Welcome to the blog site! I have long wanted to write an article about what the password for an account should be so that it would be very difficult to hack it. This article will teach you how to create a complex password. We will look at techniques that will help not only make your password secure, but also not difficult for you to remember.

Now we can no longer imagine our life without the Internet. Almost every site requests registration. The most popular resources are social networks. Every day, millions of users log into their accounts. We risk making a lot of mistakes by sending important data in messages. It’s good to have a complex password for VK or another popular social network, this helps protect yourself from intruders.

Several password complication methods

What should the password be? This question is asked by hundreds of Internet users. Distinguish the following types passwords:

• alphabetic;
• symbolic;
• digital;
• combined (combination of previous options);
• register usage.

The first three types do not inspire confidence. It too simple ways create a password. Due to inexperience, we make mistakes and set them up. Okay, this will be a “password” for an account on a forum or other similar place. And, if this is the entrance to a bank office, all your money will be lost. The only thing that saves you is that the security service of such sites has developed a system for rejecting easy passwords.

Letters, numbers and symbols

A combination of letters, symbols and numbers is the most secure type of password. You have to seriously rack your brain to guess it.

Experienced “users” advise beginners to use this particular combination. Also, don't make it too short. A long combination will allow you to keep your data and correspondence safe from third parties.

The main thing is not to use the banal phrases below:

• "123";
• "123456";
• "321";
• "qwerty";
• "asdfg".

These and other similar sets of characters from the keyboard guarantee hacking. It’s not just you who come to mind first, but hundreds of people. Can't even figure them out special program, and usually an ill-wisher.

How to choose a password for mail or other type of authorization? This issue is worth tackling on your own. Several more password complication options will help.

Register

Before entering your username and password, you should pay attention to the case sensitivity of some forms. Combining uppercase and lowercase letters will make the password more secure.

Writing Secret word, think about its diversity. Alternate capital and small letters one or more at a time. This method will seriously upset online villains.

The most annoying thing is if you forget the order yourself. According to the recommendation of experienced users, it is worth making the first character uppercase, the second lowercase, and then alternate one at a time. This advice It’s better to take note so as not to rack your brains later.

You can do without introducing case features into the “password”, but this is still another method to increase the complexity of the password.

Changelings

The date of birth that any user will remember is the most banal and simplest way. If you play it correctly, it can turn out to be a good option. Using the “reversal”, many have managed to create a winning password that is unlikely to be solved.

The method is based on writing characters in reverse order. Choose any date, for example, when you were born and type the text backwards. If you have the phrase “081978” in mind, then turning it over, we get “879180”. It is quite easy to remember how to write such a password.

Let's consider other more complex ideas. Let's assume that the password is based on your first and last name. We type, already knowing the technique using the register - “PeTrPeTrOv”. Now let’s apply the “changeover” tactics. We use the date, for example, when the user was born - February 21, 1982. Plus we’ll add symbols to everything. At the end we get the following example password - “PeTrPeTrOv!28912012”. The result was stunning, because for the “user” it is simple and easy, but not for attackers.

Check the strength and security of your password using online services:

• https://password.kaspersky.com/ru/
• https://howsecureismypassword.net/

Encryption

What should the password be? Let's find out another one great way. Let's look at the principle of encryption. In fact, all the previously discussed methods have something in common with this. Here we will show what passwords are by encrypting phrases.

We take the most meaningless and unique phrase that will easily be remembered. Let there be “space cockroaches”. You can use any lines from songs and poems, preferably not very well known.

Then we apply a code to our phrase. Let's look at a few surefire ways:

• rewriting a Russian word on an English layout;
• "shifter";
• replacing letters with symbols that are similar in appearance (for example, “o” - “()”, “i” - “!”, “a” - “@”);
• removing paired or unpaired characters;
• dropping consonants or vowels;
• addition of special characters and numbers.

So, let's think of a few words with meaning - “space cockroaches”. We take 4 letters from each, we get “komtara”. Switch to English language and retype it - “rjcvnfhf”. We complicate it by starting the cipher with a capital letter and adding symbols.

This is what the password should be, using the example of the originally conceived phrase - “Rjcvnfhf@955”.

A reliable combination has been invented with big amount characters. The strength of the password is checked using special services, for example, passwodmetr.com. The combination, as we were able to do, was not easy for the scammers to guess, since the user’s personal data is not involved. But for the “user” such a “password” is a godsend, since remembering such a reliable password will not be difficult.

Generator

For those who don't want to spend extra time to think about it, developers have long invented complex password generators. This method provides some degree of reliability. The best ones are still considered to be “passwords” invented by one’s own mind.

What is a generator and how to use it? This is a smart program that displays random passwords - completely random combinations. He uses many of the methods discussed, but does not take into account “turnovers”.

The complex password generator is downloaded from the Internet. For example, let's take "keepass". Like any other generator, it is not difficult to operate. The application and the generation itself are launched by pressing a special button. After the operation is completed, the PC issues a password option. The only thing left to do is to enter the resulting combination in unchanged form or with additions.

Difficult passwords created by the iron friend are very difficult to remember. Rarely does anyone keep them in their mind; more often they have to be written down. There are usually a lot of passwords, because we don’t sit on one site and constantly register again and again on other resources. Therefore, storing a bunch of such information is not convenient for everyone. You can completely lose all the papers with notes.

There is one way out with storage - print them in a computer file. This is one of the most reliable cases. You just have to remember that the PC system does not last forever and also becomes unusable.

All methods for creating complex passwords have already been discussed above, and you can create an email password that will reliably protect your data from third parties.

