In the fire of events and civil wars, children quickly mature.

The good times of the Fronde were extremely strange: at that time things were happening
the most incredible things, but this did not surprise anyone. All mans
and women then intrigued according to their own understanding and for the sake of their own
benefits. People moved from camp to camp based on their interests,
either on a whim; They made secrets out of everything, built unknown intrigues
and participated in mysterious adventures; everyone was bought and sold,
everyone sold each other and often doomed themselves almost without hesitation
like death, and all this with courtesy, liveliness and grace,
inherent only to our nation; no other people
I couldn't stand anything like that.

Alexandr Duma

The greatest of evils is civil wars.

Blaise Pascal

I am neither a prince nor a Mazarinist, I do not belong to any party,
not to any clique... I want peace and hate war.

From an anti-Frondist pamphlet

In 1648, France signed the Peace of Westphalia, ending the Thirty Years' War. In this military conflict, which began in 1618 within the borders of the Holy Roman Empire, over time almost everyone took part. European countries. France was one of the last to join it, only in 1635. The Kingdom of Lilies sided with Protestant Sweden and against the main Catholic powers - the Holy Roman Empire and Spain. Louis XIII and Cardinal Richelieu (The Most Christian King and Prince catholic church), who were fighting with Protestants within the kingdom, were not so principled in their religious preferences in the international arena. When it came to foreign policy alliances, they were primarily guided solely by state interest(which compared favorably with Marie de Medici and Gaston d'Orléans, for whom the main argument for the need to maintain peace with Spain and the Empire was the Catholic religion). The long-term alliance with Protestant Sweden is an example of this. Subsequently, similar principles were administered international politics Mazarin also adhered to this, who, at the final stage of the war with Spain, signed an agreement with the head of the Anglican Republic, Oliver Cromwell (1599-1658).
It was not for nothing that Louis XIII and Richelieu hesitated to enter into a pan-European military conflict. They both understood perfectly well that France, which already long years was tormented by internal strife and religious wars, peace was needed. Moreover, in the first decade of the reign of the duumvirate, the kingdom almost constantly waged wars, although not so large and costly. Now France had to openly oppose two of its most powerful opponents. Yes, the age of the power of Spain and the Empire was already coming to an end, but still.

Duke of Enghien at Rocroi, May 19, 1643. Engraving by M. Leloir.

According to the terms of the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648, all the mouths of the navigable rivers of Northern Germany passed to Sweden, and lands in Alsace passed to France, in addition, its rights to Metz, Toul and Verdun were confirmed. The Thirty Years' War ended in defeat for the Empire, which for many years withdrew from the strongest European powers. But this peace treaty did not put an end to hostilities for France: its confrontation with Spain continued for another ten years, until the conclusion of the Pyrenees Peace Treaty (1659).
So in terms of conducting external war The kingdom also faced internal turmoil - the Fronde (1648-1653), the most serious internal crisis, which almost led to the death of royal power. Unlike other riots and uprisings that were so rich in French 17th century, the Fronde began not from the provinces, but from privileged Paris, whose inhabitants from time immemorial were not taxed.
Paris has its own poor, which in the Middle Ages and under the Old Order, as a rule, was the main source of discontent. But this time, the role of inciting discontent did not belong to the poor townspeople who were crushed by taxes, but to the members of the Paris Parliament, it was they, these “well-fed cats”, who became driving force the first stage of the Fronde. Even Henry IV, preparing Maria de Medici for the regency, advised her: “Maintain the authority of the courts (parliaments - M.S.), called upon to administer justice, but God forbid letting them get close to state affairs, to give them a pretext to claim the role of guardians of kings."
Let us list those who were among the instigators of the civil war: the top of the judicial class (many of them belonged to the “nobility of the robe”), the princes of the Church and princes, both princes of the blood and foreign ones. Among the princes who played this dangerous game, of course, was the restless brother Louis XIII, son of France, Gaston d'Orléans. Of course, he was no longer the same tireless conspirator (it is worth noting that the duke treated his nephew-king with warmth and largely supported the regent) as during the reign of his brother, but he played his role in the events of the Fronde.

Louis XIV in 1648. Works by Henri Testlin.

In 1643-1648, the policy of tax pressure, begun under Richelieu, was continued by the surintendant of finance Michel Partiselli d'Emery (1596-1650), an Italian by birth and a protégé of Mazarin. For France, which was fighting a protracted war with Spain, Partiselli found resources that today are called extraordinary. It is worth recognizing that, first of all, the enterprising financier decided to hit the propertied sections of the population - the royal officials and the wealthy Parisian bourgeoisie. But as F. Blusch correctly noted, it is known that when the rich become poor, others (merchants, servants, tenants) pay for it; just as when the taglia, a land tax established in the 15th century, rises, the nobility feels a drop in the level of their seigneurial dues due to the peasant poor.
The Duke de La Rochefoucauld saw the main cause of the unrest in Cardinal Mazarin being in power. His rule, according to the moralist, “became intolerable”:

“His dishonesty, cowardice and tricks were known; he burdened the provinces with taxes, and the cities with taxes, and drove the townspeople of Paris to despair by stopping payments made by the magistrate... He had unlimited power over the will of the queen and Monsieur, and the more his power grew in the queen’s chambers, the more hated it became throughout the kingdom. He invariably abused it in times of prosperity and invariably showed himself to be cowardly and cowardly in times of failure. These shortcomings of his, coupled with his dishonesty and greed, brought upon him universal hatred and contempt and brought down all classes of the kingdom and most yard to desire change.”

