Because he repeatedly violated the rules for holding rallies in Moscow. What can I say, people in Russia have always loved to protest, as history eloquently testifies to. True, people did not always understand “why” they were shouting and how it could turn out...
“Create” the masses
Capital riots in pre-revolutionary Russia were rarely thoughtful events. Too often, everything began spontaneously, developed unpredictably, and the slogans did not correspond to the goals that the instigators sought. For example, in 1606, Muscovites were raised against the Poles - that in this way Vasily Shuisky wanted to replace the one sitting on the throne False Dmitry I, only the most perspicacious guessed.
This is how the historian wrote about these events Nikolay Karamzin: “Many knew, many did not know what was supposed to happen, but they guessed and zealously armed themselves with what they could for a great and holy feat, as they were told. Perhaps the most powerful effect among the people was hatred of the Poles; There was also the shame of having a tramp as Tsar, and the fear of being a victim of his madness, and, finally, the very charm of a stormy rebellion for unbridled passions.”
The historian also wrote that a crowd is often like a natural disaster Ivan Zabelin, telling the story of the Moscow plague of 1771 with references to church documents: “Looking for the Right Reverend Ambrose (on him the frightened, hungry townspeople - both poor and wealthy - wanted to recoup the ban on praying en masse at the miraculous icons. - Ed.), the rebels broke into Miracles Monastery, where “he was not found, all his property was plundered, chairs were broken, torn off, and in one word all the household furniture was turned into nothing with extreme abuse.” As you understand, if on the eve of these events the pogromists had been told that they would enthusiastically destroy the Miracle Monastery, everyone would have been offended and foaming at the mouth to prove that this would not happen.
What's all the noise and no fight?
By the beginning of the twentieth century. A real epidemic of demonstrations, rallies and public actions raged in the capital. Schoolgirls and merchants, shop owners and officials, exalted ladies and respectable bourgeois women - almost everyone took part in spontaneous street “performances” that were “played out” for any reason. Moreover, many Muscovites perceived this precisely as a theatrical performance.
Even when it was about war... “I was in this grandiose manifestation of Moscow on July 17, the day mobilization was announced,” the then future Soviet writer wrote in his diary in 1914 Dmitry Furmanov. - I was left with a bad impression. The uplift in spirit for some may be very great... but for the majority, there is something fake and manufactured. It is clear that many come out of love for the noise and crowd, they like this uncontrolled freedom: at least for a moment, and I do what I want... The leaders, these shouters, look either fools or impudents.
This suckling orator at the Skobelevsky monument - why is he squeaking? After all, you can see right through him: pose, pose and pose. No one heard or understood anything, many even laughed. The music had just finished the anthem - some fool shouted: “Babe!” (popular vulgar song. - Ed.). And what: they laughed. Our manifestations are a common, favorite manifestation of willfulness and a sense of herdism. And if they meet some sight along the way, they will certainly forget their manifestation and become glued to it.”
In fact, this is the most peaceful outcome of human gatherings. Much more often, raging emotions brought listeners into such a state that quarrels broke out between neighbors, fights broke out, or, conversely, everyone began to follow the orders of the next speaker, sometimes completely wild. In the mentioned 1914 after the rallies separate groups“patriots” were smashed (and at the same time robbed) of German shops and beaten up those who had the misfortune of bearing a German surname.
By the way, a medical explanation for such massive “eclipses” has long been found. Famous Russian psychiatrist Vladimir Bekhterev, before whose eyes royal Russia evolved into Soviet republic, spoke about street actions: “What binds together a mass of faces unfamiliar to each other, what makes their hearts beat in unison with one another? The answer can only be found in the same mood and in the same idea, which connected these individuals through persuasion. But for many people, it is, without a doubt, an inspired idea... It is enough for someone to arouse base instincts in the crowd, and the crowd, united thanks to lofty goals, becomes in every sense words of a beast, the cruelty of which can surpass all belief.”
However, researchers also include among mass movements the protest of Old Believers, members of religious sects against the government’s attempts to subordinate them to the official church, unrest on certain specific occasions of soldiers against the conditions of their service, as well as working people (workers, artisans) who are dissatisfied with working and living conditions. If the composition of the participants in a mass movement is so wide, and their goals are so varied, then does this movement have any common features What makes researchers collect these seemingly diverse phenomena under one name?
