Philip III(French Philippe III), nickname Brave(French le Hardi) with beginning of the XIV century (April 30, 1245, in the castle of Poissy - October 5, 1285, Perpignan, buried in the Abbey of Saint-Denis) - King of France from August 25, 1270, crowned at Reims Cathedral on August 15, 1271.
Biography
Philippe was the second son of King Louis IX and Margaret of Provence. He received his name in honor of his great-grandfather, Philip II Augustus. In 1260, after the death of his older brother Louis, he became heir to the throne.
He participated with his father in his last crusade and was proclaimed king in a camp on the African coast. Immediately upon his return to France, he humbled several recalcitrant vassals and achieved recognition of his supreme power Archbishop of Lyon.
At the beginning of his reign, Chamberlain Pierre de la Brosse, a man of humble origin, enjoyed great influence on state affairs; but in 1278 he fell victim to the intrigues of the nobility acting on Philip through Queen Mary of Brabant. After the death of Bros, the abbot of the monastery of Saint-Denis, Mathieu de Vendôme, and the seneschal Etienne Beaumarchais rose to power. In addition to them, his uncle Charles of Anjou had influence on the weak-willed Philip. Yielding to his insistence, Philip put forward his candidacy for the throne German Empire, but unsuccessfully; Because of Charles, he became involved in Spanish affairs, in which defeat and death awaited him.
However, Philip also had his own interests in Spain. In 1275, he defended Navarre from the claims of the kings of Castile and Aragon, but his intercession for the French princess, who was married to the son of Alphonse X of Castile and deprived of her rights after the death of her husband (1276), did not lead to the desired goal.
Even more unsuccessful was the Aragonese expedition, undertaken after the Sicilian Vespers at the insistence of Charles of Anjou. Pope Martin IV, loyal to Charles and Philip, excommunicated Pedro of Aragon from the church, declared him deposed and appointed one of Philip's younger sons in his place. The French army and navy equipped to carry out these projects were a complete failure: the fleet was twice defeated, and the army, delayed in its advance by the fortress of Gerona, fell victim to disease. Philip, who led the campaign, also fell ill and died during the retreat.
During his reign the crown's possessions grew. He took the escheated fiefs of the counts of Toulouse - Poitou, Saintonge, Toulon, Albigeois, Auvergne, Quercy, Agenet, Rouergue, Vincennes; Through the marriage of the heir to the throne with Joan of Navarre, Navarre, Champagne and Brie were annexed to France. In addition, preparations were made for the annexation of Lyon and Montpellier.
Family and Children
- 1st wife: (from May 28, 1262) Isabel(1247-1271), daughter of Jaime I the Conqueror, King of Aragon. They had 4 sons, two of whom died in childhood:
- Louis (1264 - May 1276).
- Philip IV the Fair (1268-1314), King of France from 1285, King of Navarre after his wife Joan I.
- Robert (1269-1276).
- Charles (1270-1325), Count of Valois. Count of Anjou, Maine and Persha by his first wife, nominal Emperor of Constantinople by his second. From 1285 to 1295 he bore the title of King of Aragon.
- 2nd wife: (from August 21, 1274) Maria(1256-1321), daughter Henry III, Duke of Brabant. Had 3 children:
- Louis d'Evreux (1276-1319), Count d'Evreux.
- Blanca (1278-1306), wife from 1300 of Rudolf III of Habsburg (1282-1307), Duke of Austria, then King of Bohemia (Rudolf I).
- Margaret (1282-1318), 2nd wife from 1299 of Edward I (1239-1307), king of England.
Philip III
Philip III.
Reproduction from the site http://monarchy.nm.ru/
Philip III
King France .
Philip III the Bold
Philippe III le Hardi
Years of life: April 3, 1245 - October 5, 1285
Reign: August 25, 1270 - October 5, 1285
Father: Louis IX
Mother: Margaret of Provence
Wives:
1) Isabella of Aragon
2) Maria of Brabant
Sons: Louis, Philip, Charles Valois, Louis d'Evreux
Daughters: Blanca, Margarita
Philip became king in Tunisia during the Eighth Crusade when his father died. Philip's first step was to make an honorable peace with the Sultan and return to France. On May 21, 1271, he solemnly buried the bodies of his father and four of his relatives who died during the campaign, was crowned in Reims and began to rule.
Philip was a dutiful son, a brave knight and a devout Christian. However, he did not have such a bright personality as his father, and often fell under the influence of others. His reign was quite pale, however political situation the country did not require strong political decisions. All he had to do was follow the course laid out by his ancestors. After the death of his relatives, Philip annexed Valois, Poitou, Auvergne and Toulouse to the royal possessions. After Henry's death King of Navarre transferred troops beyond the Pyrenees. Philip failed to retain Navarre, but by marrying Philip's son to Henry's daughter Jeanne, he strengthened his dynasty in her hereditary possessions - Navarre, Champagne and Brie.
In 1282, the Aragonese expelled the French from Sicily. The Pope excommunicated Pedro of Aragon and authorized a crusade against him. Philip equipped a fleet to Sicily, and he himself led an army to Aragon. In May 1285, the long and unsuccessful siege of Girona began. A few months later, a plague epidemic began in the French camp. With the arrival of winter, Philip decided to retreat to Toulouse, but on the way he fell ill and died on October 5, 1285 in Perpignan.
Used materials from the site http://monarchy.nm.ru/
Philip III the Bold (1245-1285) - king of France from the Capetian family, who ruled in 1270-1285. Son Louis IX and Margaret of Provence.
1) from 1262 Isabella, daughter of King Jaime I of Aragon (born 1234 + 1271);
2) from 1274 Maria, daughter of Duke Henry III of Brabant (+ 1321).
