-economic situation of France during the First World War (1914-1918)
Against the backdrop of escalating international tensions, nationalist and militaristic sentiments intensified extremely in France itself. In the summer of 1913, parliament passed a law increasing the period of military service to three years. By 1914, military expenditure items already accounted for 38% of the state budget. Attitudes towards war became a determining factor in public life. Catalyst further developments was prompted by the provocative murder by monarchists on July 31, 1914 of the leader of the SFIO J. Jaurès. The death of a prominent politician was perceived as a clear threat to the republican system. Against the backdrop of a growing political crisis The government announced general mobilization. On the same day, August 1, 1914, Germany declared war on Russia. Using mobilization in France and border incidents as a pretext, Germany declared war on France on August 3.Already during the first months of the war, the entire northeast of France became a front-line zone. French army bore the brunt of containing the German offensive on the Western Front. The hostilities became protracted. The 1916 campaign tipped the scales in favor of the Entente, but the war dragged on. The French economy was not ready for such a test. The increase in military production led to the formation of imbalances in the industrial structure. The national debt grew. Mobilization sharply reduced the number of people employed in agriculture, which caused a drop in food production and a crisis in the consumer market.
In the first months of the war, German troops occupied the most developed economically regions of France - ten northeastern departments, which were centers of French large industry and the most intensive agriculture. The territory captured by the Germans provided 75% of production on the eve of the war coal and coke, 84% of cast iron, 63% of steel, 60% of metalworking industry products, etc. During the war, 3,256 French cities and villages and about 8 thousand kilometers of railways were destroyed. The sown area of grain crops in the country was steadily declining, reaching in 1917 only 67% of the pre-war area, and the harvest of the most important food crops amounted to two-thirds to half of the pre-war level.
With the help of government subsidies in France, new enterprises were built and old ones were expanded in the Paris region, in the river basin. Loire, Marseille, Bordeaux, Toulouse. In these areas, new metallurgical, automobile, engineering and chemical plants were created, and the development of new coal deposits began. In the Alpine departments, the construction of hydroelectric power stations has developed greatly. The new industry worked entirely for the war.
Over 60% of the male part was drafted into the army rural population and about half of the workers. Then, when the government had to quickly develop the military industry, some of the mobilized workers were returned to the factories. These workers were treated as military personnel "assigned to the factories" and were subject to military discipline. At the slightest sign of discontent and disobedience, workers were sent to the front.
The distribution of military orders and huge government subsidies was concentrated in the hands of consortia headed by large capitalists. In a short time, a large layer of speculators emerged in France, who became rich from military supplies. The owners of military-industrial enterprises received fabulous incomes. The net profit of the Hotchkiss company, which manufactured machine guns, amounted to 65 million francs in two and a half years of war, the Creuzot company in 1915 - 55 million, in 1916 - 206 million francs. The Gnome and Ron Motor Society paid its shareholders all invested capital in the first year of the war and, in addition, received a net profit of about 10 million francs.
Large banks also received large profits by placing numerous internal and external loans. These loans, which served as the main source of financing the war, led to a colossal increase in domestic public debt (from 34 billion francs in 1914 to 116 billion francs in 1918) and to the formation of a huge debt of France to the United States of America and England , amounting to $5.4 billion by the end of the war.