Actually, we’ll talk about the features of the Russian mass movement a little later, but for now let’s dwell on its unique foundation - the conditions of existence of those sections of the empire’s population who were most often forced to express their dissatisfaction with the current state of affairs.
The first reason is that in Russia there has long been a double serfdom - privately owned (landowner peasants, a significant part of the workers on industrial enterprises) and state (all Russian estates were, to one degree or another, silent serfs in relation to the throne). Those sections of the population that from time to time became the initiators of mass protest experienced double, or even triple (serfdom, national, religious) oppression, which forced them to rise to fight.
Second common ground Some traits of the Russian character became part of the mass movement, i.e. mentality. Let's say right away that we'll talk not about the people’s character in general, but only about those of its features that left a certain imprint on the people’s protest. First of all, this is the correctness in the eyes of the protesters of only one idea, one position. Everything else was considered hostile, alien; hostility to the other, the unusual, most often led to the primacy of traditionalism, alienation from innovation, from any change.
The organization of village and town life fostered communalism in a person, the need to feel the elbow of a neighbor, and gave rise to the idea of the superiority of the common over the individual, or, as scientists put it, “the psychology of crowdedness.” Therefore, the “world” (as a community and as simply a collective) was always right in the eyes of a peasant or townsman, because it represented a certain collective mind. The slave life of the “lower classes” did not contribute to the emergence of a desire to stand out, or the development of a desire to enrich oneself through personal initiative. But the irresponsibility of a slave was easily combined with deception, theft, savage revenge - here even religious prohibitions were powerless.
These character traits naturally coexisted with the Russians’ belief in miracles (how many heroes of our fairy tales live not by labor, but by miracle!). A miracle is not doing, not waiting for your destiny, but testing it, the desire to receive everything at once. This is probably where it comes from national trait character, which is precisely called “uncontrollable”. Unrestrained is daring, courage, breadth of nature, dangerous mischief. Finally, let us note one more feature of the Russian mentality that will help us in talking about mass movement, - exaltation of custom over law. Custom, unlike law, can be interpreted very broadly and very subjectively.
Most of the significant popular movements of the 18th - first half of the 19th century V. began at the moment when the natural course of succession to the throne was disrupted (Catherine II instead of her husband or son, Nicholas I instead of his older brother Constantine). Such situations are very convenient for the emergence of impostors, and without impostor it would be problematic to raise the people to fight the existing regime. According to B. Uspensky: “With early XVII and until the middle of the 19th century. it is hardly possible to find two or three decades that were not marked by the appearance of a new impostor in Rus'; in some periods there were dozens of impostors.” Why did this phenomenon turn out to be so important for the emergence of popular protest?
Imposture appears when it is established royal power(cases of self-proclaimed claims to the princely throne are unknown). The attitude towards the tsar in Rus' was sacred, the people believed that the monarch’s power had Divine power. In other words, the phenomenon of impostor is closely related to religious beliefs Russians, which gave their socio-political protest special stability and moral correctness. The clash between the impostors and the real monarch revealed the struggle between the “righteous” (correct) and “unrighteous” kings. Therefore, by supporting the impostor, the people not only hoped to find a good, just king, but also defended a godly order against, in their opinion, the machinations of the devil.
The desire to place a “righteous” tsar on the throne was combined among the peasants with the need to exterminate the “old” princes, boyars, generally “primitive people” and foreigners who were in Russian service. It should be borne in mind that the popular movements were anti-serfdom, but not anti-feudal in nature. In other words, fighting against oppression by the authorities, the rebels did not imagine any other order other than the monarchical one. That is why, trying to enthrone a new monarch, his entourage hoped to become “the first people in the state.” This means that even if the rebels had won, the socio-political system in Russia would not have changed; perhaps the people would have felt some relief from their fate for some time, but only for a while.
What exactly did the mass of the rebels fight for, what did they expect? They fought for things that were semi-abstract, or even simply unreal. Firstly, its demand has always been the establishment of a general will. Will, unlike freedom, is not a historical phenomenon, because it cannot be won or lost. Freedom can be expressed in law (freedom of the press, assembly, conscience, etc.); will is rather a genetic phenomenon (it either exists in a person or it does not) and is poorly compatible with the existence of the state. In addition, the desire to achieve precisely the will leads to such consequences of Russian “unrestraint” as unbridledness, permissiveness, the right to riot, etc.