Philip became king of France during the Eighth Crusade on August 25, 1270 in a camp near Carthage. His first concern was to put an end to his father's unsuccessful enterprise, which was the cause of his death. An honorable treaty for France was concluded with the Sultan, after which the French army began to slowly return home through Sicily and Italy. Along the way, she lost many people who died from illness and hunger. The young king carried with him five coffins; they contained the corpses of his father, his brother, his wife, his son and King Thibault of Navarre. Philip returned to Paris on May 21, 1271, solemnly buried his loved ones in the Abbey of Saint-Denis, was crowned in Reims and began the affairs of his reign.
Everything we know about this king leads us to conclude that he was a dutiful son, a good knight and a devout Christian. He did not have a strong personality and, after his father, seemed somewhat colorless. Every now and then he fell under the influence of others - his uncle, his wife, or his powerful temporary worker Pierre de la Brosse (a lowly commoner from Touraine, whom he showered with his favors and whose advice he diligently listened to for several years). However, this did not have any bearing on state affairs. bad influence, since life did not require any new decisions from the king. The political course of the ruling dynasty was determined a hundred years before the birth of Philip; it was only necessary to firmly follow it, which he did quite successfully. Thus, under Philip, the royal possessions were significantly expanded: he annexed the county of Valois, left vacant after the death of his brother Jean Tristan, as well as the counties of Poitou and Auvergne, which belonged to his uncle Alphonse. After a while. At that time, Alphonse's wife, Jeanne of Toulouse, died, whose rich possessions in the south of France were also annexed to the royal possessions. Soon Philip had the opportunity to extend his power even further. In 1274, Henry, Count of Champagne and King of Navarre died, leaving his only daughter Joanna and willing that she be raised under French tutelage and married to a French prince. The Navarrese classes rebelled against this, and the Aragonese and Castilian kings tried to take advantage of this opportunity to expand their possessions. But the French king had more strength to hold these lands. He sent troops across the Pyrenees, his generals took Pamplona and conquered all of Navarre. After some time, Philip was supposed to withdraw his troops, but by marrying his son, also called Philip, to Juanna, he acquired for his dynasty the right to inherit her possessions: the kingdom of Navarre and the counties of Champagne and Bris.
In foreign policy Philip's most important undertaking was the Aragonese campaign, which he undertook shortly before his death. The outbreak of this war was the “Sicilian supper” in 1282, which ended French rule in Sicily. Soon the Aragonese king Pedro took possession of the island. The Pope excommunicated Pedro and called upon Christendom to crusade against him. He offered the Aragonese crown to Charles of Valois, the second son of Philip. The French king decided to support his son with all the means at his disposal. In May 1285, he crossed the Pyrenees with a large army and began the siege of Gerona. Despite the fact that the French army was very numerous, failures haunted Philip from the very beginning. The Sicilians inflicted a heavy defeat on the French fleet. The siege of Gerona dragged on endlessly. Plague broke out in the besieging camp due to the intense heat. Hundreds of people died from it every day. With winter approaching, it was decided to withdraw the army to Toulouse. By this time, the king had already felt the first signs of a contagious disease. He could not stay in the saddle; he was taken on a stretcher to Perpignan, where he died on October 5.
All the monarchs of the world. Western Europe. Konstantin Ryzhov. Moscow, 1999
Philip III the Bold (le Hardi) (1245–1285), son of Louis IX, born at Poissy on 3 April 1245, ascended the throne in 1270. A pious but weak ruler, Philip was influenced by his chamberlain Pierre de la Brousse, his wife Mary Brabant and, finally, Charles of Anjou. Died in Perpignan on October 5, 1285, returning from an unsuccessful campaign undertaken to conquer Aragon, given by the pope who deposed Pedro III, son of Philip. Carlo Valois.
Materials from the encyclopedia "The World Around Us" were used.
Despite his short stature, Philip was well built and had a pleasant appearance. Philip's character was little like his father. He was gentle, kind-hearted, obedient, extremely pious and completely incapable of making decisions for himself. Philip's physical and mental development was slow: only in the 14th year of his life did his baby teeth change, and of all the sciences they could only teach him a little grammar. He was quite rightly afraid to leave the state to his son, since he considered him unfit for the throne.
Having become king, Philip immediately transferred powers to his favorite ( "valido"), the Duke of Lerma, while issuing a decree that “Lerma’s signature is equivalent to the king’s own signature.” Unfortunately, Lerma turned out to be an ambitious but incompetent ruler and only worsened the crisis in the country without doing anything to improve finances or improve the well-being of the people. In 1609-1614, half a million Moriscos (baptized Moors), the best farmers and artisans, were expelled from Spain. Particularly noticeable gaps appeared in the economies of Valencia and Aragon.
Having transferred state affairs into the wrong hands, Philip spent all his time in idleness. However, his pleasures were quite innocent: playing ball, dice, visiting a comedy. Philip also performed official duties, such as audiences, but treated them without interest. The only thing he devoted himself to with passion was matters of faith. He did not miss a single mass and surrounded himself with holy relics. Thanks to his piety, Philip became known as almost a saint. The consequence of such incompetent rule was an even greater increase in Spain's external debt.
In general, the foreign policy of the reign of Philip III was more successful than the domestic one. By the end of the 16th century, it became obvious that the country was no longer able to withstand its previous foreign policy activity, and the government of Lerma entered into peace negotiations with the main opponents of Spain in the previous reign: and the Netherlands. After her death in 1603, her successor agreed in 1605 to a peace sufficiently favorable for Spain.
Relations with her remained tense at first, but after the murder in 1610 during her childhood they improved significantly. The marriages of the king with Philip III's daughter Anne of Austria and of Crown Prince Philip (future) with his sister Isabella of Bourbon were concluded. However, contradictions between the two countries persisted (in Northern Italy, on the Rhine and in general in the question of European hegemony), and towards the end of Philip's reign III relationship things between them have become tense again, indicating the approach decisive clash during the Thirty Years' War.
In 1618, the Duke of Lerma was dismissed. Philip took away all his powers and declared that from now on he would rule personally. However, no serious sanctions against the former "valido" did not follow: a “scapegoat” was found, the Duke’s secretary Rodrigo Calderon, who was accused of murdering Queen Margaret through witchcraft in 1611, tortured and executed. The son of the disgraced Lerma, Duke of Uceda, retained influence in the new government, although he did not have such broad powers as his father.