Many supporters of the Fronde, wanting to humiliate and humiliate Giulio Mazarin in the eyes of Parisians, drew a parallel between him and Concino Concini (1675-1617), the all-powerful favorite of Marie de' Medici. The most daring frondeurs predicted the sad fate of Concini, the first minister of Anne of Austria, who, by order of the young Louis XIII, was stabbed to death with daggers right under the windows of the Louvre.

Duchess de Longueville, sister of the Grand Condé.

As Marshal d'Estrées (1573-1670) wrote, it seemed that until the end of 1647 “the spirit of Cardinal Richelieu, who ruled all affairs with such authority, continued to live both in military and palace affairs. But in 1648 everything was different: here we can observe such great changes and revolutions that anyone who knew how the five years of the queen's regency passed can only be surprised at this rapid change situation, the emergence of unrest and unrest."
It all started when, in the winter of 1647-1648, disgruntled rentiers started riots on the Rue Saint-Denis. Soon, indignation began among officials of the judicial department, who were against a possible reduction in salaries (the government continued to raise money to wage the war). Parliamentarians also opposed the creation of new positions (another attempt to replenish the empty royal coffers). In this case, of course, many dissatisfied people saw the main cause of all troubles in Richelieu’s successor. La Rochefoucauld, describing the first months of indignation, noted that Mazarin “hated Parliament, which opposed his decrees by its decrees adopted at meetings of representatives, and longed for an opportunity to tame it.” And it seems that such a day has come. The Queen Regent, who had recently been admired by everyone, confident in the authority of her power, on January 15, 1648, in the presence of her eldest son in the Houses of Parliament, announced an edict appointing twelve new rapporteurs. But Parliament did not agree to this, thereby violating the law of the kingdom (all legislative acts, presented in the presence of the king, had to be accepted by parliaments unconditionally). This event marked the beginning of a three-month “paper” war: all this time, the court and Parliament exchanged countless official papers, edicts, statements, Council resolutions, refusals and stops legal proceedings. The Accounts Chamber, the Chamber of Indirect Fees and Big tip. On the thirteenth of May, all four sovereign courts of the capital voted in favor of the decree of union. Their deputies wished to sit together in an unusual assembly called the Chamber of Saint Louis. Some historians like to draw parallels with Constituent Assembly 1789. Anna of Austria, seeing in this chamber “a republic within a monarchy,” insisted on the abolition of the decree on the union, and prohibited its convening (and not long ago everyone was vying with each other to say: “The Queen is so kind...”). But, contrary to the regency's orders, Parliament gave approval, and the House of Saint Louis met.

First President of Parliament Mathieu Molay in front of angry Parisians. Engraving by M. Leloir.

Sitting from June 30 to July 9, the deputies of the Chamber of Saint Louis developed something like a charter consisting of 27 paragraphs - however, with this document the judges defended their own good more than the public. Mazarin, wanting to prevent unrest in the capital of the kingdom, made concessions. On July 9, another Italian hated by the Parisians, Partiselli d'Emery, was dismissed, and the edict of July 18 approved many of the demands of the Chamber of Saint Louis: the declaration of July 31, dictated in Parliament in the presence of the king, gave the force of law to almost all paragraphs of the Chamber of Saint Louis . In particular, the positions of intendants in the provinces of the kingdom were abolished, and the tallia was reduced.
Parliament did not stop there. Advisers Pierre Brussels (1576-1654) and René Blancmenil (d. 1680) actively encouraged new attacks on the court and on the prerogatives of royal (legal) power. The Queen Regent decided to arrest both, for which she chose, as it seemed to her, a very good moment. While in the cathedral Notre Dame of Paris there was a service and celebration new victory French weapons (on August 20, 1648, near Lance, the Prince of Condé defeated the Spanish army), the royal guards arrested the rebellious parliamentarians. True, it did not work out to do this quietly and unnoticed, as originally planned. The detachment under the command of the lieutenant of the queen's guards, Comte de Commenges (1613-1670), barely managed to carry out the order of their mistress and survive the battle with the heated Parisians.
Having taken both parliamentarians under arrest (August 26, 1648), the queen regent eventually “raised” all of Paris, which in one night was “overgrown” with 1,260 barricades (during the years of the Fronde, the streets of the capital of the kingdom would see barricades more than once). That is why August 27, 1648 went down in history as the “Day of the Barricades.” And the very next day, the proud Spaniard, persuaded by her entourage, was forced to release the prisoners.
Neither a resounding victory saved them from new attacks on Anne of Austria and Mazarin French army at Lens (August 20), nor the glorious peace treaty of Munster (October 24), which the Mazarin government worked so diligently on. We can say that the population of the capital did not notice these government successes. Meanwhile, the forces of the opposition continued to grow: members of the magistracy went over to the side of Parliament supreme courts, court nobles and Paul de Gondi, coadjutor of Paris and nephew of the Archbishop of Paris. Arnaud d'Andilly (1589-1674) even considered the coadjutor "one of the main culprits" that France was "drenched in blood due to a brutal civil war."