Secondly, the aspirations of the rebels revealed a desire to turn history back, to return Russia to pre-Petrine times. Hence came the demands for the destruction of manufactories, the expulsion of foreigners, a return to the old (pre-Nikonian) faith, and the weakening of serfdom. It is unlikely that the implementation of such desires could lead to the progress of the country; rather, the rise of the rebels to power would plunge Russia into chaos and anarchy. However, it would be wrong to consider the protest of the masses a purely negative phenomenon. After all, this protest kept the serf owners within certain “frames” and gave a signal to the top and society that the serfdom and the lack of rights of the people could not continue forever. In the end, popular protest saved this system itself, preventing it from crossing the boundaries of the “reasonable” so far allowed by history.
In addition to what is listed in the 19th century. other character traits popular movement. The nineteenth century has many definitions, but if we talk about the subject of our conversation, it can be called the “century of rumors,” more precisely, peasant rumors about freedom. During this period they became so constant and persistent that some scientists consider them peculiar form peasant protest. I eagerly listened to these rumors educated society, trying to relate their conservative, liberal or revolutionary programs to the aspirations of the peasantry. Thus, the mass movement showed creativity. Both the leadership and society proceeded from the degree of discontent of the people, i.e. the latter was made the “author” of the real government policy and nutrient medium social movement.
At the same time, the Russian “unrestrained”, the desire for freedom, the demand for everything at once, the unpredictability of rebellion alarmed, and even frightened even the leaders of the revolutionary camp. They understood that the success of a truly just coup depended not only on the victory of the revolutionaries over the government, but also on the conscious participation of the broad masses in this coup. Developing this consciousness was a long and extremely difficult task. In the first half of the 19th century. participation of the masses in public life was potentially dangerous for both revolutionaries and supporters of the existing regime. As already mentioned, the protest of the masses was anti-serfdom, but not anti-feudal, i.e. there was no talk at all about breaking the foundations of autocracy. Moreover, for the majority of the population, the monarch remained a sacred, sacred figure, the only protector and support. That is why it is customary to call a peasant a naive monarchist, which is not entirely precise definition his position.
After all, loyalty to the tsar did not imply automatic devotion of the peasants to the entire regime. They idolized the emperor, but not the monarchy as political system. Most peasants had an aversion to politics, believing that it was something hostile, and they openly hated officials and landowners. The model form of community life for the Russian lower classes was the Tsar and the community, who freely coexisted with each other. Could such a form be considered a state and function as such? Answer this question It’s very complicated, but it’s clear that we can talk more about the tsarist illusions of the peasantry than about its naive monarchism. According to their views on government system the peasants were not so much monarchists as spontaneous anarchists.
“I will not describe our campaign and the end of the Pugachev War. We passed through villages devastated by Pugachev, and involuntarily took from the poor residents what was left to them by the robbers.
They didn't know who to obey. The government was terminated everywhere. The landowners took refuge in the forests. Gangs of robbers were everywhere. The leaders of individual detachments sent in pursuit of Pugachev, who was then already fleeing to Astrakhan, autocratically punished the guilty and the innocent... The condition of the entire region, where the fire was raging, was terrible. God forbid we see a Russian revolt - senseless and merciless. Those who are plotting impossible revolutions among us are either young and do not know our people, or they are hard-hearted people, for whom someone else’s head is half a piece, and their own neck is a penny.
Pugachev fled, pursued by Iv. Iv. Mikhelson. We soon learned that it had been completely destroyed. Finally, Grinev received news from his general about the capture of the impostor, and at the same time the order to stop. Finally I could go home. I was delighted; But Strange feeling darkened my joy."
A similar phrase is also used: “God forbid we see a Russian rebellion, senseless and merciless.”
In the "Missed Chapter" of the story, which was not included in the final edition " The captain's daughter"and was preserved only in a draft manuscript:
« God forbid we see a Russian revolt - senseless and merciless. Those who are plotting impossible revolutions among us are either young and do not know our people, or they are hard-hearted people, for whom someone else’s head is half a piece, and their own neck is a penny.”