Here are some useful tips for creating passwords:

• don't mention personal information about the user (names of relatives, names of pets, phone numbers, addresses, dates of birth, etc.);
• You cannot use the Cyrillic alphabet in your password;
• do not use phrases that can be easily calculated using a dictionary of popular passwords (yaster, love, alfa, samsung, cat, mercedes and other similar ones, as well as their other derivatives and combinations);
• take into account the length of characters - preferably at least 10;
• complicate the password using a combination of various methods - capital and lower case, numbers, symbols;
• do not use the most common passwords - templates, think original (a robot that calculates your password cannot be as smart as a person).

TASS-DOSSIER /Elnara Gulieva/. The Taliban is a radical Islamist movement operating in Afghanistan and Pakistan. It emerged in 1994. Its first members were recruited from among Afghan refugees who fled Afghanistan due to the 1979-1989 war. and received religious education in a madrasah in Pakistan. The name of the movement comes from the Arabic "talib" - student.

The goals of the movement were declared to be the removal from power of the government of Burhanuddin Rabbani (President of Afghanistan in 1992-2001) and the introduction of strict Islamic legislation in the country. The first military clashes between government troops and Taliban detachments occurred in the fall of 1994. In September 1996, the militants occupied Kabul and until 2001 they were in fact in power, declaring the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Their government was recognized only by Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the United United Arab Emirates. In the territory controlled by the Taliban, a regime was established based on strict implementation of Sharia law. The movement received support from Pakistan, and since 1996 from Osama bin Laden, who led the al-Qaeda terrorist group. Since 1996, the movement has been led by Mohammad Umar, also known as Mullah Omar.

After the terrorist attacks organized by al-Qaeda in the United States on September 11, 2001 and the refusal to hand over bin Laden, who was hiding in Afghanistan, the United States and Great Britain began on October 7, 2001. military operation"Enduring Freedom" against the Taliban. By December 2001, the Taliban regime was overthrown, the militants went to the mountains and began a guerrilla war. Many Taliban and al-Qaeda members have fled to Pakistani territory. Despite the military operation of NATO forces in Afghanistan, the Taliban have regained influence in some areas. Already in 2005, having gained control over a number of areas in the northwestern part of Pakistan, the Taliban actually created a “state within a state” there - the “Islamic State of Waziristan”. Until 2015, the movement opposed NATO forces in Afghanistan, and currently continues to wage war with Afghan and Pakistani government forces.

On July 7, 2015, in Islamabad (Pakistan), with the mediation of the United States and China, the first round of direct negotiations was held between representatives of the Afghan government and the Taliban movement on the prospects for a ceasefire and a peaceful settlement. The second round of negotiations is expected to take place on July 31 in the mountain resort of Mari near Islamabad. Today, according to various estimates, the number of Taliban militants ranges from 25 to 40 thousand people. Since 1999, the Taliban movement has been subject to UN sanctions. In 2003, it was designated a terrorist organization by the UN and Russia (not included in the US list of terrorist organizations).

History of the Taliban movement

http://antiterror.ntvru.com/article/19.html

The Taliban movement originated in the city of Kandahar in the first half of the 1990s.

According to the official version, Mullah Mohammad Omar (a former mujahid who lost an eye in the Soviet-Afghan war) gathered a small group of radical Islamic students - “disciples of Allah” - and led them into battle for the purification of Islam and the establishment of godly power in the country.

The word "Taliban" just means "student". According to the unofficial version, the Taliban went into their first battle to recapture the women kidnapped from their village.

It has often been suspected in the media around the world that the rapid rise of the Taliban was the result of the work of the Pakistani secret service, which at one time supported the Mujahideen in their war against Soviet intervention.

What is known for certain is that the Taliban army was supplied with weapons by the Pakistani government, and by Saudi Arabia with money.

Western European journalists in the late 90s argued that the United States stood behind Pakistan and the Saudis during the formative years of the Taliban, although official Washington did everything possible to keep a low profile.

The main explanation then was: gas is a new factor in the strategic game. The newly independent state of Turkmenistan, as it turns out, has large gas reserves and is seeking to export it, bypassing Russia, which pays for supplies in rubles.

Pakistan desperately needs gas and is also seeking to become a market for Central Asia through its port in Karachi and the new port in Gwadar.

At that time, the American company United Oil of California (UNOCAL) teamed up with the Saudi company Delta to build a gas pipeline that would connect Turkmenistan with the Indian Ocean.

The old coalition from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and the United States, which supported the Afghan mujahideen, seemed to be reconstituted around the Taliban fundamentalists. Moreover, the Taliban are not Mujahideen at all.

The Taliban emerged as an anti-Mujahideen movement. The first task of Mohammad Omar's group was to kill the mujahideen leader and his men who had attacked three women in Kandahar.

The event had a symbolic meaning: the corrupt and power-hungry mujahideen “raped” Afghanistan and betrayed the ideas of the Koran. Initially, a small movement of “disciples of Allah” found a response among the masses. By February 95, half of the Afghan provinces in the south were occupied by the Taliban, and Kabul was surrounded. The government then managed to repel this attack, but not for long.

The Taliban began military operations after the Pakistani government announced the opening of a trade route through Afghanistan to Central Asia (that is, the former Soviet republics- Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan).

Relations between the governments of Pakistan and Afghanistan deteriorated. Thousands of Taliban fighters came from Pakistan. There were about 30 thousand people in its ranks, they also had two hundred tanks and several aircraft (trophies captured from the Mujahideen).

In September 1996, the rapidly growing party captured Kabul. Only the north of Afghanistan (10-15% of the territory) remained outside their control.

