Lenin's April theses are summarized point by point. Lenin's April Theses

Arriving only on April 3 at night in Petrograd, I could, of course, only on my own behalf and with reservations regarding insufficient preparation to speak at the meeting on April 4 with a report on the tasks of the revolutionary proletariat.

The only thing I could do to make the work easier for myself - and for my conscientious opponents - was to prepare written theses. I read them and passed on the text to Comrade. Tsereteli. I read them very slowly and twice: first at a meeting of Bolsheviks, then at a meeting of both Bolsheviks and Mensheviks.

I am publishing these personal theses of mine, provided with only the briefest explanatory notes, which were developed in much greater detail in the report.

THESIS.

1. In our attitude to the war, which on the part of Russia and under the new government of Lvov and Co. undoubtedly remains a predatory imperialist war due to the capitalist nature of this government, not the slightest concession to “revolutionary defencism” is acceptable.

On revolutionary war, which truly justifies revolutionary defencism, the conscious proletariat can give its consent only on the condition of: a) the transfer of power into the hands of the proletariat and the poorest parts of the peasantry adjacent to it; b) upon refusal of all annexations in deed, and not in words; c) with a complete break in practice with all the interests of capital.

In view of the undoubted conscientiousness of broad sections of the mass representatives of revolutionary defencism, who recognize war only out of necessity, and not for the sake of conquest, in view of their deception by the bourgeoisie, it is necessary to especially thoroughly, persistently, and patiently explain to them their mistake, explain the inextricable connection between capital and the imperialist war, and prove that to end war with a truly democratic, non-violent peace is impossible without the overthrow of capital.

Organization of the widest propaganda of this view in the army.

Fraternization.

2. Originality current moment in Russia consists of the transition from the first stage of the revolution, which gave power to the bourgeoisie due to the insufficient consciousness and organization of the proletariat, to its second stage, which should give power into the hands of the proletariat and the poorest strata peasantry.

This transition is characterized, on the one hand, by a maximum of legality (Russia is now the freest country in the world of all the warring countries), on the other hand, by the absence of violence against the masses and, finally, by their trusting and unconscious attitude towards the capitalist government, worst enemies peace and socialism.

This uniqueness requires us to be able to adapt to special conditions party work among incredibly broad people who have just woken up to political life, the masses of the proletariat.

3. No support for the Provisional Government, an explanation of the complete falsity of all its promises, especially regarding the refusal of annexations. Exposure, instead of the unacceptable, illusion-seeking, “demand” that this government, the government of the capitalists, cease to be imperialist.

4. Recognition of the fact that in the majority of Soviets of Workers' Deputies our party is in the minority, and so far in a weak minority, before the bloc of all petty-bourgeois opportunist elements who have succumbed to the influence of the bourgeoisie and are carrying out its influence on the proletariat, elements from the people's socialists, socialist revolutionaries to the OK (Chkheidze , Tsereteli, etc.), Steklov, etc., etc.

Explaining to the masses that S.R.D. is the only possible form revolutionary government and that therefore our task, as long as this government succumbs to the influence of the bourgeoisie, can only be patient, systematic, persistent, adapting especially to practical needs masses, explaining the mistakes of their tactics.

While we are in the minority, we carry out the work of criticism and clarification of mistakes, at the same time preaching the need for the transfer of all state power to the Soviets of Workers' Deputies, so that the masses can rid themselves of their mistakes through experience.

5. Not a parliamentary republic - a return to it from S.R.D. would be a step backwards - but a republic of Soviets of workers, farm laborers and peasants' deputies throughout the country, from bottom to top.

Elimination of the police, army, bureaucracy.

The pay of all officials, even if they are all elected and replaced at any time, is not higher than the average pay of a good worker.

6. B agricultural program shifting the center of gravity to Sov. batr. deputies.

Confiscation of all landowners' lands.

