- revolutionary events that took place in Russia in early March (according to the Julian calendar - at the end of February - beginning of March) 1917 and led to the overthrow of the autocracy. In the Soviet historical science characterized as "bourgeois".
Its objectives were to introduce a constitution, establish a democratic republic (the possibility of maintaining a constitutional parliamentary monarchy was not excluded), political freedoms, and resolve land, labor and national issues.
The revolution was led to a significant deterioration in the socio-economic situation of the Russian Empire due to the protracted First World War, economic devastation, and the food crisis. It became increasingly difficult for the state to maintain the army and provide food to the cities; dissatisfaction with the military hardships grew among the population and among the troops. At the front, left-wing party agitators were successful, calling on soldiers to disobey and revolt.
The liberal-minded public was outraged by what was happening at the top, criticizing the unpopular government, the frequent change of governors and ignoring the State Duma, whose members demanded reforms and, in particular, the creation of a government responsible not to the Tsar, but to the Duma.
The aggravation of the needs and misfortunes of the popular masses, the growth of anti-war sentiment and general discontent with the autocracy led to mass protests against the government and the dynasty in major cities and above all in Petrograd (now St. Petersburg).
At the beginning of March 1917, due to transport difficulties in the capital, supplies deteriorated; ration cards, the Putilov plant temporarily suspended operations. As a result, 36 thousand workers lost their livelihood. Strikes in solidarity with the Putilovites took place in all districts of Petrograd.
On March 8 (February 23, old style), 1917, tens of thousands of workers took to the streets of the city, carrying slogans of “Bread!” and “Down with autocracy!” Two days later, the strike had already covered half of the workers in Petrograd. Armed squads were formed at the factories.
On March 10-11 (February 25-26, old style), the first clashes between strikers and the police and gendarmerie took place. Attempts to disperse the protesters with the help of troops were not successful, but only escalated the situation, since the commander of the Petrograd Military District, fulfilling the order of Emperor Nicholas II to “restore order in the capital,” ordered the troops to shoot at the demonstrators. Hundreds of people were killed or injured, and many were arrested.
On March 12 (February 27, old style), the general strike escalated into an armed uprising. A massive transfer of troops to the side of the rebels began.
The military command tried to bring new units to Petrograd, but the soldiers did not want to participate in punitive operation. One military unit after another took the side of the rebels. Revolutionary-minded soldiers, having seized an armory, helped detachments of workers and students arm themselves.
The rebels occupied the most important points cities, government buildings, arrested the tsarist government. They also destroyed police stations, seized prisons, and released prisoners, including criminals. Petrograd was overwhelmed by a wave of robberies, murders and robbery.
The center of the uprising was the Tauride Palace, where the State Duma previously met. On March 12 (February 27, old style), the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was formed here, the majority of which were Mensheviks and Trudoviks. The first thing the Council took up was solving the problems of defense and food supply.
At the same time, in the adjacent hall of the Tauride Palace, the Duma leaders, who refused to obey the decree of Nicholas II on the dissolution of the State Duma, formed the “Provisional Committee of Members of the State Duma,” which declared itself the bearer supreme power in the country. The committee was headed by Duma Chairman Mikhail Rodzianko, and the body included representatives of all Duma parties, with the exception of the far right. Committee members created a broad political program transformations necessary for Russia. Their first priority was to restore order, especially among the soldiers.
On March 13 (February 28, old style), the Provisional Committee appointed General Lavr Kornilov to the post of commander of the troops of the Petrograd District and sent its commissioners to the Senate and ministries. He began to perform the functions of the government and sent deputies Alexander Guchkov and Vasily Shulgin to Headquarters for negotiations with Nicholas II on the abdication of the throne, which took place on March 15 (March 2, old style).
On the same day, as a result of negotiations between the Provisional Committee of the Duma and the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, a Provisional Government was created, headed by Prince Georgy Lvov, which took full power into its own hands. The only representative of the Soviets who received a ministerial post was the Trudovik Alexander Kerensky.
On March 14 (March 1, old style), a new government was established in Moscow, and throughout March throughout the country. But in Petrograd and locally, the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies gained great influence.
The coming to power simultaneously of the Provisional Government and the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies created a situation of dual power in the country. A new stage of the struggle for power between them began, which, together with the inconsistent policies of the Provisional Government, created the preconditions for the October Revolution of 1917.
The material was prepared based on information from open sources
In February 1917, the second revolution took place in Russia after the events of 1905. Today we are talking briefly about the February Revolution of 1917: the causes of the popular uprising, the course of events and consequences.
Causes
The revolution of 1905 was defeated. However, its failure did not destroy the prerequisites that led to the very possibility of its occurrence. It’s as if the disease had receded, but did not go away, hiding in the depths of the body, only to strike again one day. And all because the forcefully suppressed uprising of 1905-1907 is the treatment of external symptoms, while the root causes are social and political contradictions continued to exist in the country.
Rice. 1. The military joined the rebel workers in February 1917
12 years later, at the very beginning of 1917, these contradictions intensified, which led to a new, more serious explosion. The exacerbation occurred due to the following reasons:
- Russian participation in the First World War : a long and exhausting war required constant expenses, which led to economic devastation and, as a natural consequence of it, worsening poverty and the deplorable situation of the already poor masses;
- A number of fateful mistakes that were made by Russian Emperor Nicholas II in governing the country : refusal to revise agricultural policy, adventurous policy on Far East, defeat in Russian-Japanese war, a penchant for mysticism, G. Rasputin’s admission to state affairs, military defeats in the First World War, unsuccessful appointments of ministers, military leaders and more;
- Economic crisis: war requires large expenses and consumption, and therefore disruptions in the economy begin to occur (rising prices, inflation, the problem of food supply, the emergence of a card system, aggravation of transport problems);
- Crisis of power : frequent changes of governors, ignorance of the State Duma by the emperor and his entourage, an unpopular government that was responsible exclusively to the tsar, and much more.
Rice. 2. Destruction of the monument Alexander III during the events of February 1917
All of the above points did not exist in isolation. They were closely interconnected and gave rise to new conflicts: general dissatisfaction with the autocracy, distrust of the reigning monarch, the growth of anti-war sentiment, social tension, and the strengthening of the role of leftist and opposition forces. The latter included such parties as the Mensheviks, Bolsheviks, Trudoviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, anarchists, as well as various national parties. Some called on the people for a decisive assault and overthrow of the autocracy, others led a confrontation with the tsarist government in the Duma.
Rice. 3. The moment of signing the manifesto on the abdication of the Tsar
Despite various methods struggle, the goals of the parties were the same: the overthrow of the autocracy, the introduction of a constitution, the establishment of a new system - a democratic republic, the establishment of political freedoms, the establishment of peace, the solution pressing problems– national, land, labor. Since these tasks to transform the country were of a bourgeois-democratic nature, this uprising went down in history under the name the February bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1917.