Spain entered the Thirty Years' War in 1620, and it was its position that contributed most to the regional conflict between Catholics and Protestants escalating into the first pan-European war. In the Netherlands in the early years of the 17th century outstanding commander in the Spanish service, Ambrogio Spinola managed to achieve important victories over the Dutch, but a fatal lack of money erased these successes and forced the Spaniards to conclude the Twelve Years' Truce in 1609, effectively recognizing the independence of the northern provinces of the Netherlands that had broken away from Spain. Towards the end of Philip's reign III Spain retained all its vast possessions in the Old and New Worlds, as well as its imperial ambitions. However, the economic foundations of the still majestic building were already irreparably destroyed.
According to an anecdote ridiculing the Spanish court etiquette of that time, Philip died of fireside burns, since the courtiers could not promptly find the only grandee who had the right to move the king’s chair, and the king himself was not allowed to put out the fire by his high position.
King of Spain and Portugal
Philip III of Habsburg, Felipe III of Spain
“I’m afraid that they will manage it. God gave me vast countries, but did not give me an heir,” a complaint that he expressed towards his son at the end of his life Philip II, before today defines the portrait of Philip III. With this monarch in Spanish historiography begins the century of the three “Austrias menores” (ordinary Habsburgs), the era of decline and the loss of Spain’s dominant position in Europe. Philip III took over as a world superpower. He was the king not only of Spain and the territories subject to it, that is, the American and Asian colonies, but also the king of Sicily and Naples, Duke of Milan and heir to the Burgundian imperial lands; he owned the Kingdom of Portugal with its colonies and trading offices spread across America, Africa and Asia.
A young monarch in the shadow of a powerful ancestor
It took Philip III very little time to win over the public. In the first weeks after the death of his father, envoys from Italian cities almost unanimously praised the energetic, young monarch of Madrid. Against the backdrop of the paralysis that struck government affairs in last years the painfully fading Philip II, his son seemed to radiate new energy. First, the young king tried his military luck. In 1601, the Armada was equipped, which was to sail to the shores of Ireland to assist the Irish rebels in the fight against the British. The operation failed because the troops landed in the wrong place and entered the battle too late. At the same time, the new monarch turned his attention to the North African coast. There was a sense of tradition in this, for even Charles V tried to destroy the pirate nest - Algeria.But Philip’s fleet also had to turn back at the very entrance to the harbor (1603). But the Marquis Ambrosio di Spinola, commander-in-chief of the Spanish troops in the Netherlands, managed to recapture Ostend in 1604. And yet, after 1606, military luck turned away from the Spaniards again.
It wasn't long before the shine of the new monarch began to fade. The characteristic features that Philip III had been endowed with even before his accession to the throne began to appear more and more clearly. There was a rumor about the heir to the throne, who was constantly ill in childhood and adolescence, that he was weak-willed and indifferent to state affairs. But, they say, he is greedy for fun and entertainment, mainly preferring hunting and tournaments. He is completely unaware of the complex financial situation monarchy. If his father, as a rule, spent fourteen hours a day analyzing documents, his son was not at all distinguished by such diligence. His wedding in Valencia (1599), celebrated a few months after ascending the throne with Margaret of Austria, who arrived from Vienna, was furnished with excessive luxury, which, due to the empty treasury, immediately aroused criticism of the new ruler.
It was not only Philip III who was guilty of a categorically negative assessment of his reign. Of course, in terms of willpower, he was far from his father or grandfather. In addition, Charles V and Philip II knew how to skillfully present themselves, thanks to which they seem to us almost the first sovereigns of the Counter-Reformation. And if my grandfather and father constantly traveled and saw many areas of Europe with their own eyes, then Philip III never left the Iberian Peninsula. Only once (1599) did he visit Catalonia. The repeatedly postponed trip to Portugal - to present and take the oath - he, to the great displeasure of the estate assembly, made only at the end of his reign (1619). In general, for Philip III, who ascended the throne at the age of twenty, comparison with his ancestors was probably completely unfavorable and painful.
Only in the historiography of the last two decades have there been attempts to correct this portrait inherited from the past and to treat the reign of Philip III more fairly. Although the undoubted weaknesses of the king’s character burdened his reign, it is still necessary to take into account the difficult economic and military legacy that Philip III inherited from his father. After all, it was precisely in the last years of his father’s regime that the overstrain of military-economic resources clearly manifested itself. Two years before Philip III ascended the throne, his father was forced to declare bankruptcy of the state for the third time. Both the domestic and foreign political situation, completely independent of the onset of economic depression, made a respite urgently necessary, which was finally achieved under Philip III.
Lerma - the king's confidant
The disrepute of the reign of Philip III is largely due to the style of its implementation. If during the reign of Philip II a system of collegial bodies, councils and special special commissions was established, the new ruler relied primarily on only one adviser, who, as a special chancellor or prime minister, assumed various official responsibilities - a tendency that had already begun to appear at the end of the reign of Philip II. Occupying this new position of first trustee (valido, privado) was Francisco Gómez de Sandoval y Rojas, fifth Marquis of Deña, later Duke of Lerma. The influence of Lerma, who, as chief equerry, accompanied the infanta on horseback rides and hunting, began to be felt, to the petty jealousy of his colleagues at the court, even during the time of Philip II. After this, he was appointed viceroy of Valencia (1595) and thereby removed from the court, but two years later he returned to Madrid. The day after his accession to the throne, Philip III instructs the members of the royal councils that the entire flow of documents henceforth pass through the hands of his privado. In December 1598, Lerma received the equally important position of chamberlain, allowing him to enter the royal chambers at any time. From now on, Lerma follows on the heels of the monarch and thus controls all of Philip’s activities and contacts.To the best of his ability, Lerma tried to clear the court of unwanted critics. The former supporters of Philip II, who at the same time turned out to be opponents of the favorite, had to leave Madrid. Garza de Loyas, Archbishop of Toledo and former teacher the new king, who once expressed doubts about the abilities of the monarch and Lerma, was also removed from the court, as was Cristobal de Moura, who, as an experienced member of the State, Military and Council of Portugal, was entrusted with the position of Viceroy of Portugal. In May 1599, the experienced politician Rodrigo Vázquez de Arce, who belonged to the close confidants of Philip II and acted as president of the Council of Castile, left the capital. The Grand Inquisitor Pedro Porto Carrero, another valido ill-wisher, was removed from his post.