Nationalization of all lands in the country, disposal of land by local Sov. batr. and cross. deputies. Allocation of Councils of Deputies from the poorest peasants. Creation of each large estate (in the amount of about 100 to 300 dessiatines, according to local and other conditions and as determined by local institutions) into a model farm under the control of laborers. deputies and at the public expense.

7. Immediate merger of all banks in the country into one national bank and the introduction of control over it by S.R.D.

8. Not the “introduction” of socialism, as our immediate task, but the transition immediately only to control by the S.R.D. over social production and distribution of products.

9. Party tasks:

A) immediate party congress;

B) a change in the party program, the main thing:

1) about imperialism and the imperialist war,

2) about the attitude towards the state and our demand for a “state-commune”,

3) fix backward program-minimum;

B) change of party name.

10. Renewal of the International.

The initiative to create a revolutionary International, an International against social chauvinists and against the “center”.

In order for the reader to understand why I had to especially emphasize, as a rare exception, the “case” of conscientious opponents, I invite you to compare with these theses the following objection of Mr. Goldenberg: Lenin “planted the banner of civil war in the midst of revolutionary democracy” (quoted in “Unity” of Mr. Plekhanov, No. 5).

Isn't that right, Pearl?

I write, read, chew: “in view of the undoubted conscientiousness of large sections of the mass representatives of revolutionary defencism... in view of their deception by the bourgeoisie, it is necessary to explain to them their mistake in particular detail, persistently, and patiently”...

And the gentlemen from the bourgeoisie, who call themselves Social Democrats, who do not belong either to the broad strata or to the mass representatives of defencism, convey my views with a clear forehead, presenting them like this: “the banner (!) of the civil war has been hoisted” (about it there was not a word in the theses, there was not a word in the report!) “in the midst (!!) of revolutionary democracy”...

What it is? How does this differ from pogrom agitation? from "Russian Will"?

I write, read, chew: “The councils of R. D. are the only possible form of revolutionary government, and therefore our task can only be a patient, systematic, persistent, adapting especially to the practical needs of the masses, explaining the errors of their tactics”...

And opponents of a certain sort present my views as a call to " civil war in the midst of revolutionary democracy" !!

I attacked Vr. government because it did not set either an early or any date for convening the Uchr. meetings, getting off with promises. I argued that without the Soviets, R. and s. dep. convening of the Constitution the meeting is not guaranteed, its success is impossible.

I am credited with the view that I am against the speedy convening of the Uchr. meetings!!!

I would call these "delusional" expressions if decades political struggle They didn’t teach me to look at the conscientiousness of my opponents as a rare exception.

Mr. Plekhanov in his newspaper called my speech “delusional.” Very good, Mr. Plekhanov! But look how clumsy, clumsy and slow-witted you are in your polemics. If I spoke a delusional speech for two hours, how could hundreds of listeners endure the “nonsense”? Further. Why does your newspaper devote an entire column to presenting “nonsense”? It’s not round, not at all round.

It is much easier, of course, to shout, scold, yell, than to try to tell, explain, remember how Marx and Engels reasoned in 1871, 1872, 1875. about experience Paris Commune and about what kind of state does the proletariat need?

The former Marxist Mr. Plekhanov probably does not want to remember Marxism.

I quoted the words of Rosa Luxemburg, who on August 4, 1914 called German Social Democracy a “stinking corpse.” And Messrs. The Plekhanovs, Goldenbergs and Co. are “offended”... for whom? - for the German chauvinists, called chauvinists!

The poor Russian social-chauvinists are confused, socialists in words, chauvinists in deeds.

That is, replacing a standing army with the general armament of the people.
- That is, such a state, the prototype of which was given by the Paris Commune.
- Instead of “social democracy,” whose official leaders throughout the world have betrayed socialism by going over to the bourgeoisie (“defencists” and wavering “Kautskyites”), we must call ourselves Communist Party.
- “Center” is the name in international social democracy for the current that oscillates between chauvinists (= “defencists”) and internationalists, namely: Kautsky and Co. in Germany, Longuet and Co. in France, Chkheidze and Co. in Russia, Turati and Co. ° in Italy, MacDonald and Co. in England, etc.