Another quote from Pushkin is quoted from this excerpt of the work: .
Examples
(1844 - 1927)
"", Volume 2 (Publishing house "Legal Literature", Moscow, 1966):
"1) An indication of the history and spirit of the Russian people, which is essentially monarchical, understands revolution only in the name of the autocrat (impostors, Pugachev, Razin, with reference to the son of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich) and is only capable of producing isolated outbreaks of Russian rebellion" senseless and merciless" But native history they hardly teach in our classical gymnasiums; and the spirit of the people is recognized from the language, literature, and proverbs of the people, meanwhile all this is corralled and given over to be devoured by ancient languages. "
Images
More details about the painting:
Notes
1) Polushka - 1/4 kopeck in pre-revolutionary Russia.
2) Mikhelson Ivan Ivanovich (1740 - 1807) - Russian military leader, cavalry general, best known final victory over Emelyan Pugachev.
“God forbid we see a Russian revolt, senseless and merciless!” - exclaimed through the lips of his hero “our everything” A.S. Pushkin almost two hundred years ago. Since then, the words of the classic have been quoted regularly as soon as a threat to the existing government in Russia arises. This is a kind of mantra, which, according to those who pronounce it, should calm and shame the unruly mob. But, as a rule, no one explains why this riot is “senseless.” True, there is no doubt about the “ruthlessness”...
Events of December 11th on Manezhnaya Square once again demonstrated the “grin” of unrefined “street” democracy. Relaxed by high oil prices and "victory" over economic crisis, the population of business centers, government buildings and “centers of culture” in Moscow were horrified by the uncontrollable human element, which raged for several hours near the walls of the Kremlin, and then spilled out onto the streets of the capital.
According to journalists, calls for the assembled youth to “come to their senses” and “disperse” came too late and looked more like a gesture of despair on the part of the authorities. This is later, in next days, she began to flex her muscles in the squares and streets of Moscow and other cities and flirt with football fans. But the events of December 11 still caused irreparable “psychological trauma” to “those in power.” The online magazine The New Times tried to see through the eyes of the Kremlin, fans and riot police the events that took place that evening in the center of the capital.
"Baikal24"
“THE REMEMBER, PLEASE!”
“The main joke now in the riot police is: when the revolution starts, you have to have time to take a civilian with you for the shift,” says Andrei, a soldier of the 2nd battalion of the riot police of the Moscow Main Internal Affairs Directorate, “in order to change clothes and escape in time.” On December 11, Andrei and the entire 2nd battalion were raised at about 15.00, when thousands of fans had already occupied Manezhnaya Square, and sent from the riot police base in Strogin to the city center. “We drove lively, laughing - now we remember these fans,” says the fighter. - They returned in deathly silence. Nobody expected this."
"SUIT BOARDS"
When the riot police arrived at Manezhnaya, they were ordered to push back the crowd. In the first row, as Andrey says, stood the guys from the provinces: “Young fools, inexperienced, without family, children.” The 3rd and 4th riot police battalions were placed in a cordon, the 1st battalion - between Historical Museum and the gates of the Alexander Garden: in case the fans break through the cordon and go to the Kremlin. “They threw us into the crowd; the 2nd battalion has long had a reputation as suicide bombers,” Andrei says without any irony. - At some point, the Dzerzhinsky division was alerted from the Moscow region, but internal troops there is no hope - they are ready to stand like a wall, but they won’t go into a fight - it’s been verified. Our officers immediately disappeared. Khaustov (commander of the OMON of the Central Internal Affairs Directorate, General Vyacheslav Khaustov. - The New Times) shouted: “Forward!” And even fans sent it to a well-known address. Evtikov (commander of the 2nd battalion) commands: “Keep the line.” What kind of formation is there against this mass? Our lieutenant Limonov shouted: “Cut through the crowd, cut through.” We told him: “Zhen, go ahead, set an example.” And he: “No, my job is to command from behind, to shout into a megaphone.”