The Fronteurs (Duke de Beaufort, Coadjutor de Gondi and Marshal de La Mothe) before Louis XIV, who returned to the capital in August 1649. Artist Umbelo.

Soon almost all the princes went over to the side of the rebellious Parliament. The Queen, wanting to protect herself and her sons, hastily returned Prince Condé, the recent victor at Lens, to Paris. What angered the frondeurs most of all was that little Louis XIV was not going to distance himself from his mother and the hated Italian cardinal, and was not going to take the side of the rebels. Therefore, they tried to present their rebellion in a slightly different light than it actually was, and to convince everyone that they supposedly wanted to snatch the young king from his harmful environment. In order to gain some real support, the Fronde generals moved towards rapprochement with France's main enemy - Spain. The mediator in these negotiations was Henri de La Tour d'Auvergne, Viscount de Turenne (1611-1675), a Protestant prince and younger brother Duke of Bouillon (1605-1652), who had already taken part in conspiracies against royal power in his previous reign. True, Turenne soon moved to the court’s camp and remained there permanently; it was he who would command the king’s troops in the battle of Saint-Antoine Faubourg.
At the beginning of 1649, Anna of Austria, wanting to end the rebellion in Paris, decided to secretly leave it. So, on the night of January 5-6, the king, queen, cardinal and other members of the royal family secretly fled from the Palais Royal (since 1643, the queen and her sons moved to the more comfortable Palais Cardinal, donated to the royal family of Richelieu; especially since The palace had a park, one of the few in Paris at that time). At night they arrived in deserted, cold and empty Saint-Germain-en-Laye. During the first days of their stay in the castle, members of the royal family and courtiers were forced to sleep on straw until the necessary furniture and things were brought.
The next morning, Paris, stunned by the news of the king's escape, took up arms. The siege of the capital began, commanded by Prince Condé. The royal army of 12,000 spread terror and panic; The prince, without mercy, suppressed attempts at military attacks undertaken by the besieged. His brother Armand de Bourbon, Prince de Conti (1629-1666), jealous of the prince's laurels, declared himself commander-in-chief of the Parisian army. True, he did not have the competence to do this, and his army was just a bunch of ragpickers, shopkeepers and lackeys, armed with rusty muskets and devoid of military experience.
Mathieu Molay (1584-1656), the first President of Parliament, seeing the hopelessness of the situation, in defiance of the high-born rebels, went to meet the court halfway and already on March 11, 1649 in Ruel, where the king had moved, signed a compromise agreement. As a result, the rebellious princes were left without parliamentary support and then it was their turn to raise the banner of rebellion. Moreover, the leader of the second Fronde, called the “Fronde of Princes,” was the Great Condé, who had recently defended the young king, Mazarin and the court. The fact is that, having played a decisive role in the victory over the Parliamentary Fronde, Condé hoped for a large reward, which the Queen Regent did not give him.
According to the Dutch historian E. Cossman, Condé should be considered more of a victim of the civil war than its instigator: “The only truly tragic moment in the chain of riots called the Fronde was perhaps the one when the Prince decided to start a civil war. He understood that he would most likely have to continue it alone, but pride did not allow him to renounce decision taken. His other contemporaries - Gaston d'Orléans, de Retz, Longueville, Brother Conti - give the impression of playing for the sake of playing, and in a completely inelegant way. Conde looks like a man fulfilling the role assigned to him by fate and accepting life as it is. He may be the only one serious man throughout the entire Fronde, however, how serious he was in everything: in immorality, in selfishness, in the deepest childhood ambition, in the arrogant swagger with which he resignedly allowed himself to be fooled.”

Louis II de Bourbon, Prince of Condé.