Move
The tragic events of the second winter month 1917 are summarized in the following table:
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Event description |
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Workers' strike Putilovsky plant, who, due to the jump in food prices, demanded an increase in wages. The strikers were fired and some workshops were closed. However, workers at other factories supported the strikers. |
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In Petrograd there was a difficult situation with the delivery of bread and a card system was introduced. On this day, tens of thousands of people took to the streets with various demands for bread, as well as political slogans calling for the overthrow of the king and an end to the war. |
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A multiple increase in the number of strikers from 200 to 305 thousand people. These were mainly workers, joined by artisans and office workers. The police were unable to restore calm, and the troops refused to go against the people. |
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The meeting of the State Duma was postponed from February 26 to April 1 according to the decree of the emperor. But this initiative was not supported, as it looked more like dissolution. |
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An armed uprising took place, which was joined by the army (Volynsky, Lithuanian, Preobrazhensky battalions, motor armored division, Semyonovsky and Izmailovsky regiments). As a result, the telegraph, bridges, train stations, the Main Post Office, the Arsenal, and the Kronverk Arsenal were captured. The State Duma, which did not accept its dissolution, created a Temporary Committee, which was supposed to restore order on the streets of St. Petersburg. |
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Power passes to the Provisional Committee. Finnish, 180th go over to the side of the rebels infantry regiment, sailors of the cruiser Aurora and the 2nd Baltic Fleet crew. |
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The uprising spread to Kronstadt and Moscow. |
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Nicholas II decided to abdicate the throne in favor of his heir, Tsarevich Alexei. Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich Jr. was supposed to be the regent brother Emperor. But as a result, the king abdicated the throne for his son. |
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The manifesto on the abdication of Russian Emperor Nicholas II was published in all newspapers of the country. A Manifesto about the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich immediately followed. |
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Today we examined the main causes of the February Revolution of 1917, which became the second in a row since 1905. In addition, the main dates of the events are named and their detailed description is given.
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By the end of 1916, Russia was gripped by general discontent caused by war fatigue, rising prices, government inaction, and the obvious weakness of imperial power. By the beginning of 1917, almost everyone in the country was expecting imminent changes, but they began as unexpectedly as in 1905.
On February 23, 1917 (March 8, new style - International Women's Day), groups of women workers began to gather in different areas of Petrograd and took to the streets demanding bread. There was enough bread in the city (in any case, there was a two-week supply), but rumors leaked to the masses about a reduction in the supply of food due to snow drifts (171 wagons of food per day instead of the norm of 330) caused panic and rushed demand. Many stocked up on bread and crackers for future use. Bakeries could not cope with such an influx. Long queues appeared at the bread shops, where people stood even at night. The government was unanimously blamed for what was happening.
In addition, on February 23, the management of the Putilov plant announced a lockout (the reason was the exorbitant economic demands of workers in a number of workshops). Putilov workers (and then workers from other factories) joined the women’s demonstration. Spontaneous pogroms of bread shops and food stores broke out. The crowd overturned trams (!!!) and fought with the police. The soldiers were persuaded not to shoot. The authorities did not dare to somehow prevent this.
The order of Nicholas II to use weapons to restore order in the capital was received by the commandant of Petrograd, General Khabalov, only on February 25, when it was already too late. Organized suppression failed. Soldiers of some units (mainly reserve battalions of the guards regiments located at the front) began to go over to the side of the demonstrators. On February 26, the elements of the riot got out of control. However, the parliamentary opposition hoped that the creation of a “responsible (to the Duma) ministry” could save the situation.
Rodzianko telegraphed to Headquarters Nicholas II: “The situation is serious. There is anarchy in the capital. The government is paralyzed... Public discontent is growing... It is necessary to immediately entrust a person enjoying the confidence of the country to form a new government.” The only response of the tsar (who clearly did not realize the true scope of the events) to this appeal was the decision to dissolve the Duma for two months. By noon on February 27, 25 thousand soldiers had already gone over to the side of the demonstrators. In some units they killed officers loyal to the tsar. On the evening of February 27, about 30 thousand soldiers come to the Tauride Palace (the seat of the Duma) in search of power, in search of government. The Duma, which so dreamed of power, had difficulty deciding to create the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, which declared that it would undertake “the restoration of government and public order.”
The Provisional Committee of the State Duma included: Chairman - Mikhail V. Rodzianko (Octobrist), V. V. Shulgin (nationalist), V. N. Lvov (center), I. I. Dmitriev (Octobrist), S. I. Shidlovsky (Octobrist), M. A. Karaulov (progressive), A. I. Konovalov (labor group), V. A. Rzhevsky (progressive) P. N. Limonov (cadet), N. V. Nekrasov (cadet), N S. Chkheidze (Social-Democratic). This choice was based on the representation of parties united in the “Progressive Bloc”.
A few hours before the creation of the Duma Committee, the first Council is organized. He appeals to the workers of Petrograd with a proposal to send deputies by evening - one per thousand workers. In the evening, the Council elects the Menshevik Nikolai S. Chkheidze as chairman, and left-wing Duma deputies Alexander F. Kerensky (a Trudovik) and M.I. Skobelev (a right-wing Menshevik) as deputies. There were so few Bolsheviks in the Council at that moment that they were not able to organize a faction (although the Bolshevik A.G. Shlyapnikov was elected to the Executive Committee of the Council).
At a time when two authorities arose in Petrograd - the Committee of the Duma and the Executive Committee of the Council - Russian Emperor was traveling from Headquarters in Mogilev to the capital. Detained at the Dno station by rebel soldiers, Nicholas II signed on March 2 the abdication of the throne for himself and his son Alexei in favor of his brother - Vel. book Mikhail Alexandrovich (declared his reluctance to accept the throne until the decision Constituent Assembly March, 3rd). Nicholas made this decision after his chief of staff, General Alekseev, supported by the commanders of all five fronts, declared that abdication was the only way to calm public opinion, restore order and continue the war with Germany.
Alexander I. Guchkov and Vasily V. Shulgin accepted the abdication of the Provisional Committee. Thus, the thousand-year-old monarchy fell rather quickly and quietly. On the same day (March 2), the Provisional Committee of the State Duma creates a Provisional (that is, until the convening of the Constituent Assembly) government, headed by Prince Georgy E. Lvov, close to the Cadets, at the insistence of Miliukov, who pushed aside the Octobrist Rodzianko. former chairman Zemsky Union (Lvov at the head of the Council of Ministers on March 2, at the request of the Provisional Committee, was approved by Nicholas II; this was probably the last order of Nicholas as emperor). The leader of the cadets, Pavel N. Milyukov, became the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Octobrist A.I. Guchkov became the Minister of War and the Navy, Mikhail I. Tereshchenko (a millionaire sugar manufacturer, non-party, close to the progressives) became the Minister of Finance, A.F. Kerensky became the Minister of Justice. (a lawyer who participated in sensational political trials (including the trial of M. Beilis), and as a deputy of the III and IV State Dumas (from the Trudovik faction). So, the first composition of the Provisional Government was almost exclusively bourgeois and predominantly cadet. Provisional Government declared its goal to continue the war and convene a Constituent Assembly to decide the future structure of Russia.Actually, at this point the bourgeois parties considered the revolution complete.