Read further:

Lenin Vladimir Ilyich(biographical materials).

Lenin V.I. April Theses(Article by Orlov A.S., Georgieva N.G., Georgieva V.A. about the work of V.I. Lenin).

List of works by V.I. Lenin(in the CHRONOS library)

Korneychuk Dmitry.

Source: Lenin V.I. Complete collection works: in 55 volumes / V. I. Lenin; Institute of Marxism-Leninism under the CPSU Central Committee. - 5th ed. - M.: State. political publishing house lit., 1969. - T. 31. March ~ April 1917. - P. 113-118. Lenin stated " April Theses"at two meetings on April 4 (17), then at Central Committee and in the editorial office of Pravda.

On the tasks of the proletariat
in this revolution

I am publishing these personal theses of mine, provided with only the briefest explanatory notes, which were developed in much greater detail in the report.

Abstracts

1. In our attitude to the war, which on the part of Russia and under the new government of Lvov and Co. certainly remains a predatory imperialist war due to the capitalist nature of this government, not the slightest concession to “revolutionary defencism” is acceptable.

To a revolutionary war, which truly justifies revolutionary defencism, the conscious proletariat can give its consent only on the condition of: a) the transfer of power into the hands of the proletariat and the poorest parts of the peasantry adjacent to it; b) upon refusal of all annexations in deed, and not in words; c) with a complete break in practice with all the interests of capital.

Organization of the widest propaganda of this view in the army.

Fraternization.

2. The uniqueness of the current moment in Russia lies in the transition from the first stage of the revolution, which gave power to the bourgeoisie due to the lack of consciousness and organization of the proletariat, to its second stage, which should give power into the hands of the proletariat and the poorest strata of the peasantry.

This transition is characterized, on the one hand, by a maximum of legality (Russia is now the freest country in the world of all the warring countries), on the other hand, by the absence of violence against the masses and, finally, by their trusting and unconscious attitude towards the government of capitalists, the worst enemies of peace and socialism .

This uniqueness requires us to be able to adapt to the special conditions of party work among the unprecedentedly broad masses of the proletariat, who have just awakened to political life.

3. No support for the Provisional Government, an explanation of the complete falsity of all its promises, especially regarding the refusal of annexations. Exposure, instead of the unacceptable, illusion-seeking “demand” that this government, the government of the capitalists, cease to be imperialist.

4. Recognition of the fact that in the majority of the Soviets of Workers' Deputies our party is in the minority, and so far in a weak minority, before the bloc of all petty-bourgeois opportunist elements who have succumbed to the influence of the bourgeoisie and are carrying out its influence on the proletariat, elements from the people's socialists, socialist revolutionaries to the OK (Chkheidze , Tsereteli, etc.), Steklov, etc., etc.

Explaining to the masses that S.R.D. exists the only possible form of a revolutionary government and that therefore our task, while this government succumbs to the influence of the bourgeoisie, can only be a patient, systematic, persistent, adapting especially to the practical needs of the masses, explaining the errors of their tactics.

While we are in the minority, we carry out the work of criticism and clarification of errors, while preaching the need to transition the entire state power to the Soviets of Workers' Deputies, so that the masses can get rid of their mistakes through experience.

5. Not a parliamentary republic - a return to it from the S.R.D. would be a step backwards - but a republic of Soviets of workers, farm laborers and peasants' deputies throughout the country, from bottom to top.

Elimination of the police, army, bureaucracy.

The pay of all officials, even if they are all elected and replaced at any time, is not higher than the average pay of a good worker.

6. In the agricultural program, the center of gravity is shifted to Sov. batr. deputies.

Confiscation of all landowners' lands.