Among Philip II's former close confidants, few managed to maintain a prominent position at court; among them Juan de Idaques. Yet not all appointments required Lerma's personal approval. The Military Council, appointed directly by Philip III, and the Spanish missions in Italy consisted entirely of proven military men and officials. Therefore, it is a mistake to talk about Lerma’s complete control over the bureaucracy, as is done in classical historiography.
It goes without saying that valido used his power to install his trusted people in important government positions. Lerma purposefully created his own group, where family and family ties. In order to protect the young king from the influence of the court in the very first year, the experienced, almost twice his age, forty-five-year-old Lerma organized trips for the monarch. However, it is unlikely that the privado could make full use of the freedom of action thus obtained. He himself lacked those qualities that are necessary for a person occupying such a responsible position. His penchant for self-delusion did not go unnoticed by his contemporaries. He was as susceptible to flattery and praise as he was averse to studying documents. Decisions were often shelved. Nevertheless, not only this method of government, but also the parochial personnel policy aroused criticism from contemporaries, because it inevitably turned into corruption. Therefore, Lerma's reign was accompanied by endless financial scandals.
At the end of 1606, members of the Council of Castile and the Council of Finance, the Marquis of Villalonga and Alonso Ramírez de Prado, as well as Pedro Álvarez Pereira, a member of the Council of Portugal, were arrested on charges of embezzlement of tax revenues. All three accused belonged to the closest henchmen of the privado. The investigation revealed thefts on such a scale that soon people in Madrid were talking about a “second Indian fleet,” since the value of the embezzled property was almost equal to the royal income from the supply of American silver. In 1611, Lerma's close confidant, the royal secretary Rodrigo Calderon, who managed to obtain the title "Marquis of Siete Iglesias" and who also embezzled huge sums, came under criticism - he was sent to Italy. In both cases, the king's dissociation from Lerma was expressed in his passivity. The fact that from 1612 the privado could sign all administrative orders on behalf of the king and instead of him changed little in the fact that by this time the power of the first confidant of Philip III had already begun to decline. Both his proteges and the favorite himself provoked public opinion with their proverbial greed.
Although there was never a shortage of critics who castigated the extravagance of the court, Lerma aroused particular hostility from Philip III’s aunt, Empress Maria. The wife of Emperor Maximilian II and the mother of Emperors Rudolf II and Matthias I, she retired to the Madrid Franciscan monastery of Descalzas Reales in her old age. In her understanding, royal dignity had nothing to do with the manipulations of privado. Lerma also met a dangerous enemy in the person of Queen Margaret, wife of Philip III. Repeatedly, it was she who demanded the favorite to answer for his machinations, making it clear that with his behavior he was harming the royal reputation. Not in last resort Due to the influence of the empress, and also to counter the opposition palace party, Lerma had the court moved to Valladolid. This move to the Old Castilian city undoubtedly marked the high point of his career (1601-1606). And yet he himself had to capitulate to the significance of the old capital. At the beginning of 1606 (the empress died in 1603) the court returned to Madrid. Lerma turned out to be cunning enough that, shortly before the announcement of the decision to move to Madrid, he sold his house in Valladolid for a high price to his king.
The reason for Lerma’s nomination today is seen not only in the weak will of the king, who allowed himself to be pushed around by his first confidant. The figure of valido should be seen as the first step towards the development of the position of head of government, a kind of prime minister called upon to manage a growing and increasingly time-consuming bureaucracy and carry out the day-to-day duties of government. This would allow the sovereign to focus on essential and important matters. Similar trends also appeared in England and France. In addition, the figure of valido should be regarded as an attempt by the higher nobility to regain the influence in the kingdom that the collegiate councils and the state bureaucracy threatened to deprive the aristocracy of. So it was not the role of the privado as such that was attacked, but specific methods use of this provision by Lermoy.
Institutes
Of course, the characterization of the royal reign is far from being limited to negative coverage of the figure of Lerma. Philip III and his favorite undoubtedly also emanated stable positive impulses for state institutions. Already his father, along with collegial councils, very often relied on special commissions, which, however, often led to the overlap of functions and administrative frictions. This administrative dualism continued to exist under Philip III. For example, in 1600, the Council of War of America was created to assist the Council of the Indies with the goal of increasing concern for the defense of the American coast and sea lanes.Worthy of special mention is the increased attention paid to the Council of India, which resulted in the establishment special department, in charge personnel issues. The importance of the Military Council, which included ex-officio members of the State Council, also increased in importance. However, the Council of State, which under Philip III rose to the position of the supreme advisory body, will remain so in the future and throughout the stagnation regime. After the intense activity of 1598, its institutional position was further strengthened in 1600. Since then State Council met at least once a week.
The composition of the State and Military Councils clearly demonstrates that Lerma's dominance was not undivided. The most influential representatives of the highest aristocracy gathered in the meeting room of the State Council, and not all of them could be considered adherents of privado. These included, for example, the dukes: Alba, Infantado, Albuquerque, Najera and Medina Sidonia; Counts: Fuensalida, Fuentes, Chinchon and Adelantado de Castilla. If under Philip II higher nobility felt left out of the deliberative bodies, then under Philip III it took the opportunity to regain influence on the court and politics.
After the entry into the Council of State between 1610 and 1620 of the king's confessor Luis de Aliaga and ambassador Baltazar de Zuniga, the decision-making process began to be influenced by individuals who could not be considered Lerma's henchmen. How much this body cared about the reconciliation of different trends and social groups is evidenced by the fact that the leading role in the State Council was not played by the highest aristocracy. Such outstanding figures as Idiaques, Ambassador Zuniga and confessor Aliaga had very modest origins: from the small landed and serving nobility or the middle clergy.