The prince wanted to make the queen pay for the services that he provided to her and Mazarin. Anne of Austria, outraged by his impudent behavior, ordered his arrest and on January 19, 1650, Condé, his younger brother Armand de Conti and Henri II of Orléans, Duke of Longueville (1595-1663) were arrested by Captain Guiteau of the Queen's Guard at the Palais Royal. The high-born captives were imprisoned in Vincennes Castle (a year earlier, François de Vendôme, Duke de Beaufort (1616-1669), the illegitimate grandson of Henry IV and the head of the Important conspiracy (1643), escaped from the castle); having escaped from prison, Beaufort, a favorite of the Parisians, became one of the leaders Fronds). Parliament, having learned about the arrest of the princes, began to insist on their release. On the twentieth of January 1651, the first President of Parliament presented a petition for the release of noble prisoners to the Queen Regent. Louis XIV was shocked: “Mother,” he exclaimed after Malie Molay left, “if I were not afraid of angering you, I would have told the president three times to shut up and go out.” About a year later, the princes’ imprisonment ended: they left the Le Havre prison, where they had been transported. By royal order, they were freed by Mazarin himself, who was going into his first exile.
The Queen Regent and the Cardinal decided that Condé might be useful to him again: after a short respite, Parliament and de Gondi again launched an attack on the court. Anticipating new unrest, main reason caused by Mazarin's presence with the king, the cardinal decided to leave Paris himself. This happened on February 6, 1651.
According to the agreement, Louis XIV and Anne of Austria were supposed to follow him and meet in Saint-Germain-en-Laye, but they did not succeed. Gondi and Monsieur were on alert and posted guards at the city gates. On the night of February 9-10, the Parisians, fearing the flight of the royal family, entered the Palais Royal. The Queen Regent, realizing that she and her sons were trapped, ordered the townspeople to be allowed into the king's bedroom. The Child King lay on the bed, pretending to be asleep, while one by one the Parisians passed by and looked at him. Louis XIV will never forgive this humiliation of de Gondi.
For the next two months, Louis, along with Anne of Austria, was kept under humiliating house arrest in Paul Royal. True, one thing happened during this period interesting event, which somewhat resonates with the oppressive atmosphere of the civil war. At the end of February, on the 26th, “Cassandra’s Ballet” was staged in the Palais Royal hall, in which Louis XIV also danced. This is how the king took part in a court ballet performance for the first time. In May of the same year, Louis danced in another court ballet, “The Feast of Bacchus.”
The Fronde that split the country (for many the memory of Religious wars) and put royal power to the edge of the abyss, strengthened the character of Louis XIV. He is at own experience felt the contrast between the greatness of royalty and the real limitations of royal power. The king saw how the parliamentarians bowed their heads respectfully before him, who immediately wrested one concession after another from the queen regent.
On September 5, 1651, the king turned 14 years old, and two days later he was declared an adult in Parliament. A grand celebration was organized on this occasion. From dawn, guards and Swiss were stationed along a predetermined route from the Palais Royal to the House of Parliament through the streets of Saint-Honoré and Saint-Denis, the Chatelet and the Notre-Dame bridge to hold back the pressing crowd of people. Some curious people climbed onto the stands or leaned out of the windows. At eight o'clock in the morning the king received his mother and members of the royal family, peers and marshals of France, who came to the palace with the best parts to greet him. After which the royal cortege set off.
Two trumpeters walked in front, followed by fifty heralds in liveries of silk, velvet, brocade and lace, embroidered with pearls and diamonds, the feathers on their hats pinned with expensive agraphs, then the reiters of the king and queen, foot archers, the famous Swiss hundred, governors, knights of the Holy Spirits, marshals of France, master of ceremonies, chief of equestrians carrying the royal sword, long lines of pages and guards. Surrounded by bodyguards, eight horsemen on foot, six nobles of the Scots Guard and six adjutants, the king, dressed in golden robes, gracefully pranced on his horse, which could rear up and bow. This was followed by an endless procession of princes, dukes, and festive carriages in which sat the queen, the royal brother and ladies-in-waiting. They were also surrounded by guards and Swiss.
In Parliament the king made a speech:
- Gentlemen, I came to my Parliament to inform you that, following the laws of my state, I want from now on to take state and administrative power into my own hands. I hope that with By God's grace this government will be merciful and just.
After which all those present, including the queen, knelt down and swore eternal allegiance to their king, then a solemn prayer service was served. Then the end of the regency and viceroyship of the Duke of Orleans as commander-in-chief of the royal army was proclaimed, and the Regency Council was dissolved. From now on, the king could sign documents and appoint new ministers with the benevolent support of his mother.
However, the coming of age of Louis XIV did not lead to the end of the Troubles. Prince Condé was absent from the celebration, whom the queen again tried to win over. In his justification, he handed over a letter of apology to the king. Louis did not even open the message, giving it to someone from his retinue. The king will never forget this act, bordering on “insulting His Majesty.” But the young monarch was even more offended by the upcoming events. Condé, dissatisfied with the current political situation, went with his family and associates to the Bourbon Mount Montrond, then to the south, where he joined the rebellion. There he entered into negotiations with General Cromwell.
As Arnaud d’Andilly wrote in 1652, “in the North he (Conde. - M.S.) was called the second Swedish King, and in the rest of Europe he was considered the most successful, most valiant and greatest Commander in the world. Finally, the Prince was famous for his unwavering loyalty to the King and passionate love for the Fatherland. But, alas, due to a strange, regrettable, criminal and destructive turn of fate, this man... fell from heaven into the abyss of blindness and darkness... Condé left the court, kindled the fire of war everywhere, stole the King's money, captured fortresses and, forgetting about his glorious title prince of the blood of France... bowed to Spain for the sake of obtaining assistance in the war against his King, benefactor and Master."

Anna Marie Louise, Duchess of Montpensier, Grand Mademoiselle.