However, simultaneously with the creation of the Provisional Government, the unification of the Petrograd Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies took place. N. S. Chkheidze became the chairman of the united Petrosoviet. The leaders of the Petrograd Soviet did not dare to take full power into their own hands, fearing that without the Duma they would not be able to cope with public administration in conditions of war and economic devastation. The ideological attitudes of the Mensheviks and, partly, the Socialist Revolutionaries, who predominated in the Petrograd Soviet, also played a role. They believed that the end of the bourgeois-democratic revolution was the work of the bourgeois parties united around the Provisional Government. Therefore, the Petrograd Soviet, which at that time had real power in the capital, decided to provide conditional support to the Provisional Government, subject to the proclamation of Russia as a republic, political amnesty and the convening of the Constituent Assembly. The Soviets exerted powerful pressure from the “left” on the Provisional Government and did not always take into account the decisions of the cabinet of ministers (which included only one socialist, Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky).
Thus, despite opposition from the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, on March 1, 1917, Order No. 1 of the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was adopted, calling on soldiers to create soldiers' committees in all units of the garrison, subordinate to the Council, and to transfer to them the right to control the actions of officers . The same order placed all the unit’s weapons at the exclusive disposal of the committees, which from now on “in no case” (!!!) should have been issued to officers (in practice, this led to the confiscation of even personal weapons from officers); All disciplinary restrictions outside the formation were abolished (including saluting), soldiers were allowed to join political parties and engage in politics without any restrictions. The orders of the Provisional Committee (later the Provisional Government) were to be carried out only if they did not contradict the decisions of the Council. This order, which undermined all the basic foundations of army life, became the beginning of the rapid collapse of the old army. Published at first only for the troops of the Petrograd garrison, it quickly reached the front and similar processes began there, especially since the Provisional Government did not find the courage to decisively resist this. This order placed all the troops of the Petrograd garrison under the control of the Council. From now on (that is, from its very creation!) The Provisional Government became his hostage.
On March 10, the Petrograd Soviet entered into an agreement with the Petrograd Society of Factories and Factories on the introduction of an 8-hour working day (this was not mentioned in the declaration of the Provisional Government). On March 14, the Council adopted a manifesto “To the peoples of the whole world,” which declared the renunciation of aggressive goals in the war, annexations and indemnities. The manifesto recognized only a coalition war with Germany. This position towards the war appealed to the revolutionary masses, but did not suit the Provisional Government, including Minister of War A.I. Guchkov and Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Milyukov.
In fact, from the very beginning the Petrograd Soviet went far beyond its city status, becoming an alternative socialist power. A dual power system developed in the country, that is, a kind of interweaving of powers: real power in a number of cases was in the hands of the Petrograd Soviet, while in fact the bourgeois Provisional Government was in power.
Members of the Provisional Government were divided over methods and relations with the Soviets. Some, and primarily P.N. Milyukov and A.I. Guchkov, believed that concessions to the Soviet should be minimized and everything should be done to win the war, which would give authority to the new regime. This implied the immediate restoration of order both in the army and in enterprises. A different position was taken by Nekrasov, Tereshchenko and Kerensky, who demanded the adoption of some of the measures required by the Council in order to undermine the authority of the workers' and soldiers' power and to create a patriotic upsurge necessary for victory in the war.
Political parties after February
After the February Revolution, the party and political system of Russia clearly moved to the left. The Black Hundreds and other far-right, traditionalist-monarchist parties were defeated during February. The center-right parties of the Octobrists and Progressives also experienced a severe crisis. The only large and influential liberal party in Russia were the Cadets. Their numerical composition after the February Revolution reached 70 thousand people. Influenced revolutionary events and the cadets went to the left. At the VII Congress of the Cadet Party (late March 1917), there was a rejection of the traditional orientation towards a constitutional monarchy, and in May 1917, at the VIII Congress, the Cadets spoke out for a republic. The People's Freedom Party (another name for the Cadets) set a course for cooperation with socialist parties.
After the February Revolution there was rapid growth socialist parties. Socialist parties clearly dominated the national political arena, both in terms of membership and influence over the masses.
The Socialist Revolutionary Party grew significantly (up to 700-800, and according to some estimates, up to 1200 thousand people). In the spring of 1917, sometimes entire villages and companies signed up for the AKP. The leaders of the party were Viktor M. Chernov and Nikolai D. Avksentyev. The Socialist Revolutionary Party attracted radicals and close to the peasants agricultural program, the demand for a federal republic and the heroic aura of long-standing and selfless fighters against autocracy. The Social Revolutionaries advocated Russia's special path to socialism through a people's revolution, the socialization of the land and the development of cooperation and self-government of workers. The AKP was strengthened left wing(Maria A. Spiridonova, Boris D. Kamkov (Katz), Prosh P. Proshyan). The left demanded decisive steps “toward the elimination of the war,” the immediate alienation of landowners’ lands, and opposed the coalition with the Cadets.
After February, the Social Revolutionaries acted in a bloc with the Mensheviks, who, although inferior to the AKP in numbers (200 thousand), nevertheless, by virtue of their intellectual potential exercised “ideological hegemony” in the bloc. Menshevik organizations remained disunited even after February. Attempts to eliminate this disunity were unsuccessful. There were two factions in the Menshevik party: the Menshevik-internationalists led by Yuli O. Martov and the “defencists” (“right” - Alexander N. Potresov, “revolutionary” - Irakli G. Tsereteli, Fedor I. Dan (Gurvich), who were leaders not only of the largest faction, but in many ways of the entire Menshevik party). There also existed the right-wing Plekhanov group “Unity” (Plekhanov himself, Vera I. Zasulich and others) and the left-wing “Novozhiznians”, who broke with the Menshevik party. Some of the Menshevik-internationalists, led by Yu. Larin, joined the RSDLP(b). The Mensheviks advocated cooperation with the liberal bourgeoisie, provided conditional support to the Provisional Government and considered socialist experiments harmful.
The Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries declared the need to wage war with the German bloc in order to protect the revolution and democratic freedoms (the majority of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries declared themselves “revolutionary defencists”). For fear of a break with the bourgeoisie, because of the threat of civil war, they agreed to postpone the solution of fundamental socio-economic problems until the convening of the Constituent Assembly, but tried to implement partial reforms.
There was also a small (about 4 thousand people) but influential group of the so-called. "Mezhrayontsev" The group occupied an intermediate position between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks. After returning from emigration in May 1917, Lev D. Trotsky (Bronstein) became the leader of the Mezhrayontsy. While still in the USA in March 1917, he spoke in favor of a transition to proletarian revolution in Russia, relying on the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. At the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b), the Mezhrayontsy joined the Bolshevik Party.