Crisis symptoms and public finances
Lerma's long reign was not based solely on personal control of the monarch. It is also explained by his policy aimed at conserving Castile's resources and ending the war on several fronts. Signs of crisis were also noticeable on the Iberian Peninsula itself. Its first serious harbingers (demographic) were the plague epidemics that broke out in 1596-1602. According to some estimates, 500,000 people died, mostly in Castile, or approximately 8 percent of the population. In comparison, casualties in the areas of the Aragonese crown were significantly less. These areas were generally in a privileged position due to tax benefits. As the number of households in Castilian cities declined, the capital had to accept an ever-increasing number of visitors. After the return of the court from Valladolid, the population of Madrid grew in a short period from 50,000 to over 100,000 inhabitants - with all the accompanying social and sanitary problems.Economic data also points to crisis trends. Thus, from about the eighties of the 16th century, grain production in Castile decreased, as a result of which the level of gross harvest fell sharply in the first decade of the 17th century. In the second and third decades, stagnant production indicators became characteristic of the entire economy. If under Philip II such Old Castilian cities as Burgos, Medina de Rioseco and Medina del Campo still remained centers of trade and textile production, then under Philip III their importance steadily decreased. Cheap imports were largely responsible for the decline of the textile industry. Towards the end of the reign of Philip III, the first disruptions in overseas trade also became noticeable. Residents of American territories increasingly made do with goods of their own production, such as wine, vegetable oil and textiles. The attempts of the Americans to provide themselves with local wheat were greatly stimulated, in particular, by the high price of Castilian grain.
Problem public finance must have first come into sharp relief in 1602. That year the necessary expenses for next year the crown could only cover it through tax revenues. Financial consolidation was not least hampered by the epidemic, which reduced the number of taxpayers. Therefore, during the reign of Philip III, when it was never possible to at least approximately equalize income with constantly growing expenses, large volumes of copper money were issued - vellones. The Vellons increasingly pushed silver coins out of circulation, which gave rise to protests by the Castilian class assembly (Cortes) against the subsequent devaluation of money.
The supply of American silver was always an important factor for Philip II, covering on average 25 percent of government revenues, but towards the end of Philip III's reign there was a turnaround. With even higher production - it declined sharply only by 1640 - most of silver settled in America itself.
In attracting financial resources, the crown primarily focused on Castile. In no other territory - neither in the lands of the Aragonese crown, nor in Portugal, the Spanish Netherlands or the Italian possessions - could she succeed in increasing tax revenues. Castile and - through overseas supplies of silver - the American possessions bore the main financial burden of imperial policy. During his father's reign, taxes quadrupled. Under Philip III, despite the respite in hostilities, there was no tangible improvement for the Castilians.
The meaning of the class meeting
Contrary to the previous assertion that the Cortes, after the defeat of the comuneros - the rebel Castilian cities (1521) - allegedly lost political significance, during the reign of Philip III, the Castilian class assembly again showed its invincible strength. Recent research clearly indicates important role Cortes in voting taxes. In 1594, the financial volumes approved by the Cortes barely amounted to 40 percent total revenues to the treasury. During the reign of Philip III, taxes and duties sanctioned by the Castilian Cortes rose from six million (1601) or, respectively, from more than five million (1621) to exactly half of all royal income.How important this institution continued to be is demonstrated by the fact that between 1573 and 1664 the Cortes met for an average of eight months a year. Without the approval of the Castilian estates assembly (which consisted of the nobility and clergy from representatives of 18 Castilian cities after the withdrawal of the nobility and clergy from it in 1539), it was impossible for the crown to raise taxes, and especially the ever-increasing importance of excise taxes on wine, vegetable oil and meat. Cities and their envoys demanded a high price for these financial concessions: tax exemptions, other privileges for city communes, not forgetting personal gain. Therefore, from a socio-historical point of view, it is worthy of mention that the nobles, i.e. the class that formally no longer participated in the Cortes since 1539, acted as deputies of the cities. During the 17th century, more and more representatives of the highest aristocracy began to appear among them, which clearly demonstrated the struggle of this class for the right to participate in government.
Of course, the crown also tried to control the Cortes, for example, Lerma himself represented the cities of Madrid (1607) and Burgos (1615). But every time the compromises reached at the meetings of the Cortes fell on the shoulders of ordinary Castilians, so these class meetings did not enjoy good reputation among wide circles of the population.
Although the reign of Philip III was spared major uprisings and even minor manifestations of regional separatism, dangerous signs of a social crisis still made themselves felt. The clearest symptom was the high increase in crime. Anyone who traveled along the roads of Catalonia and Valencia was forced to reckon with the risk of attack by robbers. It was in these areas that banditry became regular, which the Catalan nobles even partially condoned. But in the next decade, the number of robbers increased even more. Travel in Castile also became extremely dangerous. Night attacks have become particularly common in the fast-growing capital.
These manifestations of social and economic crisis were imprinted in a wide stream of treatises, for whose authors (arbitristas) a kind of “golden age” began in the 17th century. The most common complaints expressed, for example, by the clergy Martín González de Cellorigo and Sancho de Moncada, were primarily the unbearable tax pressure that put pressure on the Castilians, while taxes were much lower in other parts of the state. In a slightly different vein, there were calls for the Castilians and, accordingly, the Spaniards: to revive the crafts and return them to their proper prestige. The wasteful lifestyle of the nobility was condemned, as well as the exorbitant possessions of the church, which, in the opinion of many authors, did not benefit the entire population, but only a few. In particular, for many among the Castilians, a fair division of agricultural land was a desired goal; prospects for the development of agriculture were associated with this.