Rabbani's government was forced to move to the north of the country, to Taliqan. After the fighters of the Hazara group Hezbe Wahdat in early 2001 recaptured the cities of Yakolang and Bamiyan, which have an important strategic position on the way from Kabul to the north of the country, the Northern Alliance had a chance to stop the further advance of the Taliban.

However, the death of Rabbani as a result of an assassination attempt in September 2001 significantly weakened the Northern Alliance; the will and authority of the deceased were considered perhaps the main force that held together the alliance’s groups of different ethnic and religious composition.

In the spring of 2001, a third party temporarily appeared on the political scene - the former king of Afghanistan Zahir Shah, who agreed to form a government in exile.

It was then reported that a Loya Jirga was planned - a meeting of representatives of prominent Afghan leaders, politicians and spiritual authorities in exile to prepare a new constitution and hold general elections. But then information about the fate of this initiative stopped coming.

Taliban. Islam, oil and the new Great Game Central Asia. Rashid Ahmed

Chapter 1. Kandahar, 1994 Origin of the Taliban

Chapter 1. Kandahar, 1994

Origins of the Taliban

Mullah Mohammad Hassan Rahmani, governor of Kandahar under the Taliban, has strange habit move the table in front of him with his only healthy leg. By the end of any conversation, the wooden table has time to make a dozen circles around his chair. Hassan's habit may have been caused by psychological need constantly feel that he still has a leg, or he is simply exercising, constantly moving his only healthy leg.

Hassan's second limb is wooden, in the style of one-eyed John Silver, the pirate from Stevenson's Treasure Island. This is an old tree stump. The varnish that previously covered it had long since worn off, scratches appeared in many places and pieces of wood broke off - undoubtedly from frequent walking on the rocky ground near the provincial government. Hassan, one of the oldest Taliban leaders and one of the few who still fought against Soviet troops, is one of the founders of the Taliban and is considered the second-in-command of the movement after his old friend, Mullah Omar.

Hassan lost his leg in 1989 near Kandahar, just before the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan. Despite the widespread availability of new prosthetics, supplied in abundance by charities for millions of Afghan cripples, Hassan says he prefers his wooden leg. In addition to his leg, he lost the tip of his finger, torn off by shrapnel. The Taliban leadership can rightfully be considered to include greatest number disabled people, and his guests don’t know whether to laugh or cry. Mullah Omar lost an eye in 1989 from a nearby rocket explosion. Justice Minister Nuruddin Torabi and former Foreign Minister Mohammad Ghaus are also one-eyed. Kabul Mayor Abdul Majid lost a leg and two fingers. Other leaders, even army commanders, have similar disabilities.

The Taliban's wounds are a constant reminder of twenty years of war that cost the country one and a half million lives and devastated it. The Soviet Union spent $5 billion a year to subdue the Mujahideen, or about $45 billion over all the years, and lost. The US invested $4–5 billion in aid to the mujahideen during 1980–1992. Saudi Arabia spent the same amount, and together with the help of other European and Islamic countries, the Mujahideen received more than 10 billion dollars. Much of this aid was in the form of modern, lethal weapons given to ordinary peasants, who used them to great effect.

The battle wounds of Taliban leaders also reflect the brutality of fighting in the Kandahar region in the 1980s. Unlike the Ghilzais in the east and around Kabul, the Durrani Pashtuns of the south and Kandahar received much less help from the CIA and the West, who supplied the Mujahideen with weapons, ammunition, money and organized logistical and medical support. The Pakistani intelligence service was in charge of distributing aid. ISI, which considered Kandahar a less important theater of operations and was suspicious of the Durranis. As a result, the closest place where the wounded Kandahar Mujahideen could receive medical care, was the Pakistani city of Quetta, two days' journey on a bone-shaker camel. Even now, first aid is rare among the Taliban, there are too few doctors, and there is no field surgery. The only practicing doctors in the country are in the hospitals of the International Committee of the Red Cross.

I happened to be in Kandahar in December 1979 and saw how the first Soviet tanks entered it. The young Soviet soldiers traveled for two days from Soviet Turkmenistan to Herat and from there to Kandahar along a metal-paved highway built by the Soviets in the 1960s. Many soldiers were from Central Asia. They climbed out of their tanks, took off their overalls and went to a nearby shop to drink green tea - a staple drink in both Afghanistan and Central Asia. The Afghans at the bazaar stood and watched, dumbfounded. 27th of December soviet special forces stormed the palace of President Hafizullah Amin in Kabul, killed him and installed Babrak Karmal as president.

The resistance that began near Kandahar relied on the Durrani tribal structure. In Kandahar, the fight against the Soviets was a tribal jihad led by chiefs and ulema (senior clergy), and not an ideological jihad led by Islamists. There were seven Mujahideen parties in Peshawar that were recognized by Pakistan and received a share of the aid coming from the CIA. It is significant that none of these parties was led by Durrani Pashtuns. There were supporters of each of the seven parties in Kandahar, but the most popular were those based on tribal relations, namely Harkat-e-Inqilab Islami(Islamic Revolution Movement), led by Maulavi Mohammad Nabi Mohammad and, and another, Hizb-i-Islami(Party of Islam), led by Maulavi Yunus Khales. Before the war, both leaders were well known in the tribal zone and led their madrasah, or religious schools.

For the southern warlords, party affiliation was determined by which of the Peshawar leaders provided money and weapons. Mullah Omar joined Hizb-i-Islami Khalesa, and Mullah Hasan entered into Harakat."I knew Omar very well, but we fought in different squads and on different fronts, although sometimes we fought together,” said Hasai. The National Islamic Front was also popular (Mahaz-i-Milli) led by Pir Saeed Ahmad Ghelani, who stood for the return of former king Zaher Shah and for the king to lead the Afghan resistance - something Pakistan and the CIA strongly opposed. Former king lived in Rome and remained popular among the Kandaharis, who hoped that his return would establish Durrani leadership.