The Bolshevik Party operating at the beginning of 1917 was not at all a cohesive, effective organization. The revolution took the Bolsheviks by surprise. All Bolshevik leaders known to the people were either in exile (Lenin and others) or in exile (Zinoviev, Stalin). The Russian Bureau of the Central Committee, which included Alexander G. Shlyapnikov, Vyacheslav M. Molotov and others, could not yet become an all-Russian center. The number of Bolsheviks throughout Russia did not exceed 10 thousand people. In Petrograd there were no more than 2 thousand of them. V.I. Lenin, who had been living in exile for almost ten years, was then in Zurich at the time of the February Revolution. Even in January 1917 he wrote: “We old people may not live to see decisive battles... the coming revolution...".
Being far from the epicenter of events, Lenin, however, immediately came to the conclusion that under no circumstances could the Bolshevik Party be satisfied with what had been achieved and not take full advantage of the incredibly successful moment. In Letters from Afar, he insisted on the need to arm and organize the working masses for an immediate transition to the second stage of the revolution, during which the “government of capitalists and big landowners” would be overthrown.
But among the Bolsheviks there were “moderates” who rejected almost all of Lenin’s main theoretical positions and political strategy. These were two major Bolshevik leaders - Joseph V. Stalin (Dzhugashvili) and Lev B. Kamenev (Rosenfeld). They (like the Menshevik-SR majority of the Petrograd Soviet) adhered to the position of “conditional support” and “pressure” on the Provisional Government. When on April 3, 1917, Lenin (with the assistance of Germany, who understood that his activities would be destructive for Russia) returned to Petrograd and called for an immediate socialist revolution, not only moderate socialists, but even many Bolsheviks did not support him.
Policy of the Provisional Government. The end of dual power
On April 4, 1917, Lenin outlined his “ April Theses” (“On the tasks of the proletariat in this revolution”), which determined a fundamentally new, extremely radical political line of the RSDLP (b). He unconditionally rejected “revolutionary defencism”, a parliamentary republic, and put forward the slogan “No support for the Provisional Government!” and spoke out for the taking of power by the proletariat in alliance with the poor peasantry, the establishment of the Republic of Soviets (in which the Bolsheviks were to achieve predominance), and called for an immediate end to the war. The article did not contain a demand for an immediate armed uprising (since the masses are not yet ready for it). Lenin saw the immediate task of the party as discrediting the authorities by all possible ways and agitation for the Soviets. The idea was extremely simple: the further, the more all the parties that took part in the government (that is, all up to and including the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks) would appear in the eyes of the people guilty of worsening their situation. Their former popularity will inevitably fade and this is where the Bolsheviks will come to the fore. G. V. Plekhanov responded to Lenin’s theses with a scathing article “On Lenin’s Theses and Why Nonsense is Sometimes Interesting.” The “Theses” were also met with bewilderment by the Bolshevik leaders of Petrograd (Kalinin, Kamenev, etc.). Nevertheless, it was precisely this extremely extremist program chosen by Lenin, coupled with extremely simple and understandable slogans (“Peace!”, “Land to the peasants!”, “All power to the Soviets!”, etc.) that brought success to the Bolsheviks. In the spring and summer of 1917, the size of the party increased significantly (by May 1917 - up to 100 thousand, and by August - up to 200-215 thousand people).
Already in March - April, the provisional government carried out broad democratic changes: the proclamation of political rights and freedoms; abolition of national and religious restrictions, the death penalty, abolition of censorship (during war!); A general political amnesty was declared. On March 8, Nicholas II and his family were arrested (they were in the Alexander Palace in Tsarskoe Selo), as well as ministers and a number of representatives of the former tsarist administration. To investigate their illegal actions, an Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry was created with great fanfare (which brought scant results). Under pressure from the Soviets, the Provisional Government implemented the so-called. “democratization” of the army (in line with “Order No. 1”), which had the most destructive consequences. In March 1917, the Provisional Government announced its agreement in principle to create an independent Poland in the future. Later it was forced to agree to the broadest autonomy for Ukraine and Finland.
The Provisional Government legalized the factory committees that emerged at enterprises, which received the right to control the activities of the administration. To achieve “class peace,” the Ministry of Labor was created. In plants and factories, workers voluntarily introduced an 8-hour working day (in conditions when the war was ongoing!), although it was not decreed. In April 1917, to prepare agrarian reform Land committees were created, but the resolution of the land issue was postponed until the convening of the Constituent Assembly.
In order to gain local support, on March 5, 1917, by order of the head of the cabinet, provincial and district commissars of the Provisional Government were appointed in place of the removed governors and other leaders of the previous administration. In May-June 1917, a reform was carried out local government. The network of zemstvos was extended throughout Russia, their electoral system was democratized, and volost zemstvos and district city Dumas were created. However, soon local zemstvos began to be pushed out of power by the Soviets. From March to October 1917, the number of local Soviets increased from 600 to 1400. At the fronts, the analogues of the Soviets were soldiers' committees.
In these two months, the Provisional Government did a lot to democratize the country and bring it closer to world standards of democracy. However, the unpreparedness of the population for conscious freedom (which implies responsibility), the feeling of weakness of power and, consequently, impunity and, finally, the ongoing war with the inevitable deterioration of life led to the fact that the good undertakings of the liberals quickly undermined the foundations of the entire old Russian statehood, and the new principles of life we didn’t have time to get vaccinated. In this sense, we can say that February gave birth to October.
At the same time, the Provisional Government did not want to resolve the issues of eliminating landownership, ending the war, and immediately improving the financial situation of the people before the Constituent Assembly. This caused rapid disappointment. Discontent was aggravated by the lack of food (bread cards were introduced in Petrograd at the end of March), clothing, fuel and raw materials. Rapidly rising inflation (the ruble fell 7 times in value over the year) led to the paralysis of commodity flows. The peasants did not want to give away their harvest for paper money. Wage which had already fallen by about a third by the beginning of 1917 compared to the pre-war level, continued to fall at an unprecedentedly high rate.
Transport operations and, consequently, the supply situation have worsened. An increasing shortage of raw materials and fuel forced business owners to reduce production, which led to an additional increase in unemployment due to mass layoffs. For many, dismissal meant conscription into the army. The government's attempts to take control of the situation in conditions of revolutionary anarchy led nowhere. Social tension in the country increased.
It soon became clear that the desire of the Provisional Government to continue the war did not coincide with the desires of the masses of soldiers and workers who became, after February events, the actual masters of Petrograd. P. N. Milyukov, who believed that victory was necessary for Russian democracy to strengthen its international prestige and resolve a number of important territorial issues in favor of Russia - the seizure of Galicia, the Austrian and German parts of Poland, Turkish Armenia, and most importantly - Constantinople and the Straits (for which Miliukov was nicknamed Milyukov-Dardanelle), on April 18, 1917, he addressed a note to Russia’s allies, where he assured them of his determination to bring the war to a victorious end.