Nationalization of all lands in the country, disposal of land by local Sov. batr. and cross. deputies. Allocation of Soviets of Deputies from the poorest peasants. Creation of each large estate (in the amount of about 100 to 300 dessiatines, according to local and other conditions and as determined by local institutions) into a model farm under the control of laborers. deputies and at the public expense.

7. Immediate merger of all banks in the country into one national bank and the introduction of control over it by S.R.D.

8.Not “introducing” socialism like ours direct task, and the transition immediately only to control by the S.R.D. over social production and distribution of products.

9. Party tasks:

A) immediate party congress; b) a change in the party program, the main thing: 1) about imperialism and the imperialist war, 2) about the attitude towards the state and our demand for a “commune state”, 3) correction of the backward minimum program; c) change of party name.

10.Renewal of the International.

Initiative to create revolutionary International, Internationale against social chauvinists and against the "center".

Isn't that right, Pearl?

I write, read, chew: “in view of the undoubted conscientiousness of large sections of the mass representatives of revolutionary defencism... in view of their deception by the bourgeoisie, it is necessary to especially thoroughly, persistently, patiently explain to them their mistake”...

What it is? How does this differ from pogrom agitation? from "Russian Will"?

I write, read, chew: “R.D. has advice the only possible form of revolutionary government, and therefore our task can only be to patiently, systematically, persistently, adapting especially to the practical needs of the masses, to explain the errors of their tactics”...

And opponents of a certain sort present my views as a call for “civil war in the midst of revolutionary democracy”!!

I am credited with the view that I am against the speedy convening of the Uchr. meetings!!!

I would call these “delusional” expressions if decades of political struggle had not taught me to look at the conscientiousness of my opponents as a rare exception.

It is much easier, of course, to shout, scold, yell, than to try to tell, explain, remember how Marx and Engels reasoned in 1871, 1872, 1875. about the experience of the Paris Commune and what kind of state the proletariat needs?

The former Marxist Mr. Plekhanov probably does not want to remember Marxism.

The poor Russian social-chauvinists are confused, socialists in words, chauvinists in deeds.

Alexander Maysuryan

100 years ago. April Theses

On April 4 (17), 1917, the leader of the Bolshevik Party, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, who arrived in Russia the day before, spoke with the famous “April Theses”. These theses initially produced a shock impression on the Bolshevik leaders themselves: almost no one understood them or supported them.

Menshevik Nikolai Sukhanov, who listened to the “April Theses” on the night of April 4, in the Kshesinskaya Palace, wrote: “I will not forget this thunderous speech, which shocked and amazed not only me, an accidental heretic, but also all the faithful. I affirm that no one expected anything like this. It seemed as if all the elements had risen from their lairs, and the spirit of all-contrition, knowing neither barriers, nor doubts, nor human difficulties, nor human calculations, was rushing around the Kshesinskaya hall over the heads of the enchanted students. Lenin in general was very good speaker- not a speaker of a complete, round phrase, or a bright image, or captivating pathos, or a sharp word, - but a speaker of enormous pressure, strength, decomposing right there, before the eyes of the listener, complex systems on the simplest, generally accessible elements and hammering with them, hammering, hammering into the heads of the listeners - “to the point of insensibility,” to the point of bringing them to obedience, to the point of being taken prisoner.” As Lenin himself put it, he tried to “interpret the hell out of it.”

With his first words, Lenin poured a tub of cold water on the heads of his enthusiastic comrades.

“I believe, comrades,” he remarked sternly, “that it’s enough for us to congratulate each other on the revolution.”

The listeners began to look at each other in confusion.

“When I and my comrades were traveling here,” said Lenin, “I thought that we would be taken straight from the station to Petropavlovka. As we see, we turned out to be very far from this. But let us not lose hope that this will not pass us by, that We can't avoid this..."