Controversies between the Pashtun leadership of the Mujahideen led to a weakening of the Pashtuns’ position in further progress war. Ulema valued early Islamic ideals and rarely challenged traditional Afghan institutions such as the Loya Jirga. They were much more friendly towards national minorities. Islamists condemned tribalism and followed radical political doctrine, who preached Islamic revolution in Afghanistan. Their policy of excluding all dissenters aroused suspicion among minorities.

Harakat did not have a stable party structure and was rather a fragile alliance of field commanders and tribal leaders, many of whom received only the rudiments of education in madrasah. On the contrary, Golbuddin Hekmatyar turned Hizb-i-Islami into a secret, strictly centralized political organization, whose cadres were recruited among the educated urban Pashtuns. Before the war, the Islamists had almost no public support in Afghanistan, but, receiving money and weapons from the CIA and Pakistan, they quickly acquired it and enjoyed enormous influence in the country. Traditionalists and Islamists fought each other so mercilessly that by 1994 the traditional elite in Kandahar was completely destroyed, thus making way for even more radical Islamists - the Taliban.

The Battle of Kandahar was also determined by the history of this city. Kandahar is Afghanistan's second largest city, with a population of approximately 250,000 before the war and twice that number now. Old city exists since 500 BC. BC, but just 35 miles away is Mundigak, a Bronze Age settlement dating back to 3000 BC. e. and belonged to the ancient Indus Valley Civilization. The Kandaharis have always been outstanding traders, as their city lies at the crossroads of ancient trade routes - east through the Bolan Pass into Sindh, to the Arabian Sea and India, and west to Herat and Iran. The city has been a traditional meeting place for the arts and crafts of India and Iran, and the city's many bazaars have been famous for centuries.

The new city has changed little since it was founded on a grand scale in 1761 by Ahmad Shah Durrani, founder of the Durrani dynasty. The fact that the Kandahar Durranis created the Afghan state and ruled it for 300 years gave the Kandaharis a special position among the Pashtuns. As a sign of respect for your hometown Kabul kings freed the Kandaharis from mandatory military service. Ahmad Shah's mausoleum overlooks the central bazaar, and thousands of Afghans still come here to pray and pay tribute to the father of the nation.

Next to his tomb stands the Shrine of the Prophet Muhammad's Cloak, one of the most sacred places in Afghanistan. The cloak is taken out of the temple in a very in rare cases, for example, were carried out in 1929, when King Amanullah tried to unite the tribes around him, or in 1935, at the height of the cholera epidemic. But in 1996, to establish himself as the God-given leader of the Afghan people, Mullah Omar produced the Cloak and showed it to a large crowd of Taliban, who gave him the title Amir-ul-Mu'mineen, or Leader of the Faithful.

But the main thing that Kandahar is famous for among other cities is its orchards. Kandahar lies in an oasis located in the middle of the desert, where it is incredibly hot in summer, but around the city there are green fields and shady gardens where grapes, melons, mulberries, figs, peaches and pomegranates grow, famous throughout India and throughout Iran. Kandahar pomegranates were depicted in Persian manuscripts written a thousand years ago, and were served at dinner to the viceroys of British India in the nineteenth century. Kandahar truck drivers, who provided crucial financial support to the Taliban in their fight to conquer the country, began their activity in the last century, transporting Kandahar fruit to Delhi and Kolkata.

The gardens had a complex irrigation system, which was maintained in great order until the Soviets and Mujahideen mined the fields, after which villager fled to Pakistan and the gardens were abandoned. Kandahar remains one of the most heavily mined cities in the world. Among the flat terrain, orchards and irrigation canals provided cover for the Mujahideen, who quickly captured the rural area and isolated the Soviet garrison in the city. The Soviets responded by cutting down thousands of trees and destroying the irrigation system. When refugees returned to their devastated gardens after 1990, they were forced to grow opium poppies to earn a living. This is how one of the main sources of income for the Taliban arose.

The departure of the Soviets in 1989 was followed by a long struggle with the regime of President Najibullah, which lasted until his overthrow in 1992 and the occupation of Kabul by the Mujahideen. One of the main reasons for the ensuing civil war was that Kabul fell not into the hands of the well-armed and quarreling Pashtun parties from Peshawar, but under the control of the better organized and unified Tajiks of Burhanuddin Rabbani and his commander-in-chief, Ahmad Shah Massoud, and the Uzbeks north, led by General Rashid Dostom. For Pashtuns it became terrible psychological trauma, as they lost control of the capital for the first time in 300 years. Civil war began almost immediately when Hekmatyar attempted to unite the Pashtuns and laid siege to Kabul, mercilessly bombarding it.

Afghanistan was in the process of almost completely disintegrating when the Taliban emerged in 1994. The country was divided into fiefdoms of warlords who fought, fled from one side to the other and fought again in an endless series of alliances, betrayals and bloodshed. The predominantly Tajik government of President Burhanuddin Rabbani controlled Kabul, its environs and the northeast of the country, while the three western provinces, centered on Herat, were subordinate to Ismail Khan. In the east, the three Pashtun provinces bordering Pakistan were governed by an independent mujahideen council (Shura) based in Jalalabad. A small area south and east of Kabul was controlled by Golbuddin Hekmatyar.