Second of July 1652 royal troops led by the young king, they were already ready to defeat the remnants of Condé’s army under the walls of Paris, but then the unexpected happened. The Bastille's cannons suddenly began firing at the king's camp. One cannonball even hit the royal tent. It turns out that the order to the garrison of the fortress was given by the eldest daughter of Gaston of Orleans, Anna Marie Louise of Orleans, Duchess de Montpensier, Grand Mademoiselle (1627-1693). Monsieur himself was frightened by the events taking place and temporarily withdrew from business. While the Great Mademoiselle, like many girls of her generation, conquered by the military genius of Condé, hastened to his aid. Conde was saved, he entered Paris, carrying out reprisals against members of Parliament who, in his opinion, had betrayed him. But this was only a temporary victory for the Fronde, as the Parisians and France as a whole were tired of the unrest and bloodshed.
Soon the Fronde began to decline. The parliamentarians who witnessed their transformation were the first to come to their senses. hometown on the battlefield. Led by President Molay and the Prosecutor of the Parliament Fouquet, they rushed to the royal headquarters. The parliamentarians agreed to once again side with the court, albeit under certain conditions. Mazarin had to leave the court again (he had already returned from his first exile: all the time, while outside France, the cardinal did not interrupt contact with the queen and the court). Mazarin, well aware that his second exile would not last long, easily agreed. The king was also forced to beg from the Vatican for a cardinal’s hat for Coadjutor de Gondi. As Arnaud d'Andilly wrote, "a dangerous example of how the highest rank can become a reward for a great crime."
The Duke of Orleans signed a document of obedience and admission of guilt, after which, together with his family, he was sent into his next (and last) exile to the castle of Blois (in 1617, this castle was already the place of exile of Marie de Medici). His daughter, who had to say goodbye to the thought of marrying her crowned cousin, was also expelled from the capital.
The king and court returned to Paris. “Almost the entire population of Paris came to meet him in Saint-Cloud,” wrote Michel Letellier (1603-1685), the new Minister of War. A day later, Parliament returned to the capital.
On October 25, 1652, Louis XIV wrote to Mazarin: “My cousin, it is time to put an end to the suffering that you voluntarily endure because of your love for me.”
On November 12 of the same year, the king signed a new declaration against the last rebels - the princes of Condé and Conti, the spouses de Longueville, the Duke of La Rochefoucauld and the Prince of Talmont.
On December 19, Louis ordered the arrest and imprisonment of Cardinal de Retz. As Father Paulin, the king’s confessor, writes: “I was there when the King gave the order about this, in the presence of the said Mr. Cardinal (de Retz - M.S.). I was near the said Mr. Cardinal, I expressed to him my admiration for the kindness of the King and his generosity, most of all I rejoiced at the mercy of his court. The king came up to both of us and started talking about the comedy he had in mind, speaking about it very loudly to M. de Villequiere, then, as if laughing, leaned towards his ear (this is the moment of giving the order) and immediately retreated, as if continuing the story about comedy: “The most important thing,” he said very loudly, “is that no one should be in the theater.” When this was said, I suggested that the King go to mass, since it was noon. He went there on foot. In the middle of the mass, Monsieur de Villequiere came up to him very quietly to give an account in his ear, and since I was near the King at that time, he turned to me and said: “This is how I arrested Cardinal de Retz.”

Louis XIV as Jupiter, conqueror of the Fronde, by Charles Poerson.

And finally, February 3 next year Cardinal Mazarin returned to Paris. It was a triumph for Giulio Mazarin, but he still had work to do ahead of him. great job- revive the destroyed kingdom and end the protracted war with Spain.
Thinking through the education of the king of France, Mazarin gave preference to practice rather than theory. Of course, it was not the cardinal who provoked the civil war, but later, returning from his second exile and reaching the pinnacle of his power, he realized that the time of unrest, better than any other experience, finally shaped the intellect, sanity, memory and will of Louis XIV.
Through your own life experience, and not according to descriptions from books and with the help of maps, Louis got to know his country. Few of the European sovereigns of that time knew their country as well as Louis XIV. There is a misconception in historiography that Louis XIV spent most of his life in the Louvre, the Tuileries, Saint-Germain and Versailles. But this is far from the truth. The king made many trips around France, especially in the first half of his life. As F. Braudel noted, Louis XIV visited Metz alone (the northeastern border of France) six times, staying there for a long time. The same happened with many other cities and provinces. One should not discount his numerous movements around the country with the active army heading to the theaters of military operations.
The king traveled throughout France in the rebellious years of 1650, 1651 and 1652. The Fronde, which began in Paris, “spread” throughout the kingdom. Somewhere the population was dissatisfied with taxes, somewhere with hunger. The rebellious nobles and provincial parliaments, who fanatically imitated their capital colleagues, did not stop adding fuel to the fire. And if in Paris the riots ended in 1652, then in the provinces they continued for several more years.
Confessor Father Paulin wrote that for the inhabitants of the province “to see the king is a mercy. In France this is the most significant and greatest favor. Indeed, our king knows how to be majestic, despite his twelve years of age; he glows with kindness, and he is of a light disposition, his movements are graceful, and his gentle gaze attracts the hearts of people more powerfully than a love potion.” The expedition of 1650, when hotbeds of unrest were burning throughout the country, was not without risk, especially since Anne of Austria and Louis XIV were accompanied not by an army, but by a small detachment. But from the story of Father Paulin it is clear that the presence of the young monarch was worth an entire army. “The joy in the entire province cannot be explained,” wrote the keeper of the seal, Mathieu Molay, “The King arrived yesterday evening, the Queen went to meet him, and the whole city (Dijon) took to the streets to demonstrate their joy, which cannot be expressed in words. I will say without flattery: the King behaved excellently during this journey; the soldiers and officers were happy; if the King had not been distracted, he would have been everywhere. And the soldiers were so delighted that if the King had given the command, I think they would have gnawed at the gates of Bellegarde with their teeth.”
While traveling through Burgundy, the king became close to the soldiers and lower officers. He talked with them, learned about their living conditions. Young Louis knew how to find them the right approach. During these years, he had already begun to gain popularity, so necessary for a true political and ideological leader. Mazarin was very pleased with this. For example, about 800 people from the Bellegarde garrison, enchanted by the king, joined the small royal army.
Over the next two years, the king visited Berry, Poitiers, Semur, Tours, Blois, Sully, Gien and Corbeil, which makes up a fairly large part of the territory of France. During his travels around the country, young Louis XIV saw his kingdom. He did not shy away from communicating with his subjects - postal workers, innkeepers, bourgeois, postilions, villans, soldiers. Without a doubt, this experience took its rightful place in the system of royal education and left its mark on the personality of Louis XIV.