In response, on April 20 and 21, under the influence of Bolshevik agitation, thousands of workers, soldiers and sailors took to the streets with banners and banners, with the slogans “Down with the policy of annexations!” and “Down with the Provisional Government!” The crowds of demonstrators dispersed only at the request of the Petrograd Soviet, openly ignoring the government order to disperse.
The Menshevik-SR leaders of the Petrograd Soviet achieved official clarifications that under “ decisive victory“Miliukov’s note implied only the achievement of a “lasting peace.” A.I. Guchkov and P.N. Milyukov were forced to resign. To get out of the first government crisis since the revolution, several of the most prominent socialist leaders from among the moderates were persuaded to take ministerial chairs. As a result, on May 5, 1917, the first coalition government was created. The Menshevik Irakli G. Tsereteli (one of the recognized leaders of the Bolshevik-SR bloc) became Minister of Posts and Telegraphs. The main leader and theoretician of the Socialist Revolutionaries, Viktor M. Chernov, headed the Ministry of Agriculture. Tsereteli's comrade-in-arms Matvey I. Skobelev received the post of Minister of Labor. Alexey V. Peshekhonov, founder and leader of the People's Socialist Party, was appointed Minister of Food. Another People's Socialist, Pavel Pereverzev, took the post of Minister of Justice. Kerensky became Minister of War and Navy.
At the First All-Russian Congress of Soviets (June 3-24, 1917) (out of 777 delegates, 290 Mensheviks, 285 Socialist Revolutionaries and 105 Bolsheviks) new line behavior of the Bolsheviks. The best speakers of the party - Lenin and Lunacharsky - “rushed to the offensive” on the issue of power, demanding that the congress be transformed into a “revolutionary Convention” that would assume full power. In response to Tsereteli’s assertion that there is no party capable of taking all power into its own hands, V.I. Lenin declared from the rostrum of the congress: “There is! No party can refuse this, and our party does not refuse this: every minute it is ready to take power entirely.”
June 18 at Southwestern Front an offensive began, which was supposed to cause a patriotic upsurge. Kerensky personally toured a huge number of soldier rallies, convincing the soldiers to go on the offensive (for which he received the ironic nickname “chief persuader”). However, after “democratization,” the old army no longer existed, and the very front that just a year ago had made the brilliant Brusilov breakthrough, after some initial successes (explained primarily by the fact that the Austrians considered the Russian army to be completely disintegrated and left only very insignificant forces at the front) strength) stopped and then fled. Complete failure was obvious. The socialists completely shifted the blame for it onto the government.
On the day the offensive began in Petrograd and other large cities of Russia, powerful demonstrations took place organized by the Petrograd Soviet in support of the Provisional Government, but which ultimately took place under the Bolshevik slogans: “All power to the Soviets!”, “Down with ten capitalist ministers!”, “Down with war! There were approx. demonstrators. 400 thousand. Demonstrations showed the growth of radical sentiments among the masses, the strengthening of the influence of the Bolsheviks. At the same time, these trends were still clearly expressed only in the capital and a number of major cities. But even there the Provisional Government was losing support. The strikes resumed and reached a wide scale. Entrepreneurs responded with lockouts. Minister of Industry and Trade Konovalov was unable to reach an agreement between entrepreneurs and workers and resigned.
Having learned about the German counter-offensive on July 2, 1917, the soldiers of the capital's garrison, most of them Bolsheviks and anarchists, convinced that the command would take the opportunity to send them to the front, decided to prepare an uprising. His goals were: the arrest of the Provisional Government, the first priority seizure of the telegraph and train stations, connection with the sailors of Kronstadt, the creation of a revolutionary committee under the leadership of the Bolsheviks and anarchists. On the same day, a number of cadet ministers resigned in protest against the compromise agreement with the Ukrainian Central Rada (which declared the independence of Ukraine on June 10) and in order to put pressure on the Provisional Government to toughen its position in the fight against the revolution.
On the evening of July 2, rallies were held among soldiers of 26 units who refused to go to the front. The announcement of the resignation of the cadet ministers further tensed the atmosphere. The workers expressed solidarity with the soldiers. The position of the Bolsheviks was quite contradictory. Members of the Central Committee and the Bolsheviks who sat on the Executive Committee of the Council were against any “premature” speech and restrained demonstrations. At the same time, many figures (M. I. Latsis, N. I. Podvoisky, etc.), citing the mood of the masses, insisted on an armed uprising.
On July 3-4, Petrograd was engulfed in demonstrations and rallies. Some units openly called for an uprising. V.I. Lenin reached the Kshesinskaya mansion (where the Bolshevik headquarters was located) by mid-day on July 4th. 10 thousand Kronstadt sailors with their Bolshevik leaders, for the most part armed and eager to fight, they surrounded the building and demanded Lenin. He spoke evasively, not calling for an uprising, but not rejecting this idea either. However, after some hesitation, the Bolsheviks decide to join this movement.
Columns of demonstrators headed towards the Council. When Chernov tried to calm the demonstrators, only Trotsky's intervention saved him from death. Fights and gunfire broke out between Kronstadt sailors, mutinous soldiers and part of the demonstrators, on the one hand, and on the other hand, regiments loyal to the Council (not the government!). A number of historians, not without reason, consider these events to be an unsuccessful attempt at a Bolshevik armed uprising.
After the events of July 4, Petrograd was declared under martial law. Minister of Justice P. Pereverzev published information according to which Lenin not only received money from Germany, but also coordinated the uprising with the Hindenburg counter-offensive. The government, supported by the Council, spoke out for the most decisive action. Lenin, together with Zinoviev, hid near the border of Finland, in the village. Spill. Trotsky, Kamenev, Lunacharsky were arrested. The units that took part in the demonstration were disarmed, and Pravda was closed. The death penalty was restored at the front. Lenin wrote these days that the slogan “All power to the Soviets!” should be removed from the agenda while the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, with whom the break was complete, remain in the leadership of the Council.
After the July events of 1917, Prince Lvov resigned and instructed A.F. Kerensky to form a new government. Negotiations between various political forces have been difficult: the government crisis lasts 16 days (from 6 to 22 July). The Cadets, who considered themselves victors, put forward their own conditions: war until victory, the fight against extremists and anarchy, postponing the resolution of social issues until the convening of the Constituent Assembly, the restoration of discipline in the army, the removal of Chernov, who was held responsible for the unrest in the countryside. Kerensky supported the “peasant minister” and threatened that he himself would resign. In the end, the Cadets decided to join the government, hoping to steer it in the right direction.
The second coalition government was headed by A. F. Kerensky (G. E. Lvov resigned on July 7), retaining the posts of military and naval minister. Socialists received most of the posts in the new government. The danger of the growing chaos and the need to curb it became clear to the leadership of the Council, which declared the new government the “Government for the Salvation of the Revolution” and endowed it (!) with emergency powers. Power was effectively concentrated in the hands of the government. It is generally accepted that after the events of July 3-5, dual power was ended.