For an hour, a correspondent for The New Times walked with a riot policeman through Tverskoy Boulevard and the fighter spoke of the fear that gripped him and his colleagues that day in front of a crowd of 10,000. “We are used to driving students to rallies on the 31st. If the match is a football match, the stand is divided into sectors and no one usually gets into the sector itself - we’ll wait until the fans start to come out one by one, and there we’ll press them in the built corridor, but here there’s such a mass. At some point, they realized that they were stronger than us, a little more - and the riot police would have been crushed,” shares Andrei. He recalls how a soldier standing next to him in the ranks was hit by a fire - the riot policeman returned to the base with a second-degree burn: “But they didn’t want to hospitalize him, because they officially reported that the losses were small, that only 5 riot policemen were wounded, but in fact half of our battalion is now lying down.”
WORD FOR WORD
28-year-old Spartak fan Yegor Sviridov, nicknamed Sedoy, after whose murder the fans came out first to Leningradsky Prospekt and then to Manezhnaya Square, was killed in what was essentially a domestic fight (“word for word” - as his friends say) , when leaving a cafe on Kronstadt Boulevard, shot at point-blank range from a traumatic pistol. Fans admit: “If they had killed the conventional Vasya Pupkin, no one would have paid any attention, they had already gotten used to it. But Egor - a famous person in our midst, one of the leaders of the fan movement. The news of his death instantly spread throughout the “football” Internet and became the last straw.”
“Word for word” - you can’t say it more precisely. On the one hand - “Moscow without chocks!”, “White power!”, “Russians forward!”, on the other - “The Caucasus is strength, Moscow is a grave!”, “To Allah - Akbar!” Such slogans are heard at almost every match of the Russian football Premier League: in Moscow and Vladikavkaz, St. Petersburg and Makhachkala, Rostov and Nalchik. Clashes between Russians and Caucasians took place in last years regularly, but for the first time they reached the walls of the Kremlin.
An employee of the presidential administration, commenting on the situation last week, did not hide his emotions in a conversation with The New Times: “There is real panic in the Kremlin. To be honest, the situation is not under control now. Everything that could be done to prevent riots at “Smolenka” and “Kievskaya” (December 15), it was done, and the massacre in the squares was avoided. But spontaneous clashes in the metro and on the outskirts of Moscow cannot be controlled. For this, the police are not enough - an entire army needs to be driven out into the streets.”
On the morning of December 11, there were no police at all on Manezhnaya Square, although the action of football fans was known about for several days. Why didn’t the authorities react to the information that was circulating on the Internet? Experts differ in their assessments: some believe that the escalation of violence is beneficial for the security forces for the next “tightening of the screws”, others are convinced that the new mayor of Moscow Sobyanin in a cunning way trying to gain control over large shopping centers owned by people from the Caucasus. But facts and analysis of events show: “senseless and merciless riot"happened spontaneously - without a directive from above.
"KILL!"
On December 11 at 11.00, fans of all Moscow clubs, nationalists and their sympathizers came out to Kronstadt Boulevard to honor the memory of the murdered Sviridov. “Everything was calm at the Vodny Stadium,” says one of the protesters, Dmitry Gorin. - They laid flowers at the place of death, shouted “Russia for the Russians!” No pogroms - everything is intelligent.” The fact that the crowd of thousands would then move to Manezhnaya Square came as a surprise to the capital’s authorities.
“Two days before the pogrom on Manezhnaya Square, the police authorities called the leaders of the fan groups of Spartak, CSKA and Dynamo,” the Moscow Main Internal Affairs Directorate told us. - Kolokoltsev himself took part. The fans assured that they would limit the action to Vodny. Therefore, they did not strengthen security measures at Manezhka - they were sure that at most five hundred people would come, yell at them, and disperse.”
The unauthorized rally near the Kremlin walls was scheduled for three o'clock in the afternoon, and two hours earlier, The New Times correspondent who arrived at the scene saw only four (!) police officers on duty near the entrance to shopping mall“Okhotny Ryad” - that’s all the “security measures”. Closer to half past three, a crowd in sweatpants, sneakers, knitted gloves and masks poured out of the subway. By three o’clock in the afternoon, Manezhka was already in smoke from fireworks, someone was firing from a starting pistol at the windows of the Metropol Hotel, and over the Kremlin walls echoed: “Fuck the Caucasus, fuck!”, “Your children will answer for this murder.” !