This, by the way, is an example of a typical Leninist paradox, with which Vladimir Ilyich almost every day never tired of stunning those who communicated with him. The Bolsheviks celebrated tenderly" great revolution", and then their leader put them in front of them as the next long-term goal...prison! And that’s how it happened - very soon many leaders of the left side of the RSDLP (Kamenev, Kollontai, Trotsky and others) found themselves behind bars, while others were on the run...

Soviet poster commemorating Lenin's arrival in Russia in 1917

Boris Kustodiev. The threshold of October (speech by V.I. Lenin at the Finlyandsky Station)

Lenin on an armored car. One of early projects Monument to Lenin at the Finlyandsky Station

Alexander Samokhvalov. Speech from an armored car

Irakli Toidze. The leader's call. 1947

“Even our Bolsheviks are showing trust in the government,” Lenin said on April 4. “This can only be explained by the frenzy of the revolution. This is the death of socialism. You, comrades, are trusting of the government. If so, we are not on the road. It’s better if I remain in the minority.” ".

The two-hour speech, of course, was applauded, but somehow embarrassed. According to Sukhanov, Vladimir Ilyich’s comrades, “applauding for a long time and unanimously, somehow strangely looked at one point or wandered with unseeing eyes, demonstrating complete confusion.”

“I went out into the street,” Sukhanov recalled. “It felt as if that night they were hitting me on the head with flails. Only one thing was clear: no, with Lenin, I, the wild one, was not on my way...”

Vyacheslav Molotov recalled: “I was never against Lenin, but neither I nor any of those who were always with Lenin really understood him right away. All the Bolsheviks talked about democratic revolution, and here it’s socialist!”

Yes, this happens, - Lenin himself said, - many do not always immediately know how to grasp what exactly needs to be done in this moment...Later this will become clear to everyone...

But hostility towards Lenin also grew. “You walk along the St. Petersburg side,” Krupskaya recalled, “and you hear some housewives saying: “What should we do with this Lenin, who came from Germany? Should I drown him in a well?"

The leader of the liberals, Pavel Milyukov, was asked at one of the rallies:

What to do with Lenin and his like-minded people?

“I was asked this question more than once,” he answered firmly, “and I always answered it with one word: arrest!”

And Vladimir Ilyich had no doubt that sooner or later the Bolsheviks would actually be arrested. “Almost every evening,” noted Zinoviev, “he said: “Well, they didn’t put us in prison today, which means they’ll put us in prison tomorrow.” He never tired of giving his comrades a “cold shower”:

“Why did we come to Russia? To take part in the revolution? And this is our highest duty. Not one of those present here will have to end their lives during this revolution. But while we are still talking and publishing a newspaper...” Summarizing all of the above, we can recall the words of Trotsky: “If Lenin with a group of comrades and, most importantly, with his deeds and authority had not arrived in Petrograd at the beginning of April, then October revolution... the revolution that took place on October 25 of the old style would not have existed in the world."

Moving on to our time, we have to note that we, citizens former USSR, we also now urgently need new “April Theses”, which will clearly and clearly formulate what and how the left should fight for in the conditions of the post-Soviet Atlantis slowly sinking into oblivion. Even if the first and closest practical purpose these theses will coincide with the not very joyful task that Lenin set for his comrades 100 years ago - to end up in prison... :) And it is also desirable that these theses be formulated by a person with Lenin’s “action and authority”, because otherwise no matter how true they are, no one will hear them. And if they hear it, they will laugh as they tried to laugh at Lenin 100 years ago. But where can you find such a person...

http://maysuryan.livejournal.com/501325.html

The April Theses is a program of action for the Russian Bolsheviks in the conditions of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, proposed by Lenin after returning to Russia from Switzerland in April 1917. Published in the Pravda newspaper on April 7. In contrast to the general sentiments at that moment (including among the Bolsheviks), which boiled down to recognition of the democratic nature of the revolution, support for the Provisional Government and “revolutionary defencism” (that is, the idea of defending the “revolutionary fatherland” from German imperialism), Lenin put forward the ideas of anti-war struggle , outgrowing bourgeois revolution to the proletarian, refusal to support the Provisional Government, transfer of power to the Soviets and implementation of the socialist program - maximum (abolition of the police, army, bureaucracy, nationalization of banks and land, in the future - the construction of a “commune state”).