In the north, the Uzbek warlord General Rashid Dostom ruled six provinces, and in January 1994 he betrayed the Rabbani government and allied with Hekmatyar to attack Kabul. In central Afghanistan, the Hazaras controlled the Bamiyan province. Southern Afghanistan and Kandahar were divided among many small field commanders from former mujahideen and gang leaders who robbed and ruined the people at their own discretion. Since the tribal structure and economy had been destroyed, there was no harmony among the Pashtun leaders, and Pakistan was unwilling to give the Durranis the same assistance that it had given to Hekmatyar, the southern Pashtuns were in a state of war of all against all.

Even international charity organisations were afraid to work in Kandahar because the city itself was divided between warring factions. Their leaders sold everything they could to Pakistani traders, removed telephone wires and poles, cut down trees, sold entire factories with their equipment and even asphalt rollers for scrap metal. Bandits seized houses and land, threw their owners out and distributed them to their supporters. The commanders committed arbitrariness, kidnapped young girls and boys to satisfy their lust, robbed merchants in the bazaar and carried out massacres in the streets. Refugees not only did not return from Pakistan, on the contrary, new streams of them rushed from Kandahar to Quetta.

For the powerful trucking mafia based in Quetta and Kandahar, this situation was intolerable. In 1993, I was driving from Quetta to Kandahar and over 130 miles we were stopped by more than 20 different gangs who strung chains across the road and demanded payment for free passage. The transport mafia that tried to open trade routes between Quetta, Iran and newly independent Turkmenistan, found itself unable to do business.

For those Mujahideen who fought against the Najibullah regime and then returned home or continued to study in madrasah Quetta or Kandahar, the situation was particularly annoying. “We all knew each other - Mullah Omar, Ghaus, Mohammad Rabbani (not a relative of President Rabbani) and I - since we all came from the province of Uruzgan and fought together,” said Mullah Hasan. - I went to Quetta and back, studied there in different madrasah, but when we got together, we always discussed the terrible life of our people under the control of these bandits. We shared the same beliefs and got along well with each other, so we quickly came to the decision that we had to do something.”

Mullah Mohammad Ghaus, the one-eyed Taliban foreign minister, said much the same thing: “We sat for a long time and discussed how to change this terrible situation. Before we started, we only had the most general idea about what needs to be done, and we thought that nothing would work out for us, but we worked for the sake of Allah, we were his disciples. We have achieved so much because Allah helped us,” said Gaus.

Other mujahideen groups in the south discussed the same problems. “Many people were looking for a solution. I came from Kalat in the province of Zabul (85 miles north of Kandahar) and entered madrasah, but things were so bad that we abandoned our studies and spent all our time with our friends talking about what needed to be done,” said Mullah Mohammad Abbas, who later became the minister of health in Kabul. - The previous leadership of the Mujahideen failed to establish peace. Then I and a group of friends went to Herat to the Shura, which was convened by Ismail Khan, but it did not come to any decision, and things went worse and worse. Then we came to Kandahar, talked to Mullah Omar and joined him.”

After much discussion, these diverse but deeply concerned people came up with an agenda that remains the Taliban's agenda: restore peace, disarm the population, establish Sharia law, and ensure the unity and Islamic character of Afghanistan. Since most of them studied at madrasah, the name they chose was quite natural. Talib - this is a student, a student, one who seeks knowledge, as opposed to a mullah who gives knowledge. By choosing this name, the Taliban ( plural from Taliban) separated himself from the politicking of the Mujahideen and made it clear that they were a movement for the purification of society, and not a party to seize power.

All those who gathered around Mullah Omar were children of jihad, deeply disillusioned by the factional struggle and banditry to which the Mujahideen leaders they had revered in the past had indulged in. They saw themselves as those who must save and cleanse society from the filth of partisanship and corruption, corrupt social structures, and return him to the path of true Islam. Many of them were born in refugee camps in Pakistan, studied in Pakistani madrasah and learned the craft of war from the Mujahideen parties based in Pakistan. Therefore, the young Taliban had little knowledge of their own country, its history, but madrasah they heard about the ideal Islamic society created by the Prophet Muhammad 1,400 years ago - and that is what they wanted to build.

According to some Taliban, Omar was chosen as leader not for his political or military abilities, but because of his piety and steadfast adherence to Islam. “We have chosen Mullah Omar to lead this movement. He was first among equals, and we gave him the power to lead us, and he gave us the power and authority to solve the problems of the people,” Mullah Hasan said. Mullah Omar himself explained to Pakistani journalist Rahimullah Yusafzai: “We took up arms to achieve the goals of the Afghan jihad, to save our people from further suffering at the hands of the so-called mujahideen. We deeply believe in Almighty God. We always remember this. He can bless us with victory or throw us into the abyss of defeat,” Omar said.

No head of state is surrounded today by such a veil of secrecy as Mullah Mohammad Omar. Having reached the age of 39, he had never been photographed or met with Western diplomats or journalists. His first meeting with a UN official took place in 1998, when he spoke with UN Special Representative Lakhdar Brahimi to prevent a military attack from Iran that was threatening the Taliban. Omar lives in Kandahar and has only visited the capital twice and only briefly. Simply gathering facts about his life has become a full-time activity for many Afghans and Western diplomats.

Omar was born around 1959 in the village of Nodeh near Kandahar: into a family of poor, landless peasants from the Hotaki tribe of the Ghilzai branch of Pashtuns. The Hotaki chief, Mir Wais, captured Isfahan in Iran in 1721 and created the first Afghan Ghilzai empire in Iran, but was soon replaced by Ahmad Shah Durrani. Omar didn't occupy high position in the tribe and in society, and the noble Kandaharians said that they had never heard of his family. During the jihad of the 1980s, his family moved to the city of Tarinkot in Uruzgan province - one of the most backward and inaccessible places in the country, where Soviet troops rarely penetrated. His father died when he was still a young man, leaving him as the sole protector of his mother and the entire family.