About forty riot police arrived and blocked the entrances to Red Square, two buses with barred windows drove up from Tverskaya, and from a minibus located near the monument to commander Zhukov the following was heard: “Dear audience! Remember that there are women and children among you!” No one was going to take this into account: feeling complete freedom actions, the crowd only went wild. Three unsuspecting guys of non-Slavic appearance and one girl coming out of the “ Okhotny Ryad“You could say I was “lucky” with my purchases. The fanatic horde caught up with them and began to trample underfoot not far from those riot police who blocked Red Square, and therefore the security forces, although with difficulty, managed to recapture them. When the main forces of the Central Internal Affairs Directorate were pulled into Manezhka and the square was cordoned off entirely, it was already too late - a heated crowd (according to various estimates - from five to ten thousand people) shouting “Kill!” moved towards Okhotny Ryad and organized a breakthrough.
By evening the whole city was “on fire”. The crowd was dispersed from Manezhnaya Square, but it went down to the metro and scattered through the streets: reports of attacks on people of non-Slavic appearance in the Moscow subway and on the outskirts continued until nightfall. According to various estimates, wounded people are taken to hospitals varying degrees From 60 to 100 people were taken seriously. Two “guests of the capital” were killed.
OUT OF CONTROL
The next day, President Medvedev held a closed emergency meeting with security officials. “It was decided to put a “good face on a bad game” so as not to sow panic among the population,” says a source in the AP, “and at the same time work on the organizers of the action and prevent new ones. But at the meeting itself, all the bosses received a beating.”
The trouble is that the “organizers” themselves are no longer able to control anything. That is why Spartak’s “Phratria” disowned performances at Manezhka, and the head of the All-Russian Fans Association, Alexander Shprygin, nicknamed Kamancha, one of the Dynamo leaders, vaguely stated: “Perhaps among those who came to the square were young people who attend football matches , but there were no representatives of fan movements there.” In a different situation, these people would be proud of their participation in organizing the march: there is no doubt that they sympathize with the nationalists.
One of the creators of “Phratria” Ivan Katanaev is nicknamed Combat-18 (1 and 8 are the numerological abbreviation of the name of Adolf Hitler, based on the first letters Latin alphabet). Before he became a functionary, Kamancha also did not hide his ultra-right views (see photo on page 19). But even they were afraid of the consequences. On December 11, neither the leaders of the main fan groups nor the leaders of “ Slavic Union” and DPNI, which officially supported the fans, and even the number of “emperors” could be counted on one hand.
“Everyone came out spontaneously. It’s just that the new generation of young people who go to football has long turned into one big uncontrollable ultra-right crowd,” says a CSKA fan nicknamed Sloenoy, who was once a member of the combat unit of the “N-corps” group (N - “Nazi.” - The New Times) . - There are already about twenty thousand “right” fans in Moscow, and most of them are not members of any organizations and do not obey anyone. Well, let’s say Rabik (the leader of the CSKA fan movement) will say: “Don’t go to Manezhka.” Who will listen to him? For 20-year-old “horses” he is not an authority, many do not know him at all. They read on the Internet that people were going to kill blacks - and they went.” One of those who received a call from the Central Internal Affairs Directorate on the eve of December 11 admitted to The New Times: “The cops were more, we were less confident that after all the groups made statements that there was no need to go to Manezhnaya Square, there no one will go except completely fools. It turned out that there are 10 thousand such “fools”. These are mainly young people from the Moscow region: Orekhovo-Zuevo, Mytishchi. Guys aged 17–22 who do not care about the position of group leaders. According to my information, families even came: father and son.” An interlocutor of The New Times says that information was actively disseminated on fan forums: “It’s enough to scroll through “Russian Style”, “Bukhoy”, “Fanatic”. I know of at least 25 forums only for Spartak fans, and no one can count how many such resources there are, and each has an audience of several thousand people.”
A source close to the presidential administration admits: the security forces have played too much with the “right” and now they don’t know what to do with them. “At one time they began to legalize them: firstly, so as not to get unnecessary hemorrhoids, and secondly, to have controllable fighters at hand. “Feeding” is always more profitable than fighting. But this ultimately led to the fact that the number of “right-wingers” increased in geometric progression. They felt their impunity and strength. They have become hardened in street fights and are no longer afraid of anyone. They are out of control."