TASKS OF THE PROLETARIAT IN THIS REVOLUTION.

APRIL Theses

I am publishing these personal theses of mine, provided with only the briefest explanatory notes, which were developed in much greater detail in the report.

Organization of the widest propaganda of this view in the army.

Fraternization.

2. The uniqueness of the current moment in Russia lies in the transition from the first stage of the revolution, which gave power to the bourgeoisie due to the insufficient consciousness and organization of the proletariat, to its second stage, which should give power into the hands of the proletariat and the poorest strata of the peasantry.

This transition is characterized, on the one hand, by a maximum of legality (Russia is now the freest country in the world of all the warring countries), on the other hand, by the absence of violence against the masses and, finally, by their trusting and unconscious attitude towards the government of capitalists, the worst enemies of peace and socialism .

This uniqueness requires us to be able to adapt to the special conditions of party work among the unprecedentedly broad masses of the proletariat, who have just awakened to political life.

3. No support for the Provisional Government, an explanation of the complete falsity of all its promises, especially regarding the refusal of annexations. Exposure, instead of the unacceptable, illusion-seeking “demand” that this government, the government of the capitalists, cease to be imperialist.

Explaining to the masses that the S.R.D. is the only possible form of revolutionary government and that therefore our task, as long as this government succumbs to the influence of the bourgeoisie, can only be a patient, systematic, persistent, adapting especially to the practical needs of the masses, explanation of the errors of their tactics.

Elimination of the police, army, bureaucracy.

The pay of all officials, even if they are all elected and replaced at any time, is not higher than the average pay of a good worker.

6. In the agricultural program, shifting the center of gravity to Sov. batr. deputies.

Confiscation of all landowners' lands.

7. Immediate merger of all banks in the country into one national bank and the introduction of control over it by S.R.D.

8. Not the “introduction” of socialism, as our immediate task, but the transition immediately only to control by the S.R.D. over social production and distribution of products.

9. Party tasks:

a) immediate party congress;

b) a change in the party program, the main thing:

1) about imperialism and the imperialist war,

2) about the attitude towards the state and our demand for a “state-commune”,

3) correction of a backward program - minimum;

c) change of party name.

10. Renewal of the International.

The initiative to create a revolutionary International, an International against social chauvinists and against the “center”.

In order for the reader to understand why I had to especially emphasize, as a rare exception, the “case” of conscientious opponents, I invite you to compare the following objection of Mr. Goldenberg with these theses:

Lenin “planted the banner of civil war in the midst of revolutionary democracy” (quoted in Mr. Plekhanov’s Unity, No. 5).

Isn't that right, Pearl?

I write, read, chew: “in view of the undoubted conscientiousness of broad sections of the mass representatives of revolutionary defencism... in view of their deception by the bourgeoisie, it is necessary to explain to them their mistake in particular detail, persistently, and patiently”...

What it is? How does this differ from pogrom agitation? from "Russian Will"?

And opponents of a certain sort present my views as a call for “civil war in the midst of revolutionary democracy”!!

I am credited with the view that I am against the speedy convening of the Uchr. meetings!!!

I would call these “delusional” expressions if decades of political struggle had not taught me to look at the conscientiousness of my opponents as a rare exception.

The former Marxist Mr. Plekhanov probably does not want to remember Marxism.

The poor Russian social-chauvinists are confused, socialists in words, chauvinists in deeds.

That is, replacing a standing army with the general armament of the people.

That is, such a state, the prototype of which was provided by the Paris Commune.