Decline of science and economics
The cultural life of Spain consisted of very contradictory phenomena. Despite the "golden age" of literature associated with names such as Cervantes, Lope de Vega and Quevedo, there were clear signs of crisis in spiritual life. Although important works on state-legal and socio-legal content were still being published, Spanish academic literature was still in decline. The share of scientific titles in publishing output has decreased, as shown by the centers of the Castilian book trade, by a third. The spiritual climate, not least under the influence of the Inquisition, gave rise to excessive caution, which stifled anything new in the bud. So university science gradually became rigid and degenerated into routine scholasticism.A notable exception was the educational institutions run by the Jesuits. Since 1559, Castilian students could study only in Spain - the only exceptions were Naples, Coimbra, and the papal universities of Rome and Bologna. For the unification of spiritual life, due to the desire to resist the spread of heretical ideas, Spain paid with academic backwardness. It can be considered that the spread natural science knowledge The 17th century practically did not affect Spain.
The peaceful respite provided the regime with the opportunity to approach a “problem” that, in its opinion, had long been in urgent need of a solution: expulsion Arab population(1609). The connection between the truce with the Dutch, which gave the Spaniards a free hand in the North Atlantic, and the expulsion of the Moriscos, which indicates an increased attention to the Mediterranean theater of operations, is quite obvious. After the conquest of Granada (1492), part of the Arab-Muslim population remained to live on the Iberian Peninsula. After the revolt of 1568-1570, the Moriscos were dispersed throughout Castile, but, as it turned out, were reluctant to succumb to cultural and religious assimilation. The Arab population was especially large in the Valencia region, where the Moors carried out intensive vegetable growing and horticulture with extensive use irrigation systems according to the Arabic model. A cause for concern was their alleged ties to the Ottoman Empire. Such rumors were born more and more often.
The Moriscos were also associated with numerous predatory attacks by North African pirates on the Spanish coastline and the seizure of Spanish ships. It was rumored that the French king allegedly incited them to revolt in order to open a front in Spain itself. Recent studies unanimously agree that the expulsion of the Moriscos placed a heavy burden on the Spanish economy. About 270,000 mostly hardworking, skilled small farmers and artisans left the country. Together with the demographic losses from the plague of 1598-1602, Spain lost a good ten percent of its population in just a decade.
Against, Antonio Canovas del Castillo, a 19th-century Spanish historian and statesman, argued that by expelling the Moors, Spain had eliminated an explosive source of internal political crisis. The presence of the Moriscos later, in the crisis of 1640, would allegedly contribute to the exacerbation of the separatism and regional conflicts that rocked the Iberian Peninsula that year.
Pax Hispanica (Maritime Spain - Latin) and military conflicts
In foreign policy terms, the reign of Philip III and his privado is considered the time of the Pax Hispanica. Nevertheless, in the beginning, peaceful politics did not come to the fore at all. Even under Philip II, preparations began to end the conflict with France. Philip II, who persistently tried to influence religious war in France, was forced, however, to understand that with France united by Henry IV, a peaceful understanding was henceforth inevitable.An important prerequisite for Pax Hispanica in Western Europe was the conclusion of peace with England. The unsuccessful Irish expedition had a particularly favorable effect on the readiness to resolve conflicts. After the death of Elizabeth I (1603) and the accession of James I (1604), it was possible to come to terms with the second main enemy in the North Atlantic.
The rebellious Netherlands represented a highly problematic legacy. Already under Philip II, we had to say goodbye to the idea of conquering these territories. The presence of the Dutch in the World Ocean has long been the sole cause of the war. Since 1598, they took control of Punta de Araya - rich in salt deposits coastal strip Venezuelan coast. It was at this time that the development of Dutch Guyana between the Orinoco and the Amazon began. The successes of the Dutch in Asia, namely in the Moluccas, date back to 1605, and 1607 marked the beginning of their activity on the Guinea coast.
The Dutch onslaught on the Portuguese-Spanish Empire served as the main impetus for the start of armistice negotiations. At the end of 1606, Spinola's troops in the Spanish Netherlands rebelled due to delayed pay. The desire for peace became even stronger among the Spaniards in the following year, especially as the financial collapse of the monarchy became more and more obvious. With annual income of approximately 5-6 million ducats, expenses rose to 13 million (1607). Following his father's example, Philip III declared the state bankrupt.
At the end of 1609, Madrid was perplexed by the twelve-year truce with the United Provinces. The reaction of the court was extremely hostile simply because Spain saw that none of its essential demands had been met. Although the peace process was initiated by Philip III and Lerma, Spinola and Archbishop Albrecht, acting in Brussels in the interests of public finances and realizing that further continuation of hostilities would not lead to a solution to the problems, agreed to the proposed terms without asking for direct confirmation. from Madrid. Spain compromised on two significant points: the Dutch could not be persuaded to make any concession American possessions, nor to the abandonment of the West India Trading Company project and the reduction in the activity of the East India Trading Society. Otherwise, both sides recognized each other's overseas possessions.
No less painful for Madrid was the lack of guarantees of tolerance towards Catholics in the United Provinces. Even at this point, the stronghold of the Counter-Reformation failed to obtain an official concession from the Dutch. On the contrary, Spain recognized the independence of the Netherlands, a step that the Dutch allies - France, England and Venice - hastened to repeat. Palace circles and the public blamed Lerma personally for such an unfavorable peace. After it became obvious that the Dutch not only did not stop hostile actions at sea, but, on the contrary, even intensified them, the peace negotiations were completely discredited.
The truce was met with hostility not only by the military-political opposition. Over time, voices began to be increasingly heard in Castilian cities calling for tougher protectionism in view of the increased influx of cheap imports into Castile from Western and Northern Europe. Peaceful policies once again made it easier for foreigners to trade in Castile. And Dutch ship forwarders flooded the Spanish market with Baltic grain. In addition, inexpensive Northern European cloth began to pose dangerous competition. The Cortes increasingly insisted on increasing customs duties to protect local producers.