In search of work, he moved to the village of Singezar in Maiwand district, Kandahar province, became the village mullah and opened a small madrasah. His own studies in Kandahar madrasah interrupted twice, first by the Soviet invasion and then by the creation of the Taliban. Omar joined the party Hizb-i-Islami Khales and fought under the command of Mohammad Nek against the Najibullah regime from 1989 to 1992. He received four wounds, one of them in the eye, which he then lost sight of.

Despite the Taliban's successes, Singezar is like any other Pashtun village. The houses are made of raw bricks and stand behind high fences - a traditional Pashtun defensive structure. Narrow, dusty alleys, filled with liquid mud when it rains, connect the houses with each other. Madrasah Omara is still in operation - it is a mud hut, where mattresses lie on the dirt floor on which the students sleep. Omar has three wives, they still live in the village and are completely hidden under the covers. His first and third wives are from Uruzgan, but his second teenage wife, Guljana, whom he took in 1995, is from Singezar. He has five children and they all study at his madrasah.

A tall, well-built man with a long black beard and black turban, Omar has a sarcastic wit and subtle humor. He is very shy with strangers and especially foreigners, but is accessible to the Taliban. When the movement began, he delivered the Friday sermon in the main mosque of Kandahar and met with the people, but then he became a recluse and almost never left the administration building in Kandahar, where he lived. On rare visits to his native village, he is accompanied by dozens of bodyguards in expensive Japanese jeeps with tinted windows.

At Shura meetings, Omar speaks little and listens more to what others say. Due to his shyness, he is a poor speaker and, despite the legends surrounding him, does not have much charisma. He spends his day doing business in a small office in the administration building. At first he sat on the floor with the visitors, but now he sits on the bed, and the others on the floor - this emphasizes his status. He has several secretaries who record his conversations with commanders, ordinary soldiers, clergy and petitioners, and the room is filled with the crackle of radio stations through which he communicates with military commanders throughout the country.

Things are conducted like this: after lengthy discussions, a “chit” is composed - a piece of paper on which is written either an order to go on an attack, or an instruction to the Taliban governor to help the petitioner, or a letter to the UN mediator. Official letters to foreign embassies in Islamabad are often dictated by Pakistani advisers.

At the beginning of the movement, I collected a large collection of “cheats” written on cigarette packs and wrapping paper, which allowed me to travel from city to city. Now documents are written on more decent paper. Next to Omar stands a zinc box, from which he takes out piles of Afghani banknotes and distributes them to commanders and petitioners. IN days success, another zinc box appears - with dollars. These two boxes contain the Taliban treasury.

On important meetings he sits next to Omar confidant and the official representative is Mullah Wakil Ahmad. Vakil, originally from the Kakar tribe, was a student madrasah and studied with Omar, then became his adjutant, driver, translator, stenographer and food taster in case of poisoning. He quickly advanced in his career, began talking with visiting foreign diplomats, traveling around the country, meeting with Taliban commanders and Pakistani representatives. As Omar's spokesman, he is in charge of the Taliban's communications with foreign journalists and punishes them if he thinks they criticize the Taliban too harshly. Vakil is Omar's eyes and ears and his gatekeeper. No Afghan, no matter what position he occupies, can get to Omar without going through Wakil.

Now there is a whole series of myths and stories about how Omar gathered a small group of Taliban to fight the violent warlords. The most reliable story, repeated by many, is this: in the spring of 1994, neighbors from Singezar told him that a warlord had kidnapped two girls, taken them to a camp, shaved their heads and given them to soldiers for fun. Omar raised 30 students armed with 16 rifles and attacked the camp, freeing the girls and hanging the leader from the barrel of a tank gun. They captured a lot of weapons and equipment. “We fought against Muslims who fell into error. How could we remain calm when we see the violence committed against women and the poor?” - Omar said later.

A few months later, two warlords came to blows on the streets of Kandahar over a boy they each wanted to molest. Several civilians were killed in the battle. Omar's group freed the boy, and people began calling the Taliban for help in other similar cases. Omar became a hero like Robin Hood, protecting poor people from rapists. His credibility grew as he did not demand payment from those he helped, but asked them to join him and build a just Islamic society.

At the same time, Omar's envoys probed the mood of other field commanders. His colleagues visited Herat and met with Ismail Khan, and in September Mohammad Rabbani, one of the founders of the movement, visited Kabul and spoke with President Rabbani. The isolated Kabul government was ready to help any Pashtuns who might oppose Hekmatyar, who continued to shell Kabul, and promised to help the Taliban with money if they turned their weapons on Hekmatyar.

But basically the Taliban was associated with Pakistan, where many of its representatives grew up, studied in madrasah, led by quicksilver Maulana Fazlur Rahman and his fundamentalist party Jamiat-e-Ulema Islam (JUI)), which enjoyed great support among the Pashtuns of Balochistan and the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP). In addition, Maulana Rahman was a political ally of Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and had access to the government, army and intelligence, to which he described the emerging saving force.

Pakistan's Afghan policy was in a quandary. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, successive Pakistani governments have attempted to open a land route to the Central Asian republics. The main obstacle was the ongoing civil war in Afghanistan, through which all roads passed. Pakistani politicians were faced with a strategic choice. Either Pakistan continues to support Hekmatyar to bring a friendly Pashtun government to power in Kabul, or he changes course and demands a compromise between all Afghan parties, no matter what the price the Pashtuns have to pay for it. Such a stable government will open roads to Central Asia.