France, mid-17th century. The post-war situation in the country is difficult. The working people, devastated after the war and looting, are forced to pay high taxes imposed by the state. Peasants were sent to prison for failure to pay taxes. This led to daily riots. Not a day passed without urban riots. In 1648, parliament, dissatisfied with the rule of the royal court, united with the bourgeoisie. An uprising begins, called the Fronde.

What is Fronde

Historians define the meaning of the word Fronde as a series of unrest directed against the power of France. Fronde - what is it - a social movement formed against absolutism, under sonorous name, operated from 1648 to 1653. XVII century. The French Fronde is translated as “sling”, from the name of children's frivolous fun. The Fronde united the bourgeoisie (the bulk of the population), as well as members of the aristocracy who were dissatisfied with the government's policies. The successful revolution of England contributed to the courage of the French opposition.

History of the movement

The history of the movement began with mid-17th century century, when France was ruled by the mother of Louis XIV, Queen Anne of Austria with her minister, Cardinal Mazarin. The bulk of the country's population at that time was the bourgeoisie, ruined by high taxes, attacks as own army, hordes of enemies and many years of war. Popular dissatisfaction with the current situation caused daily riots. As a result, representatives of the aristocracy, dissatisfied with the rule of the queen and Mazarin, enlisted the support of the peasants and formed the Fronde movement.

Fronde of Parliament

IN summer period 1648 The highest judicial chambers of the capital merged with parliament. They developed the “27 Articles” reform program. The reforms were aimed at reducing taxes, recalling intendants, exempting non-taxpayers, etc. There were confrontations between the government and the board. The hero of the 30 Years' War, Prince Condé, came to the side of the kingdom. The result was the signing of a peace agreement in 1649. Neither the government nor the parliament achieved their goal; Only part of the parliament's demands were fulfilled, and an agreement was signed not to expel the minister.

Fronde of Princes

In 1650, the Parisian parliament approved the arrest of the Prince of Condé, his brother and the Duke of Longueville. The war broke out between the government and the “princes,” whose allies were the Spaniards. The unpopularity of the Conte Fronde allowed the kingdom to succeed. The queen's troops attacked Bordeaux; after the fall of Bordeaux, Mazarin blocked the path of the Spaniards. But the princes of Condé attracted allies, opponents of absolutism that had already hushed by that time - the Parliamentary Frond. And they began an active offensive.

Condé's troops were victorious. Mazarin left France after the parliament sentenced him to exile from the country. A long feud followed, Condé rushed from the frontiers to the royal court. The cardinal, together with mercenary troops, was able to provide worthy resistance. Almost all of Conde's aristocratic allies left him in the summer of 1652. The result was the victory of the government and the expulsion of the frondeurs, Conde joined the Spaniards, The Royal Family returned to the capital in triumph. Absolutism reigned again.

FRONDE(1648–1653) - an uprising of the nobility and the name of the parliamentary party in Paris, which, during the minority of Louis XIV and the regency of Anne of Austria, opposed the policies of Cardinal Mazarin. Traditionally divided into two stages: the “Parliamentary Fronde” (1648–1649) and the “Fronde of the Princes” (1650–1653). The party got its name from the harmless battles of street boys with toy slings, or frondes (French). front, sling).

The French people suffered the consequences of the Thirty Years' War and were ruined by high taxes. The nobility also had reasons for dissatisfaction with Mazarin's management: he preferred foreigners, to whom he distributed the highest positions in the state, and in 1648 the government decided to abolish the letta, which guaranteed the heredity of positions, which further infringed on the material interests of the “nobility of the mantle.” It started in France Civil War. The primary goal of the nobles during the Fronde was not to overthrow the monarchy, but to extract benefits from the royal treasury and restore the former feudal privileges destroyed by Mazarin's predecessor, Cardinal Richelieu. Together with the nobility, merchants, artisans and townspeople, who suffered from taxes, opposed Mazarin. The Troubles also pulled peasants into its orbit, who attacked noble estates.

In the summer of 1648, the struggle between Mazarin and representatives of the nobility, the Parisian parliament, merchants and artisans escalated to the limit. The highest judicial chambers of Paris joined parliament and demanded the dismissal of the financial controller D'Emery. Proposals for reform were developed and presented to the queen, which, in particular, provided for a reduction in taxes, the abolition of arrears on all taxes, the recall of intendants from the Paris district, etc. In August, all the streets of Paris were blocked with barricades, preparing for the storming of the Louvre.