Instead of “social democracy,” whose official leaders all over the world have betrayed socialism by going over to the bourgeoisie (“defencists” and wavering “Kautskyites”), we must call ourselves the Communist Party.

- “Center” is the name in international social democracy for the current that oscillates between chauvinists (= “defencists”) and internationalists, namely: Kautsky and Co. in Germany, Longuet and Co. in France, Chkheidze and Co. in Russia, Turati and Co. ° in Italy, MacDonald and Co. in England, etc.

On the tasks of the proletariat in this revolution

The only thing I could do to make the work easier for myself—and for my conscientious opponents—was to prepare written theses. I read them and passed on the text to Comrade. Tsereteli. I read them very slowly and twice: first at a meeting of Bolsheviks, then at a meeting of both Bolsheviks and Mensheviks.

I am publishing these personal theses of mine, provided with only the briefest explanatory notes, which were developed in much greater detail in the report.

THESIS.

Organization of the widest propaganda of this view in the army.

Fraternization.

This transition is characterized, on the one hand, by a maximum of legality (Russia is now the freest country in the world of all the warring countries), on the other hand, by the absence of violence against the masses and, finally, by their trusting and unconscious attitude towards the government of capitalists, the worst enemies of peace and socialism .

This uniqueness requires us to be able to adapt to the special conditions of party work among the unprecedentedly broad masses of the proletariat, who have just awakened to political life.

3. No support for the Provisional Government, an explanation of the complete falsity of all its promises, especially regarding the renunciation of annexations. Exposure, instead of the unacceptable, illusion-seeking “demand” that this government, the government of the capitalists, cease to be imperialist.

4. Recognition of the fact that in the majority of Soviets of Workers' Deputies our party is in the minority, and so far in a weak minority, in front of the bloc of all petty-bourgeois opportunist elements who have succumbed to the influence of the bourgeoisie and are carrying out its influence on the proletariat, elements from the people's socialists, socialist revolutionaries to the OK (Chkheidze, Tsereteli etc.), Steklov, etc., etc.

Elimination of the police, army, bureaucracy.

The pay of all officials, even if they are all elected and replaced at any time, is not higher than the average pay of a good worker.

6 . In the agricultural program, the center of gravity is shifted to Sov. batr. deputies.

Confiscation of all landowners' lands.

7. The immediate merger of all banks in the country into one national bank and the introduction of control over it by S.R.D.

8. Not the “introduction” of socialism, as our immediate task, but the transition immediately only to control by the S.R.D. over social production and distribution of products.

9. Party tasks:

a) immediate party congress;

b) a change in the party program, the main thing:

1) about imperialism and the imperialist war,

2) about the attitude towards the state and our demand for a “state-commune”.

3) correction of a backward program - minimum;

c) change of party name.

10. Renewal of the International.

The initiative to create a revolutionary International, an International against social chauvinists and against the “center”.

Isn't that right, Pearl?

What it is? How does this differ from pogrom agitation? from "Russian Will"?

And opponents of a certain sort present my views as a call for “civil war in the midst of revolutionary democracy”!!

I am credited with the view that I am against the speedy convening of the Uchr. meetings!!!

I would call these “delusional” expressions if decades of political struggle had not taught me to look at the conscientiousness of my opponents as a rare exception.

The former Marxist Mr. Plekhanov probably does not want to remember Marxism.

The poor Russian social-chauvinists are confused, socialists in words, chauvinists in deeds.

Lenin V.I. Complete works in fifty-five volumes. - fifth edition. —

M.: Publishing house political literature, 1969. - T. 31. March ~ April 1917. - P. 113-118

Lenin's April theses are summarized point by point. Lenin's April Theses

Read further:

On the tasks of the proletariat in this revolution

Abstracts

see also

Alexander Maysuryan

100 years ago. April Theses

On the tasks of the proletariat
in this revolution