The Pakistani military believed that other nations would not complete the task and continued to support Hekmatyar. About 20 percent of the Pakistani army consists of Pakistani Pashtuns, and the Pashtun and Islamic lobbies in the army and intelligence were determined to ensure a Pashtun victory in Afghanistan. However, by 1994, it became clear that Hekmatyar had failed and was defeated on the battlefield, and the majority of Pashtuns, divided by his extremism, did not approve of him. Pakistan was tired of supporting a loser and began to look among the Pashtuns for a force capable of representing Pakistani interests.

When Benazir Bhutto was elected prime minister in 1993, she was all for opening the route to Central Asia. The shortest road led from Peshawar to Kabul, through the Hindu Kush ridge to Mazar-i-Sharif, then to Termez and Tashkent, but this road was closed due to the fighting around Kabul. And now a new alternative has emerged, supported by the desperate mafia of transporters and smugglers, Pakistani intelligence, DUI, Pashtun military and politicians. Instead of northern route you can clear the road from Quetta to Kandahar, Herat and further to Ashgabat, the capital of Turkmenistan. There are no fights in the south, just dozens of small gangs that can be bribed to remove their chains.

In September 1994, Pakistani observers and intelligence officers drove quietly along the road from Chaman on the Pakistan border to Herat. Interior Minister Nazirullah Babar, a Pashtun by birth, also visited Chaman that month. Kandahar warlords viewed the plan with distrust. They suspected that Pakistan was preparing an intervention to crush them. One of them, Amir Lalai, warned Babar in no uncertain terms. “Pakistan is offering to fix our roads, but I don’t think there will be peace immediately after fixing the roads. Until neighboring countries continue to interfere in our internal affairs, there will be no peace,” Lalai said.

Despite this, Pakistan began negotiations with the Kandahar warlords and with Ismail Khan in Herat to open traffic to Turkmenistan. On October 20, 1994, Babar took a group of six Western ambassadors to Kandahar and Herat, without even informing the government in Kabul. The delegation included senior officials from the department railways, highways, postal, telegraph and telephone communications and energy. Babar said he wants $300 million international assistance in order to restore the road from Quetta to Herat. On 28 October, Bhutto met with Ismail Khan and General Rashid Dostom in Ashgabat and encouraged them to agree to open south road, where trucks would only pay one or two tolls and safety would be guaranteed.

But before this meeting, an event occurred that shocked the Kandahar field commanders. October 12, 1994 200 Taliban from Kandahar and Pakistani madrasah appeared at the Afghan border checkpoint Spinbuldak opposite Chaman. This dirty desert stop was a strategic staging point for the shipping mafia, who fueled and repaired their trucks here. Here the goods were transferred from Pakistani vehicles, which were not allowed to enter further into Afghanistan, onto Afghan trucks. Hekmatyar's people ruled here. Fuel was brought here to supply the armies of field commanders. Smugglers have already paid several hundred thousand Pakistani rupees Mullah Omar and promised the Taliban a monthly stipend if he managed to clear the road and ensure safe movement along it.

The Taliban split into three groups and attacked Hekmatyar's garrison. After a short, fierce battle, the garrison fled, leaving behind several dead and wounded. The Taliban lost only one person.

Pakistan then helped the Taliban by allowing them to seize a large weapons depot near Spinbuldak, which was guarded by Hekmatyar's men. The stockpile was moved across the border from Pakistan in 1990 when the Geneva Accords prohibited Pakistan from keeping weapons on its soil for Afghans. At the warehouse, the Taliban received 18,000 Kalashnikov assault rifles, dozens of artillery pieces, a large amount of ammunition and many vehicles.

The capture of Spinbuldak alarmed the Kandahar leaders, who condemned Pakistan for supporting the Taliban, but continued to quarrel among themselves. By that time, Babar had already lost patience and ordered a test convoy of 30 trucks loaded with medicines to be sent to Ashgabat. “I told Babar that we needed to wait two months because we did not have an agreement with the Kandahar warlords, but Babar insisted on sending a convoy. The Kandaharis thought the convoy was carrying weapons for the Pakistani invasion forces,” one Pakistani official in Kandahar later told me.

On October 29, 1994, a convoy taken from the Pakistan Army's National Logistics Service, which was created by the ISI in the 1980s to smuggle American weapons to the mujahideen, left Quetta. With him were 80 retired army drivers and Colonel Imam, one of the most respected Pakistani intelligence officers in southern Afghanistan and also the consul general in Herat. The convoy was accompanied by two young Taliban commanders, Mullah Borjan and Torabi. (Both would later take part in the assault on Kabul, where Mullah Borjan would die.) 12 miles from Kandahar, in the village of Takhtapul near the Kandahar airport, the convoy was detained by a group of field commanders. These were Amir Lalai, Mansur Achakzai, who controlled the airport, and Ustad Halim. They ordered the convoy to stop at the nearest village, at the foot of the low mountains. When I visited the area a few months later, fire marks and discarded rations were still visible.

The warlords demanded money, a share of goods, and an end to support for the Taliban. While they were negotiating with Colonel Imam, Islamabad was looking for ways to solve the problem. “We were afraid that Mansour would plant weapons in the convoy and then blame Pakistan. Therefore, we considered options for releasing the convoy by force, for example, a raid Special Service Group[Pakistan Army Special Forces] or airborne assault. But this seemed too dangerous to us, and we asked the Taliban to release the convoy,” said the Pakistani official. On November 3, 1994, the Taliban attacked those holding the convoy. The leaders, thinking it was a raid by the Pakistani army, fled. Mansour was driven into the desert by the Taliban and killed along with ten of his bodyguards. His body was strung up on top of a tank gun for everyone to see.