The first prince of the blood, one of the recognized commanders, Louis Condé, led the Fronde; a dissatisfied party at court, with the Prince of Conti, the Duchess of Longueville (Condé's brother and sister), the Duke de Beaufort and Cardinal Retze joining him. After troops under the command of Conde were brought to Paris, on the night of January 6, 1649, the royal court left Paris and went to the country palace of Ruelle. Prince Conti became the commander of the army gathered by supporters of parliament. The blockade of Paris began, which brought great hardships to the Parisians, but it was not parliament, but Mazarin, who was considered to be the culprit. Things got to the point that Mazarin was forced to leave France. He retired to Brühl near Cologne, and parliament sequestered all his property.

However, on April 1, 1649, the parties to the conflict managed to make peace: Parliament had to abandon the demand for the cardinal’s resignation and pledge to refrain from general meetings. However, the peace turned out to be fragile.

The “Fronde of the Princes” began after the arrest on January 18, 1650 of the Prince of Condé, his brother the Prince of Conti and the Duke of Longueville, made by order of the queen. This arrest caused general indignation, the princes and parliament united again, making the city of Bordeaux their stronghold, where Prince Condé was very popular. The siege of the city by royal troops was unsuccessful, and peace was signed on October 1, 1650.

By the end of 1650, protests against the cardinal again intensified in Paris - the king's uncle, the Duke of Orleans, demanded his resignation. Mazarin fled Paris, but the queen and the young Louis XIV were under house arrest.

Mazarin, while in exile, did not lose his influence on the queen and the young king. He continued to direct the affairs of the state, increasing discord within the faction of princes. Louis, who had reached adulthood by this time, again called on Mazarin, who, at the head of the six thousandth army he had collected at his own expense, appeared in France. The court party managed to gather a significant army under the command of the then famous commander Turenne. Since Condé in Paris led to highest degree arbitrary government, parliament and citizens no longer wanted to resist the royal army besieging Paris. In 1652, Condé was forced to leave Paris; on October 21, 1652, Louis XIV solemnly entered Paris, putting an end to the Fronde.

Parliament was prohibited from any interference in state affairs, and although the king declared a general amnesty, Condé's adherents were expelled from Paris, Cardinal Retze was arrested and imprisoned in the Vincennes fortress.
Conde began to seek refuge in the Spanish Netherlands.

With the capture of Bordeaux in 1653, the last uprising of ancient feudalism and cities against monarchical power; Mazarin returned to Paris and served as first minister until his death.

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Mazarin began the military pacification of the rebellious Normandy and quickly brought it to an end; this “Fronde of Condé” was not particularly popular at all (parliament did not support it at all). The pacification of other areas was equally successful (in the first half). The rebels everywhere surrendered or retreated to government troops. But the frondeurs had not yet lost their courage.

Mazarin, with the regent, the little king and the army, went to Bordeaux, where in July the uprising flared up with a vengeance; Gaston d'Orléans remained in Paris as the sovereign ruler during the entire absence of the court. In October, the royal army managed to take Bordeaux (from where the leaders of the Fronde - La Rochefoucauld, Princess Condé and others - managed to escape in time). After the fall of Bordeaux, Mazarin blocked the path of the southern Spanish army (united with Turenne and other frontiers) and inflicted a decisive defeat on the enemies (December 15).

But Mazarin’s Parisian enemies complicated the government’s position by the fact that they managed to win over the already quiet parliamentary Fronde to the side of the “Fronde of Princes.” The aristocrats united with parliament, their agreement was finalized in the very first weeks, and Anna of Austria saw herself in hopeless situation: the coalition of the “two Frondes” demanded from her the release of Condé and other arrested people, as well as the resignation of Mazarin. The Duke of Orleans also went over to the side of the Fronde. At a time when Anna hesitated to fulfill the demands of parliament, the latter (February 6) announced that it recognized the Duke of Orleans as the ruler of France not the regent.

Mazarin fled from Paris; the next day, parliament demanded from the queen (clearly referring to Mazarin) that henceforth foreigners and people who swore allegiance to anyone other than the French crown could not occupy higher positions. On February 8, parliament formally sentenced Mazarin to exile from France. The queen had to give in. In Paris, crowds of people threateningly demanded that the minor king remain with his mother in Paris and that the arrested aristocrats be released. On February 11, the queen ordered this to be done.

Mazarin left France. But less than a few weeks after his expulsion, the frondeurs quarreled among themselves due to their too heterogeneous composition, and the Prince of Condé, bribed by the promises of the regent, went over to the side of the government. He had barely broken off relations with his comrades when it was discovered that Anna had deceived him; then Conde (July 5) left Paris. The queen, to whose side one after another her enemies began to go over, accused the prince of treason (for relations with the Spaniards). Condé, supported by Rohan, Doignon and other nobles, began a rebellion in

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Meaning of the word front

front in the crossword dictionary

Fronde

Explanatory dictionary of the Russian language. D.N. Ushakov

Fronde

fronts, plural no, w. (French fronde - from the name of the children's game, lit. sling).