On July 26 - August 3, the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b) was held, at which a resolution was adopted on the need to seize power through an armed uprising, preparation for which should be main task parties. At this congress, Trotsky’s “inter-district people” joined the Bolsheviks and a Central Committee was elected, which included V. I. Lenin, L. B. Kamenev, G. E. Zinoviev, I. V. Stalin, L. D. Trotsky.
General Kornilov's speech and its consequences
On July 19, in the wake of the reaction to the events of the beginning of the month, Kerensky appointed General Lavr G. Kornilov (a popular military general in the army, known for his toughness and integrity) as Supreme Commander in Chief instead of the more “liberal”, “soft” Alexei A. Brusilov. Kornilov was entrusted with the task of quickly restoring discipline and combat effectiveness of the troops.
On August 3, Kornilov, explaining that the growing economic paralysis was threatening the supply of the army, presented Kerensky with a program for stabilizing the situation in the country, which was based on the idea of an “army in the trenches, an army in the rear and an army of railway workers,” and all three were to be subjected to iron discipline . In the army, it was planned to fully restore the disciplinary power of commanders, sharply limit the powers of commissars and soldiers' committees, and introduce the death penalty for military crimes for soldiers in rear garrisons. In the so-called The “civil section” of the program provided for the declaration of railways and factories and mines working for defense under martial law, the prohibition of rallies, strikes and interference of workers in economic affairs. It was emphasized that “these measures must be implemented immediately with iron determination and consistency.” A few days later, he suggested that Kerensky reassign the Petrograd Military District to Headquarters (since Headquarters controlled only the Active Army, while all rear units were subordinate to the Minister of War, that is, in this case- Kerensky) for its decisive cleansing of completely decomposed parts and restoration of order. Consent to this was obtained. From the beginning of August, the transfer of reliable military units- 3rd Cavalry Corps Gen. A. M. Krymova, Caucasian Native (“Wild”) Division, 5th Caucasian cavalry division and etc.
An attempt to consolidate the forces of the socialists and the liberal bourgeoisie in order to stop the slide into chaos was made at the State Conference in Moscow on August 12-15 (the Bolsheviks did not participate in it). The meeting was attended by representatives of the bourgeoisie, senior clergy, officers and generals, former State deputies. Dumas, leadership of the Soviets. State The meeting made obvious the growing popularity of Kornilov, for whom on August 13 Muscovites gave a triumphal welcome at the station, and on the 14th the delegates of the meeting vigorously welcomed his speech. In his speech, he once again emphasized that “there should be no difference between the front and the rear regarding the severity of the regime necessary to save the country.”
Returning to Headquarters after the Moscow meeting, Kornilov, encouraged by the “right-wing” cadets and supported by the Union of Officers, decided to attempt a coup. Kornilov believed that the fall of Riga (August 21) would be a justification for drawing troops to the capital, and demonstrations in Petrograd on the occasion of the six-month “anniversary” of the February Revolution would give him the necessary pretext to restore order.
After the dispersal of the Petrograd Soviet and the dissolution of the Provisional Government, Kornilov intended to put the Council at the head of the country people's defense(chairman - General L. G. Kornilov, fellow chairman - A. F. Kerensky, members - General M. V. Alekseev, Admiral A. V. Kolchak, B. V. Savinkov, M. M. Filonenko). Under the Council there should have been a government with broad representation of political forces: from the Tsar’s minister N.N. Pokrovsky to G.V. Plekhanov. Through intermediaries, Kornilov negotiated with Kerensky, trying to achieve a peaceful transfer of full power to him.
On August 23, 1917, at a meeting at Headquarters, agreement was reached on all issues. On August 24, Kornilov appointed general. A. M. Krymov commander of the Separate (Petrograd) Army. He was ordered, as soon as the Bolsheviks made a speech (which was expected any day), to immediately occupy the capital, disarm the garrison and workers and disperse the Soviet. Krymov prepared an order for separate army, which introduced a state of siege in Petrograd and the province, Kronstadt, Finland and Estland; were ordered to create courts-martial. Rallies, meetings, strikes, appearance on the streets before 7.00 and later than 19.00, and publication of newspapers without prior censorship were prohibited. Those found guilty of violating these measures were subject to execution on the spot. The entire plan was supposed to be put into effect on August 29.
So, from August 23, Kerensky knew about Kornilov’s plans, but mistrust and personal ambitions broke this tandem. On the evening of August 26, at a meeting of the Provisional Government, Kerensky qualified Kornilov's actions as a rebellion and demanded emergency powers, which he was granted. On August 27, an order was sent to Headquarters to remove Kornilov from office, in which he was recognized as a rebel. Kornilov did not obey this order and on the morning of August 28 broadcast a statement on the radio: “... Russian people! Our Great Motherland is dying. The hour of her death is near. Forced to speak openly, I, General Kornilov, declare that the Provisional Government, under pressure from the Bolshevik majority of the Soviets, is acting in full accordance with the plans of the German General Staff... killing the army and shaking the country internally. The heavy consciousness of the imminent death of the country commands me ... to call on all Russian people to save the dying Motherland. ... I, General Kornilov, the son of a Cossack peasant, declare to everyone and everyone that I personally do not need anything except preservation Great Russia and I swear to bring the people - through victory over the enemy - to the Constituent Assembly, at which they themselves will decide their destinies and choose the way of a new state life. I am unable to betray Russia... And I prefer to die on the field of honor and battle, so as not to see the shame and disgrace of the Russian land. Russian people, the life of your Motherland is in your hands!”
While Kornilov advanced his troops towards Petrograd, Kerensky, abandoned by the Cadet ministers who had resigned, began negotiations with the Executive Committee of the Soviet. The threat of rebellion once again turned Kerensky into the head of the revolution. The railway workers began to sabotage the transportation of military units, and hundreds of Soviet agitators headed there. Armed detachments of the workers' Red Guard were formed in Petrograd. Bolshevik leaders were released from prison; Bolsheviks took part in the work of the People's Defense Committee against Counter-Revolution, created under the auspices of the Soviets. By August 30 rebel troops without firing, they were stopped and scattered. General Krymov shot himself, Kornilov was arrested (September 1).
Kerensky moved on to attempts to strengthen his position and stabilize the situation in the country. On September 1, Russia was proclaimed a republic. Power passed to the Directory of five people under the leadership of Kerensky. He tried to strengthen his position by creating the Democratic Conference (which was supposed to be the source of the new statehood), and then the Council of the Republic.
The Democratic Conference (September 14-22) was supposed to host two important decisions: exclude or leave bourgeois parties in the government coalition; determine the character of the Council of the Republic. The participation of the bourgeoisie in the third coalition government, finally formed on September 26, was approved by a slight majority. The meeting agreed to individual participation in the government by leaders of the Kadet Party (since, in general, the meeting excluded from the government parties that had compromised themselves by participating in the Kornilov speech). Kerensky introduced Konovalov, Kishkin, and Tretyakov into the third coalition government.