That same evening, the Taliban entered Kandahar and, after two days of minor skirmishes, put the warlords to flight. Mullah Naqib, the most respected warlord in the city, did not resist. Some of his aides alleged that Naqib received a large bribe from Pakistani intelligence for his surrender, with the promise of keeping his position. The Taliban accepted his people, and Naqib himself was sent to his home village near Kandahar. The Taliban got dozens of tanks, armored personnel carriers, other military equipment, weapons, but most importantly - six MiG-21 fighters and six transport helicopters - remnants from the Soviet occupation.

In just two weeks, an unknown force had captured Afghanistan's second-largest city with only a dozen casualties. In Islamabad, none of the foreign diplomats and journalists doubted that they had received significant support from Pakistan. Government and DUI celebrated the fall of Kandahar. Babar attributed the Taliban's success to himself, telling journalists informally that the Taliban were "our guys." But the Taliban have shown that they are not subordinate to Pakistan and will not be anyone’s puppets. On November 16, 1994, Mullah Ghaus said that Pakistan should not send convoys other than the Taliban in the future and should not enter into agreements with individual warlords. He also said that the Taliban would not allow goods destined for Afghanistan to be transported on Pakistani trucks - this was the main demand of the transport mafia.

The Taliban removed all the chains, imposed a single tax on trucks entering through Spinbuldak, and organized patrols of the road. The transport mafia was delighted - in December, the first Pakistani convoy of 50 trucks carrying Turkmen cotton arrived in Quetta, paying the Taliban 200,000 rupees ($5,000) in duties. Meanwhile, thousands of young Afghan Pashtuns who had studied in Balochistan and the NWFP flocked to Kandahar to join the Taliban. They were soon followed by volunteers from DUI madrasah inspired by the new Islamic movement in Afghanistan. By December 1994, more than 12 thousand Afghan and Pakistani students had joined the Taliban in Kandahar.

Pakistan was under increasing pressure from both inside and outside to clarify its position; Bhutto first denied Pakistani support for the Taliban in February 1995. “We do not play favorites in Afghanistan and we do not interfere in Afghan affairs,” she said during a visit to Manila. She later said Pakistan could not stop volunteers from crossing the border and joining the Taliban. “I cannot fight in place of Mr. [President Burhanuddin] Rabbani. If Afghans want to cross the border, I don't stop them. I may not let them back, but many have families here,” she said.

The Taliban immediately implemented the harshest interpretation of Sharia law ever seen in the Muslim world. They closed girls' schools and banned women from working outside the home, destroyed televisions, banned sports and entertainment, and ordered men to grow long beards. In another three months, the Taliban would take control of twelve of the thirty-one provinces, opening up road traffic and disarming the population. As the Taliban moved north towards Kabul, local warlords either fled or surrendered. Mullah Omar and his student army marched across Afghanistan.

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The Taliban, an ultra-conservative political and religious faction, emerged in the southern Afghan province of Kandahar in 1994 after the withdrawal of Soviet troops. Self-name “Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan”. The faction got its name from the fact that it consisted primarily of students (“Taliban” is Pashto for “students”) studying at madrassas (Islamic religious schools) established for Afghan refugees in the 1980s in northern Pakistan. Ethnically, the Taliban consisted mainly of Pashtuns, Sunni Muslims of Afghanistan, in defiance of the Northern Alliance, which included Afghan Shiites and Ismaili Tajiks, Hazaras, Uzbeks and Turkmens.

Having secured the support of the southern Pashtun ethnic groups Afghanistan and financial assistance foreign well-wishers, in 1996, the Taliban, taking advantage of military clashes between the Northern Alliance “parties” at war with each other, took Kabul without a fight and overthrew the regime of President Burhanuddin Rabbani and his Minister of Defense Ahmad Shah Massoud. By 1998, the Taliban managed to unite and control most Afghanistan, except for 15% in the north, inhabited by ethnic Tajiks and Uzbeks. There are statements in the press about significant financial and ideological support from the US CIA in the 80s for some militant groups (up to 30,000 people) who fought with the USSR, including the future Taliban.

The Taliban received popular love due to some success in eliminating corruption, restoring peace and resuming commerce. The Taliban claimed that they were creating a peaceful and stable Islamic state under Sharia law without corruption and lawlessness, which the leaders of the Northern Alliance could not build. The Taliban followed a very strict interpretation of Sharia law, introduced public death penalty, abolished women's rights to education and professional activity, television, music, fine arts, cinema, computers and the Internet were banned, men were required to wear beards, and women were required to completely cover their bodies in public places.

Despite the fact that the Taliban received their main income from opium poppy smuggling, under pressure from the international community, by 2000 they managed to reduce world production opium by two thirds. Unfortunately, alternative source They did not introduce income for thousands of Afghans. Continued drought and a very harsh winter (2000-2001) brought famine and increased the flow of refugees into Pakistan.
Recognizing the need international relations, the Taliban leadership has made no effort to curb terrorist activities inside Afghanistan.

The world community, with the exception of a few countries (Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the UAE), did not recognize the legitimacy of the government and the brutal social policy Taliban. After the Taliban regime refused to hand over al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden in 2001 after famous tragic events, US and NATO armed forces were brought into the country, and with the support of the Northern Alliance, the Taliban regime was overthrown. Former leaders returned to their homes, warlords continued to exercise regional control, and the movement's founder and spiritual leader, Mullah Mohammad Omar, led the militants from an unknown hideout in Pakistan.

In December 2001, Hamid Karzai was sworn in as interim prime minister. In January 2002, the Taliban recognized the interim government as Karzai initially supported the Taliban and is still respected by many former Taliban leaders.

According to Afghan intelligence, Mullah Omar died in hospital in 2013, and Mullah Omar's deputy, Mullah Akhtar Mansour, took over leadership of the movement.

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