Fan Sloenoy confirms that all the leaders of fan groups cooperate with the security forces to one degree or another: “Three years ago I was under investigation for beating a cop. The case was closed in exchange for the fact that my friends and I dispersed unauthorized rallies of the National Bolsheviks and Antifa. I did it for free, others were paid 500 rubles per exit.”
WITH A SICK HEAD
On December 16, Interior Minister Nurgaliev reported to the president that one of the organizers of the riots on Manezhnaya Square, also suspected of murdering Kyrgyz citizen Alisher Shamshiev on December 12, had been detained. But a few hours later it turned out that the organizer of the pogroms was 14 years old, his name was Ilya Kubrakov, nicknamed Stout. Two of his friends were detained with him - schoolboy Grizzly and student Hector.
The apotheosis was an interview with the main Kremlin ideologist Vladislav Surkov, who, in fact, in the early 2000s came up with the idea of forming the first pro-Kremlin youth movement “Walking Together” on the basis of fan groups: “Walking...” were divided into corps, each of which were headed by the leaders of fan associations of Spartak, CSKA, and Dynamo. In an interview with Izvestia, Surkov said: “It’s like the “liberal” public persistently makes unauthorized actions into fashion, and the Nazis and rednecks follow this fashion. The 11th comes from the 31st. What seems like a small thing is not a small thing at all.”
THE CAUCASUS IS STRENGTH?
Meanwhile, the government has lost control over another, no less powerful force- ethnic criminal groups. By official statistics Municipal Department of Internal Affairs, for last year the number of offenses committed in Moscow by visitors increased by 13.5%. In total, “guests of the capital” committed more than 45% of all crimes ( we're talking about only about disclosed ones).
According to Andrei, a soldier of the 2nd battalion of the Moscow riot police, during his duties at the mayor's office on Tverskaya, 13, or on the same Manezhnaya Square, he had the opportunity to detain natives more than once North Caucasus. “At the fountain at the Manege they arrested two Ingush for fighting,” he says. - It turned out they were policemen. They were drinking and waving their service weapons. They took them to the police department, people from the representative office of the President of Ingushetia in Moscow immediately arrived and said: “Give them to us, you don’t need problems, and we’ll sort it out.” The same story with the Dagestanis. As soon as one is detained, 15 relatives come to the department - noise, bazaar, they beat off their own. Once they caught someone like that for robbery, the Dagestan man robbed him of his money and didn’t even run away - he sat down two hundred meters away to drink with his friends. At the police department he was identified from four more incidents. They even opened a case, but then the relatives staged round dances under the windows. We bought it in the end. And with the Chechens in general another story. You just can't touch them. Even when Terek fans come to the away camp, let them riot, even if they stab one of our guys with a knife, but if we “close” even one, our guys in Grozny will be fired at that same evening. It is not surprising that many of my colleagues did not want to fight with fans at Manezhka. They said: “Well, why should we go against them? Are they wrong, or what?”
THE ULNER HAS BURNED
For two weeks now, the Moscow riot police have been working in enhanced mode. After the failure on Leningradka, when General Khaustov trailed behind the fans blocking the roadway, convincing them to at least move onto the sidewalk, and the pogrom on Manezhnaya Square, the leadership of the detachment, according to fighter Andrei, was given a dressing down. At the same time, he confirms the existence of an unspoken order to keep a “good face on a bad game.” He calls the alarm on December 13, when the Central Internal Affairs Directorate forced the fighters to stand in the square for a day without the right to go to the toilet, allegedly because of the threat of new clashes. The leadership of the riot police had to justify themselves for their failures.
For the same reason, on December 15th Smolenskaya Square The riot police "screwed" all the young people coming out of the metro and looking at all suspicious - hence the 1,300 detainees. The fighting did not take place near the Evropeisky shopping center or on the Arbat.
“It was clear that all the cops in Moscow would be driven there,” one of the far-right Spartak fans shared with us. “We are not fools to go there.” He himself and his friends were in the area of the “Park of Culture”, where about 50 people started a fight with people from the Caucasus.