The Bolsheviks considered this a provocation, saying that only All-Russian Congress The Soviets, appointed on October 20, have the right to form a “genuine government.” The meeting elected the permanent Democratic Council of the Republic (Pre-Parliament). But the situation in the country, the balance of forces after the defeat of Kornilov changed fundamentally. The most active right-wing forces that had begun to consolidate and were able to withstand the threat of Bolshevisation were defeated. Kerensky's prestige, especially among officers, fell sharply. Support for relatively moderate socialist parties also fell. At the same time (as, by the way, Lenin predicted back in April), the popularity of the Bolsheviks increased sharply, and they had to be legalized again. In September they took control of the Petrograd Soviet (Trotsky was elected chairman) and a number of councils of other large cities. On September 13, in “Historical Letters” addressed to the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), Lenin calls for an early armed uprising. By the beginning of October, the position of the Provisional Government became hopeless.
Much later, Winston Churchill wrote: “For no country was fate as merciless as for Russia. Her ship sank when the pier was already in sight. It had already weathered the storm when the wreck came. All sacrifices had already been made, work was completed. Despair and betrayal overcame the authorities when the task was already completed..."
wiki.304.ru / History of Russia. Dmitry Alkhazashvili.
Since the revolution of 1905-1907 did not resolve the economic, political and class contradictions in the country, it was a prerequisite for the February Revolution of 1917. The participation of Tsarist Russia in the First World War showed the inability of its economy to carry out military tasks. Many factories stopped operating, the army experienced a shortage of equipment, weapons, and food. Transport system the country is absolutely not adapted to martial law, Agriculture lost its position. Economic difficulties increased Russia's external debt to enormous proportions.
Intending to extract maximum benefits from the war, the Russian bourgeoisie began to create unions and committees on issues of raw materials, fuel, food, etc.
True to the principle of proletarian internationalism, the Bolshevik party revealed the imperialist nature of the war, which was waged in the interests of the exploiting classes, its aggressive, predatory essence. The party sought to channel the discontent of the masses into the mainstream of the revolutionary struggle for the collapse of the autocracy.
In August 1915, the “Progressive Bloc” was formed, which planned to force Nicholas II to abdicate in favor of his brother Mikhail. Thus, the opposition bourgeoisie hoped to prevent revolution and at the same time preserve the monarchy. But such a scheme did not ensure bourgeois-democratic transformations in the country.
The reasons for the February Revolution of 1917 were anti-war sentiments, difficult situation workers and peasants, political lack of rights, decline in authority autocratic power and its failure to implement reforms.
The driving force in the struggle was the working class, led by the revolutionary Bolshevik Party. The allies of the workers were the peasants, demanding the redistribution of land. The Bolsheviks explained to the soldiers the goals and objectives of the struggle.
The main events of the February revolution happened quickly. Over the course of several days, a wave of strikes took place in Petrograd, Moscow and other cities with the slogans “Down with the tsarist government!”, “Down with the war!” On February 25 the political strike became general. Executions and arrests were unable to stop the revolutionary onslaught of the masses. Government troops were brought into combat readiness, the city of Petrograd was turned into a military camp.
February 26, 1917 marked the beginning of the February Revolution. On February 27, soldiers of the Pavlovsky, Preobrazhensky and Volynsky regiments went over to the side of the workers. This decided the outcome of the struggle: on February 28, the government was overthrown.
The outstanding significance of the February revolution is that it was the first in history people's revolution era of imperialism, which ended in victory.
During the February Revolution of 1917, Tsar Nicholas II abdicated the throne.
Dual power arose in Russia, which became a kind of result of the February revolution of 1917. On the one hand, the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies is a body of people's power, on the other hand, the Provisional Government is an organ of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie headed by Prince G.E. Lvov. In organizational matters, the bourgeoisie was more prepared for power, but was unable to establish autocracy.
The Provisional Government pursued an anti-people, imperialist policy: land question did not dare, the factories remained in the hands of the bourgeoisie, agriculture and industry were in dire need, there was not enough fuel for railway transport. The dictatorship of the bourgeoisie only deepened economic and political problems.
Russia after the February revolution experienced an acute political crisis. Therefore, there was a growing need for the bourgeois-democratic revolution to develop into a socialist one, which was supposed to lead to the power of the proletariat.
One of the consequences of the February revolution is the October revolution under the slogan “All power to the Soviets!”
From February to October
February Revolution ended in victory for the rebels. The monarchy was overthrown, the old political system was destroyed. Power passed to the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet.
Now, in addition to the problems of war and the welfare of the working and peasant classes, questions about the future structure of the state have been added.
The period from February to October is usually divided into two stages:
The promises of the Provisional Government made on March 3 (political freedom, amnesty, abolition of the death penalty, prohibition of discrimination) were not fulfilled. The government, on the contrary, preferred to maintain and strengthen its power at the local level. The solution to pressing problems was postponed. This led to the crisis in April 1917.
P.N. Miliukov made an appeal to the allies that Russia intended to wage the war to a victorious end. This “note” caused discontent among the war-weary people, who were waiting and wanting action on the part of the authorities to resolve internal problems. The rebels demanded the country's exit from the war and the transfer of power to the Soviets. As a result, Miliukov and Guchkov were removed, and a new government was created on May 6.
The 1st coalition promised to quickly find a peaceful way out of the war for Russia, deal with the agrarian issue and take control of production. But failure at the front caused a new surge of popular unrest, lowered the reputation of the 1st coalition and again raised the authority of the Soviets. In order to reduce the influence of the opposition, the Provisional Government disarmed the demonstrators and returned brutal discipline to the army. From that moment on, the Soviets were removed from power, and control of the country was completely in the hands of the Provisional Government.
On July 24, the 2nd coalition was created, led by General Kornilov. After an unsuccessful attempt to find a common language between political forces at the State Conference, Kornilov began an attempt to establish a military dictatorship. The general's troops were stopped, and the balance of forces changed again: the number of the Bolshevik party grew rapidly, and their plans became more and more radical
To pacify revolutionary sentiments, formed the 3rd coalition, Russia was proclaimed a republic (September 1), and the All-Russian Democratic Conference was convened (September 14). But all these actions were ineffective, and the authority of the government increasingly came to an end. The Bolsheviks began to prepare to seize power.
On October 24, the main places in the city (telegraph, train stations, bridges, etc.) were occupied. By evening, the government was occupied in the Winter Palace, and the next day the ministers were arrested.
On October 25, the Second Congress of Soviets was opened, at which they adopted the Decree on Peace (making peace on any terms) and the Decree on Land (recognizing the land and its subsoil as the property of the people, prohibiting its rental and the use of hired labor)
October Revolution of 1917 in Russia
Causes October revolution 1917:
war fatigue;
the country's industry and agriculture were on the verge of complete collapse;
catastrophic financial crisis;
the unresolved agrarian question and the impoverishment of peasants;
delaying socio-economic reforms;
the contradictions of dual power became a prerequisite for a change of power.
On July 3, 1917, unrest began in Petrograd demanding the overthrow of the Provisional Government. Counter-revolutionary units, by order of the government, used weapons to suppress the peaceful demonstration. Arrests began and the death penalty was reinstated.