Recent research shows that Lerma's peace policy did not seek a truce at any cost. Rather, valido viewed the Mediterranean as the main sphere of Spanish hegemony. Therefore, the first thing to worry about was protecting one’s own coastline. At the same time, he proceeded from the fact that Charles V and Philip II acted much more successfully in the Mediterranean than in the North Atlantic. Thanks to the resulting respite, it seemed possible to strengthen Spain's position in the Maghreb and Levant. Ottoman Empire was in conflict with the Persian Shah, Abbas I, and according to Valido’s calculations, could only resist Spanish expansion with half strength.
In order to prevent attacks by North African pirates, Spain sought an alliance with Muli el-Sheikh, who ruled in Marrakech. The conquest of the Moroccan port of Larache (1610) and the attack on the pirate stronghold of La Mamora were further steps in the fight against maritime robbery. The Viceroy of Naples, Duke of Osuna, was tasked with driving the Turkish fleet off Malta and the Greek coast. And if the Atlantic fleet was barely manned personnel and experienced great financial difficulties, the sailors of the Mediterranean Sea were in a more advantageous position. On the contrary, for financial reasons, the project of the oceanic “Windward Fleet” (Armada de Barlovento), which was supposed to provide coastal protection, failed American colonies from European corsairs.
Lerma's peaceful policy relied heavily on the calm behavior of the French king. Although in those years Henry IV did not seek direct confrontation with Madrid, he did not sit idly by either. In Upper Italy, the classic arena for the clash of Habsburg-French contradictions, which played the role of a counterweight to Spanish hegemony, he secured freedom of action, which he willingly used. In 1613, the Duke of Savoy, Charles Emmanuel, after the death of Francis IV, Duke of Mantua, laid claim to the Margraviate of Montferrat, which belonged to this duchy. This alarmed the Spaniards, who feared the expansion of the Savoyard sphere of power and the loss of the strategic route from Italy to the Netherlands (“Spanish road”). Thanks to his pro-French and, accordingly, anti-Spanish position, Charles Emmanuel became one of the first fighters for the cause of Italian freedom.
Despite the defeat of Savoy, the Treaty of Astia concluded in 1615, which provided for the preservation of Montferrat as part of Mantua, was celebrated in Italy as diplomatic victory. On the Spanish side, due to the small benefits, it was regarded as a shameful peace and again brought severe criticism to Lerma, especially since the military actions of the Savoyards did not stop.
But it came to a serious confrontation between Madrid and Henry IV only in connection with the Lower Rhine inheritance, when the French intervened in a dispute about the order of succession to the throne of the duchies of Jülich, Cleve and Berg on the side of the Protestant Union (1610). However, the murder of Henry IV by a member of one of the monastic orders, the Frenchman Ravaillac, who was repeatedly associated with Spanish agents and Jesuits, was prevented possible danger war. Since Bourbon was about to drag the Netherlands into this conflict, the death of the most Christian king meant a double relief. It affected not only the Empire, but also had a positive impact on the peace process between the Netherlands and Spain. Without the assassination of the French king, the truce would probably not have lasted twelve years. In addition, Spain managed to strengthen its position on the Lower Rhine. In 1614 Spinola captured the strategically important Wesel, which he held until 1629.
Italy remained the arena of anti-Spanish politics even after the death of Henry IV and the Treaty of Astia. Following the Savoyards, the Venetians strengthened their resistance to Spanish rule. After the Uskoks, Albanian-Serbian pirates who operated off the Croatian coast of the Adriatic and had long been significantly disturbing maritime traffic in these waters, switched to open hostilities, the Venetian Republic again felt squeezed on all sides. Austrian Empire was tolerant of the Uskoks, even supported them. After unsuccessful attempts at mediation, the conflict escalated again in 1615 into the War of Gradisca and Friol.
To prevent the emergence of a Spanish-Austrian alliance, Venice concluded a defensive pact with Savoy and Holland. Highest point The Habsburg-Venetian confrontation culminated in the execution and display of the corpses of three supposedly Spanish agents accused of conspiring against the Republic of St. Mark (i.e., the Republic of Venice). Undoubtedly, the official policy of Madrid and its representatives, the energetic governor of Milan, Count Fuentos and the Neapolitan Viceroy Osuna, who on his own initiative sent ships to the Adriatic Sea so that they, together with the Uskoks, would annoy the Venetians, was openly directed against the maritime republic. However, there is no evidence of a secret conspiracy being prepared, as the opposing side accused.
The main pillars of Spanish foreign policy continued to be dynastic relations with the Austrian line, despite Lerma's strenuous efforts to establish strong ties with France. The marriages concluded in 1612 and 1615 respectively between Philip's daughter Anne and the French king Louis XIII and the heir to the throne Philip IV with Isabella Bourbon were prepared with the direct participation of valido. The succession dispute in the House of Habsburg once again increased the importance of the Spanish line. The treaty of 1611 confirmed that the branching of the Austrian line could only occur with the consent of the Spanish Habsburgs.
The unity of the House of Austria was also the subject of the Treaty of Oñate (1617) - named after the Madrid ambassador in Vienna - which gave preference to the line of Ferdinand II in the Empire over the Spanish cousins. However, as the grandson of Emperor Maximilian II, Philip III could lay claim to Bohemia and Hungary if Ferdinand had not left male heirs. Regarding the succession to the throne in Bohemia, the treaty immediately after its promulgation caused protests in Prague.
As a return favor, the Spanish cousin demanded part of Alsace and Northern Italy, which were supposed to serve to ensure the safety of the “Spanish road”. And although no concessions to Alsatian territory were made, Madrid's demands in Upper Italy were partially satisfied. And again, just as in the case of Philip II there was talk about the possibility of his candidacy for the Holy Roman Empire, so similar speculations were repeated in relation to his son. However, this was as unrealistic as Philip II’s aspirations for a “Spanish Heritage” in the Empire.