Noble-bourgeois movement against absolutism in France in the 17th century. (historical).

trans. Opposition to something. for personal reasons, dissatisfaction, expressed in the desire to contradict, annoy (book).

Explanatory dictionary of the Russian language. S.I.Ozhegov, N.Yu.Shvedova.

Fronde

In France in the 17th century: the noble-bourgeois movement against absolutism.

trans. Contrasting oneself with others out of a feeling of contradiction, disagreement, personal dissatisfaction (outdated book).

New explanatory dictionary of the Russian language, T. F. Efremova.

Fronde

and. Social and political movement in France in the mid-17th century, directed against absolutism.

and. The state of opposition to something. for personal reasons, dissatisfaction, expressed in the desire to contradict, annoy; frontism.

Encyclopedic Dictionary, 1998

Fronde

FROND (French fronde, lit. - sling)

social movement of 1648-53 in France against absolutism, against the government of G. Mazarin, which included various social strata (parliamentary front, “front of princes”).

Unprincipled opposition, mainly for personal or group reasons.

Fronde

(French fronde, literally ≈ sling), a social movement against absolutism in France in 1648–53, in which various strata of society participated, sometimes pursuing opposing goals. Tax oppression, disasters Thirty Years' War 1618≈48 led to many peasant and plebeian uprisings. The tax policy of the government of G. Mazarin aroused the opposition of the Parisian parliament and the circles of the bourgeoisie associated with it. The Parisian parliament temporarily blocked with popular anti-feudal forces and demanded a number of reforms, some of which were bourgeois character. In response to Mazarin’s attempt to arrest the leaders of the opposition (P. Brussels and others), a massive massacre began in Paris on August 26-27, 1648. armed uprising. Mazarin took the young Louis XIV out of the rebellious capital, and the royal troops began the siege of the city (January ≈ February 1649). The Parisians were supported by a number of provinces. However, the Parisian bourgeoisie and the parliamentary “nobility of the robe”, frightened by the rise popular movement, the radicalism of leaflets and pamphlets, entered into negotiations with royal court. In March 1649, the “parliamentary parliament” ended, but popular unrest continued. From the beginning of 1650, the opposition to absolutism was led by reactionary court circles (“F. princes”), who only wanted to put pressure on the government in order to receive profitable positions, pensions, etc. (hence the expression “to confront” ≈ to be in frivolous, harmless opposition). The controversial nobles and princes, relying on their noble retinues and foreign (Spanish) troops, took advantage of peasant uprisings and the democratic movement in the cities. The most revolutionary elements of the French bourgeoisie and during the period of “F. princes" tried to continue the fight against absolutism; Thus, in Bordeaux, France of this period acquired the character of a bourgeois-democratic republican movement. The aristocratic frondeurs achieved the resignation and expulsion of Mazarin in 1651, but he soon returned to France with mercenary troops. A long period of internecine war. By the end of 1652, Mazarin, through handouts and concessions, persuaded most of the noble frondeurs to reconcile, and their head, Prince L. Condé, who in 1651 went into the service of to the Spanish king, was forced to leave Paris, despite the help of Spanish troops. By mid-1653, the most persistent and radical center of F. - in Bordeaux - was suppressed. F.'s defeat led to a feudal reaction in the French countryside in the 50s–70s. 17th century and contributed to the establishment of the unlimited autocracy of Louis XIV.

Lit.: Porshnev B.F., Popular uprisings in France before the Fronde (1623≈1648), M. ≈ Leningrad, 1948; Capefigue J., Richelieu, Mazarin, la Fronde et ie régne de Louis XIV, t. 1≈8, P., 1835≈36; Courteault N., La Fronde à Paris, P., 1930; Kossmann E. N., La Fronde, Leiden, 1954; Lorris P. O., La Fronde, P., 1961.

B. F. Porshnev.

Wikipedia

Fronde

Fronde(literally “sling”) - a designation for a number of anti-government unrest that took place in France in 1648 - 1653. and actually constituted a civil war.

The term “Fronde” has entered the modern Russian language to mean dissatisfaction with the authorities, which is expressed only in words, not accompanied by actions.

Examples of the use of the word front in literature.

After listening to my explanations, Field Marshal von Kluge stated that he already intended to put Hoth and me on trial, since Hoth had experienced exactly the same misunderstanding, and the Field Marshal thought that he was dealing with the general’s Frondo.

Among the clergy, of course, there are all kinds, for example the same Abbot Gabriel de Roquette, who later became the Bishop of Autun, whom Moliere knew in the unforgettable Languedoc time, when Roquette glorified himself before the entire flock with amazingly bad behavior, or the former lawyer Charpy, who turned into a preacher and who seduced the wife of the court apothecary, or the famous Bordeaux Franciscan, Father Itier, who distinguished himself during the Frondes unheard of betrayals, and some others.

Nikita Khrushchev, who was never ashamed, but, on the contrary, emphasized with pride his fifth-grade education, thrown to the top of the nomenklatura Frondo, turned out to be a person completely unsuited to leading state activities.

Therefore, Rostopchin preferred to remain moderate in the eyes of the world. fronts Vorontsov's party and did not miss an opportunity to tar the Zubov coat of arms.