The dual power ended in the victory of the bourgeoisie. The events of July 3-5 showed that the bourgeois Provisional Government did not intend to fulfill the demands of the working people, and it became clear to the Bolsheviks that it was no longer possible to take power peacefully.
At the VI Congress of the RSDLP(b), which took place from July 26 to August 3, 1917, the party set its sights on a socialist revolution through an armed uprising.
At the August State Conference in Moscow, the bourgeoisie intended to declare L.G. Kornilov as a military dictator and to coincide with this event the dispersal of the Soviets. But active revolutionary action thwarted the plans of the bourgeoisie. Then Kornilov moved troops to Petrograd on August 23.
The Bolsheviks, carrying out extensive agitation work among the working masses and soldiers, explained the meaning of the conspiracy and created revolutionary centers to fight the Kornilov revolt. The rebellion was suppressed, and the people finally realized that the Bolshevik Party is the only party that defends the interests of the working people
In mid-September V.I. Lenin developed a plan for an armed uprising and ways to implement it. The main goal The October Revolution was the conquest of power by the Soviets.
On October 12, the Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC) was created - a center for preparing an armed uprising. Zinoviev and Kamenev, opponents of the socialist revolution, gave the terms of the uprising to the Provisional Government.
The uprising began on the night of October 24, the opening day of the Second Congress of Soviets. The government was immediately isolated from the armed units loyal to it.
October 25 V.I. Lenin arrived in Smolny and personally led the uprising in Petrograd. During the October Revolution, important objects such as bridges, telegraphs, and government offices were captured.
On the morning of October 25, 1917, the Military Revolutionary Committee announced the overthrow of the Provisional Government and the transfer of power to the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. On October 26 it was captured Winter Palace and members of the Provisional Government were arrested.
The October Revolution in Russia took place with the full support of the people. The alliance of the working class and the peasantry, the transition of the armed army to the side of the revolution, and the weakness of the bourgeoisie determined the results of the October Revolution of 1917.
On October 25 and 26, 1917, the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets was held, at which the All-Russian Central Executive committee(VTsIK) and the first Soviet government was formed - the Council of People's Commissars (SNK). V.I. was elected Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars. Lenin. He put forward two Decrees: the “Decree on Peace,” which called on the warring countries to stop hostilities, and the “Decree on Land,” which expressed the interests of the peasants.
The adopted Decrees contributed to the victory of Soviet power in the regions of the country.
November 3, 1917 with the capture of the Kremlin Soviet authority won in Moscow too. Further, Soviet power was proclaimed in Belarus, Ukraine, Estonia, Latvia, Crimea, the North Caucasus, and Central Asia. The revolutionary struggle in Transcaucasia dragged on until the end of the civil war (1920-1921), which was a consequence of the October Revolution of 1917.
Great October Revolution socialist revolution divided the world into two camps - capitalist and socialist.
By the evening of February 27, almost the entire composition of the Petrograd garrison - about 160 thousand people - went over to the side of the rebels. The commander of the Petrograd Military District, General Khabalov, is forced to inform Nicholas II: “Please report to Him To the Imperial Majesty, that he could not fulfill the order to restore order in the capital. Most of the units, one after another, betrayed their duty, refusing to fight against the rebels.”
The idea of a “cartel expedition”, which provided for the removal of individual military units from the front and sending them to rebellious Petrograd, also did not continue. All this threatened to result in civil war with unpredictable consequences.
Acting in the spirit of revolutionary traditions, the rebels released from prison not only political prisoners, but also criminals. At first they easily overcame the resistance of the “Crosses” guards, and then took the Peter and Paul Fortress.
The uncontrollable and motley revolutionary masses, not disdaining murders and robberies, plunged the city into chaos.
On February 27, at approximately 2 o'clock in the afternoon, soldiers occupied the Tauride Palace. The State Duma found itself in a dual position: on the one hand, according to the emperor’s decree, it should have dissolved itself, but on the other, the pressure of the rebels and the actual anarchy forced it to take some action. The compromise solution was a meeting under the guise of a “private meeting.”
As a result, a decision was made to form a government body - the Temporary Committee.
Later, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government P. N. Milyukov recalled:
“The intervention of the State Duma gave the street and military movement a center, gave it a banner and a slogan, and thereby turned the uprising into a revolution, which ended with the overthrow of the old regime and dynasty.”
The revolutionary movement grew more and more. Soldiers seize the Arsenal, the Main Post Office, the telegraph office, bridges and train stations. Petrograd found itself completely in the power of the rebels. The real tragedy took place in Kronstadt, which was overwhelmed by a wave of lynching that resulted in the murder of more than a hundred officers of the Baltic Fleet.
March 1 Chief of Staff Supreme Commander General Alekseev in a letter begs the emperor “for the sake of saving Russia and the dynasty, put at the head of the government a person whom Russia would trust.”
Nicholas states that by giving rights to others, he deprives himself of the power given to them by God. The possibility of peaceful transformation of the country into constitutional monarchy was already missed.
After the abdication of Nicholas II on March 2, a dual power actually developed in the state. Official power was in the hands of the Provisional Government, but real power belonged to the Petrograd Soviet, which controlled the troops, railways, mail and telegraph.
Colonel Mordvinov, who was on the royal train at the time of his abdication, recalled Nikolai’s plans to move to Livadia. “Your Majesty, go abroad as soon as possible. “Under current conditions, even in Crimea there is no way to live,” Mordvinov tried to convince the tsar. "No way. I wouldn’t like to leave Russia, I love it too much,” Nikolai objected.
Leon Trotsky noted that the February uprising was spontaneous:
“No one outlined the path for a coup in advance, no one from above called for an uprising. The indignation that had accumulated over the years broke out largely unexpectedly for the masses themselves.”
However, Miliukov insists in his memoirs that the coup was planned soon after the start of the war and before “the army was supposed to go on the offensive, the results of which would radically stop all hints of discontent and would cause an explosion of patriotism and jubilation in the country.” “History will curse the leaders of the so-called proletarians, but it will also curse us, who caused the storm,” wrote the former minister.
British historian Richard Pipes calls the actions of the tsarist government during the February uprising “fatal weakness of will,” noting that “the Bolsheviks in such circumstances did not hesitate to shoot.”
Although the February Revolution is called “bloodless,” it nevertheless claimed the lives of thousands of soldiers and civilians. In Petrograd alone, more than 300 people died and 1,200 were injured.
The February Revolution began the irreversible process of collapse of the empire and decentralization of power, accompanied by the activity of separatist movements.
Poland and Finland demanded independence, Siberia started talking about independence, and the Central Rada formed in Kyiv proclaimed “autonomous Ukraine.”
The events of February 1917 allowed the Bolsheviks to emerge from underground. Thanks to the amnesty declared by the Provisional Government, dozens of revolutionaries returned from exile and political exile, who were already hatching plans for a new coup d'etat.