Madrid was connected not only with dynastic treaties to the policy of the Austrian line. Both ambassadors, Baltasar de Zuniga, a future member of the Council of State, and his successor, Count Oñate, both in Vienna and in the rest of the Empire, particularly zealously advocated for the unity of the Catholic camp. It was Zuniga who played decisive role in the formation of the Catholic League under the leadership of the Bavarian Duke. His negotiations at the Munich court made a significant contribution to the implementation of this alliance. For his part, Oñate, on the issue of succession to the throne in the House of Habsburg, supported the counter-reformist Ferdinand of Styria, the future Ferdinand II.
The end of Lerma
As Philip III grew older, doubts grew about Lerma's personal merits and policies. The king began to travel much less around Castile and stayed for a long time in Madrid, especially after the death of the queen. His independence grew before his eyes. Increasing scandals and changes in the international situation paved the way for a change in the course of Spanish politics. Clouds were slowly gathering on the political horizon. Number international conflicts, in which Spain found itself drawn, grew continuously. In the fall of 1618, Philip III finally dissociated himself from Lerma. Having already thought more than once about taking holy orders, Lerma finally received consent papal throne to the rank of cardinal and retired to Valladolid.Lerma gave way to his son, but the Duke of Uceda never managed to achieve the position that his father had achieved in his time. On November 15, 1618, Philip revoked his order allowing the signature of royal laws and favors by proxies. From now on, all important political affairs considered in collegial councils and major personnel decisions required the personal signature of the king. Thus, at the end of his reign, Philip III emerged from the shadow of valido.
By the end of the second decade of the 17th century, the Spanish court began to realize more and more clearly that the peace policy was not bringing any benefits to Madrid. This mainly concerned the truce with the Netherlands. After the founding of Paramaribo (1613), the Dutch further expanded their presence in the area between the Orinoco and the mouth of the Amazon. Three years later, Fort Hooge (Kickoverol), the most important Dutch strong point before the conquest of Penambuca (1630). And the Portuguese failed to stop Dutch activities in the Amazon. Finally, in 1615, Dutch ships appeared off the Peruvian coast to plunder silver fleets. The fleet under the command of Yori van Spielbergen rose to Acapulco, Mexico, where the inadequacy of the Spanish defense in America was also exposed in all its nakedness. The news about the further expansion of the network of Dutch trading offices in Asia was especially painfully received in Madrid.
The Spanish blockade with the Manila Armada, which inflicted heavy losses on the East India Company in 1617, brought only short-term relief. Traders and ships from the United Provinces undoubtedly controlled the trade between the Spice Islands and Europe since 1619. It was mainly the Portuguese who suffered from this turn of events. There was no end to their reproaches to Philip III for doing too little to protect the Lusitanian fleet, and Lisbon's distrust of Madrid regarding the latter's desire to protect Portuguese interests took deep roots. So, in such circumstances, there was no point in even thinking about extending the already fragile truce, which expired in 1621. The danger of a new war was approaching.
After the “Prague Throwing Out of the Window” (the Conflict, called the “Prague Defenestration”) on May 23, 1618, which entailed a sharp deterioration in the position of the House of Habsburg in the Empire, Madrid became seriously alarmed by the formation of an anti-Spanish coalition in Europe, as it almost occurred regarding the conflict with Venice. Not only Frederick of the Palatinate laid claim to the Czech crown, “ winter king", but also the Duke of Savoy. Madrid was absolutely sure that the Dutch would not stand aside.
The Lerma group, which wanted to gain a stronger foothold in the Mediterranean, was losing ground. In the summer of 1618, a victory was won by the faction that opposed any regional localization of interests political security. The old guard of politicians and officials, formed under Philip II, now demanded global protection of the interests of the entire power. The experienced Zuniga, who knew the situation of the state first-hand, and his nephew Olivares now stood for a policy of unconditional support for the Austrian line. To what extent this already apparent change in foreign policy course and, in particular, the “Prague Throwing Out of the Window” contributed to the fall of Lerma remains to be determined by researchers.
Baltasar de Zuniga even insisted that, due to the Bohemian unrest in Once again to postpone the trip to Portugal planned by Philip III, since decisions of state affairs made it necessary for the king to be present in Madrid. However, this time the king did not want to cancel the trip. In his absence, the now leading faction defended a close rapprochement with Vienna. Spanish troops played a decisive role in the defeat of the Bohemians at the Battle of White Mountain (November 3, 1620). Subsequently they also occupied the Rheinpfalz from Brussels onwards. Until the end of his reign, Philip III placed approximately 40,000 soldiers and 3.4 million guilders at the disposal of his cousin in Vienna.
Philip's trip to Portugal, significantly shortened due to alarming processes in the state and perceived by the Portuguese class assembly with annoyance, in addition to taking the oath of allegiance to the son of Philip III, the future king of Spain and Portugal, did not produce any tangible results. On the way back, which, due to events in Bohemia, the king set off earlier than planned, Philip began to have attacks of fever. Upon his return, he fell ill and never recovered. Meanwhile, the State Council was pursuing a new foreign policy line. So at the end of the reign of Philip III, Spain returned to the dynamic foreign policy that Philip II had pursued and which, under Philip IV, his valido, Count Olivares, was destined to continue.
Philip III, born 04/14/1578 in Madrid. On September 13, 1598 he was proclaimed king, died on March 31, 1621 in Madrid, and was buried in the pantheon of Spanish kings in El Escorial.
Father: Philip II (1527-1598), King of Spain and Portugal (1556-1598). Mother: Anna of Habsburg (1549-1580), fourth wife of Philip II. Half-siblings: Carlos (1545-1568), from his father's first marriage to Maria of Portugal; Isabel Clara Eugenia (1566-1633) and Catalina Micaela (1567-1597), from her father's marriage to Isabella Valois. Philip III's siblings died in early childhood.
04/18/1599 marriage with Margaret of Habsburg (1584-1611).
Children (except those who died early): daughter Ana Mauricia (1601-1666), queen of France, wife Louis XIII; son Philip IV (1605-1665), king of Spain (1621-1665); daughter Maria Ana (1606-1646), empress, wife of Emperor Ferdinand III; son Carlos (1607-1632); son of Fernando (1609-1641), cardinal-archbishop of Toledo.