Similar (though less significant) clashes occurred at Frunzenskaya, VDNH, Shchelkovskaya and Tretyakovskaya. Reports of attempts by nationalists to organize unauthorized marches came from Vladimir and Solnechnogorsk. All last week, young people in masks put up stickers in the subway: “Whoever you root for, remember: first of all, you are Russian!” They have already begun to forget about Yegor Sviridov. Even more so about the native of Kabardino-Balkaria, Aslan Cherkesov, who was detained for murder. The abscess that had been brewing for a long time burst and burst out. And the call to “Please think again!” - hardly a sufficient remedy to heal it.
Barabanov Ilya, Levkovich Evgeniy
| March 23, 2016 |
There is a well-known saying: “Russian revolt, senseless and merciless.” And due to some musical consonance of our musical Russian language, another phrase comes to mind: “The Russian Kremlin, senseless and merciless.” Of course, this is a conventional figure of speech. This is not about the Kremlin. We are talking about President Putin, about his appointees, about his entire team, about all their policies, about the state of the country - senseless and merciless.
Well, in fact, you ask the question: “What is the meaning of life in modern Russia? What are its highest values? What are its goals? What are its strategies? Where is the country going? What lies ahead?” After all, it must be written somewhere in official documents, the Presidential Address must say where the country is going. We conduct brainstorming sessions, I often practice asking ordinary people - a taxi driver, a neighbor, a casual acquaintance: “What is the goal of the country’s development, which the official authorities even seem to be trying to indicate with some phrases? Where? the country is coming? Where are they leading it?" So there is no goal. All the chatter about democracy, about the market is already a thing of the past, because it is already clear that instead of democracy - Churov, and instead of democratically elected representatives of the people - a new nomenclature of United Russia modeled on the CPSU - cynical , inept, selfish, career people who will vote for anything, will vote this way now, and in half an hour - exactly the opposite, for example, on sending troops to Ukraine or on affairs in Syria. No democracy.
What kind of democracy is this? The people say, even business says: “There is no money! The Central Bank of Russia is committing sabotage!” And the President of Russia says: “Sha! The Central Bank is doing everything right. The world’s best experts confirm that it is doing everything right.” How to understand this?
Business speaks. We held a Russian business meeting. The Stolypin Club stated the same thing. At the level of 90% of the unanimous opinion, business says: “The Central Bank of Russia is a saboteur. It has squeezed the money supply. It makes an insane discount rate. It has eliminated the credit circuit of working and investment credit in the country. It is impossible to develop.” And they answer us: “No. Everything is correct. Everything is fine.” Some kind of nonsense. Russian cash reserves are transferred abroad, including government reserves, at a 1% rate of return, and Russian businesses borrow abroad at a 4% rate of return. And from the Central Bank of Russia, from commercial banks within the country - at 25%. What is it? It's not even nonsense. This is kind of crazy. But it says: “No. Everything is correct.” They - the Central Bank, Nabiullina and Putin, following her - say: “We are targeting inflation.” “Targeting” means aiming, shooting, fighting, crushing inflation. And how do they do it? Click - devaluation of the ruble, inflation is increased three times, but at the same time they say in good faith: “We are targeting inflation.” And they themselves increase it three times. What kind of madhouse is this?
At the same time, prices for medicines, imported clothing, imported food, Construction Materials(about a fifth of gross domestic product was imported) increased two to three times. People say “Boom!”, and people stop eating and reduce food consumption. And President Putin asks the King of Morocco: “What is this? Why has the supply of fruit from Morocco to Russia decreased?” Yes, it has decreased, because your people, Vladimir Vladimirovich, cannot afford a penny to buy these fruits, because they are poor, because the income of the population has fallen by 10%, because effective demand has disappeared, because your Central Bank of Russia, your appointee - Nabiullina has strangled Russian finances and the economy, and you are asking the King of Morocco what the reason is.
The President explained to us in 2014 that there would be no decline in oil prices. And the recession thundered and hit this comprador non-sovereign oil economy that Putin had been growing for 15 years. Well, then go back to those words you said! At least talk to the experts! It was explained recently at a meeting with the Popular Front. It turns out that oil prices have fallen because of global stagnation of development. China's economy, it turns out, has become less dependent on oil. What kind of nonsense is this? The global rate of variability and the rate of decline in oil do not correspond in any way. It is clear to a first-year student that such processes cannot be explained by such a process. What kind of nonsense is this?