Exactly 20 years ago, on December 26, 1999, the operation to liberate the city of Grozny from militants began - a key event in the second Chechen war. It was planned completely differently than the “New Year’s” assault of 1994-1995, when federal troops suffered heavy losses. Now it was veterans, not recruits, who were going to Grozny; there were no such problems with planning and supplies. Experienced assault teams of special forces combed block after block and destroyed the militants holed up in the basements. And yet, the operation became a difficult test for the soldiers: opponents hit them with sniper fire from shelters and set booby traps, commanders abandoned their soldiers to the mercy of fate, and returning home brought only disappointment to many. On the anniversary of the beginning of those events, I recorded the memoirs of Igor Chugreev, a participant in the battles for Grozny, who almost accidentally ended up in one of the SOBR assault detachments.

***

We took our first fight literally on New Year's Eve. The detachment was approaching Grozny, and Chechens came out to meet us, apparently planning to escape from there. There were a lot of them, and they came like an avalanche. Very confident. We were rescued by two grenade launchers with a coil on three legs. I don't remember what they are called.

When they came at us, the commander ordered us to shoot only single shots from machine guns. They decided to use grenade launchers only when the Chechens got almost close to us. And we fired along an overhead trajectory, like from mortars.

The Chechens retreated. There were 30 corpses left on the field in front of us.

Then there was a second attack. We also successfully repulsed it, but both the commander and we ourselves understood that there would be another and much more furious one. We began to contact the authorities so that they would send us help, since we already had little ammunition left.
But it was New Year's Eve! And at the headquarters they sent us to hell with our requests in drunken voices: “****, *** [what the hell], are you guys there or who?”

Then the commander gathered a detachment and announced that things were bad for us, and suggested writing wills. He took out two notebooks and distributed a sheet of paper to everyone. I then realized that I had nothing to bequeath. I simply wrote to my wife and children that I love everyone.
They put the wills in a grenade box, hid it and even transmitted its coordinates to headquarters.

Well, we got ready for battle. I remember regretting that I didn’t have time to really fight.

Then, quite unexpectedly, six tanks, ten infantry fighting vehicles and several armored personnel carriers came to the rescue. They fired with all their guns at the place where the enemy had concentrated before the attack. In short, they saved us.

Almost all of the tankers got out drunk. We started asking them. It turned out that no one ordered them anything. They heard our negotiations with the headquarters when we were celebrating the New Year at the table, and decided to come to the rescue. They drove seventeen kilometers to us from their place of deployment.

***

I was born and raised in Belgorod. After the tenth grade I went to study courses for paramedics for the army. Then these courses were cancelled. Two and a half years of training - and you go into service.

And I finished my studies and went to Moscow to try to enter a medical institute, and unexpectedly for myself I entered the Faculty of Pharmacy, and then transferred to general medicine. In my fourth year, I dropped out of college and went to work as a paramedic in an ambulance. I worked for two years, and then entered the Institute of Psychology and Pedagogy. I decided to become a psychologist and go to work at. All this happened spontaneously.

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I became the head of the psychology department in the capital’s administration, and then my business trips to the Caucasus began. My bosses really appreciated me for this eternal desire to “go to the front”; they said: “You’re the only one like us.”

First I was in Dagestan, at a checkpoint near Chechnya, and in November 1999 I went to Mozdok, from where I ended up in besieged Grozny. Psychologists from the Ministry of Internal Affairs were sent to the hot spot at a time by five people from different regions of the country. We had two main tasks: to identify those who were unfit for service, and to entertain the rest in order to maintain a good mood in the fighting team. We all there, by the way, knew how to play the guitar and all that.

“Drunken, dirty and bearded Sobrov members burst in”

So, on November 10, 1999, right on Police Day, I, along with four other psychologists from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, flew to Mozdok. I was a lieutenant then, and the commandant’s office harnessed me to lead an officer patrol that identified drunken soldiers in the city. Then preparations were underway for the attack on Grozny, and many different armed people from all regions of the country were hanging around in Mozdok. There were conflicts due to alcohol consumption.

Once I was sitting there in a cafe with an Ossetian, and I asked him why the local policemen all go around without weapons. And he says that there was a special order - no one should arm himself after the incident when visiting federal officers caught one cop, beat him because he refused to drink vodka with them, and threw his pistol into the river.

The headquarters of the Ministry of Internal Affairs group in Mozdok was located in a spacious room with an area of ​​about 50 meters. There were tables, staff workers sat at them, typing on computers. And so I witnessed such a scene there.

Drunk, dirty and bearded security guards rush in and start cursing at everyone. Like, our doctor died, and a detachment of 74 people on the front line was left without medicine at all, and they didn’t send a new doctor. Then I stood up and said: “Take me! I am doctor". They agreed. I had to go for permission to the boss, whom everyone was afraid of. He had the rank of lieutenant general, but I don’t remember his last name. The general, of course, was surprised at my request: “Did you think well?” And then he told me to come to him when I returned from Grozny with a detachment. Later, as it turned out, he signed a petition to award me the Order of Courage, but at the capital’s headquarters the paper was turned down. They looked, apparently, that I was an employee of the traffic police department: “Oh, well, it’s clear what kind of hero he is!”

“We bought an armored personnel carrier for two boxes of vodka”

So, on the eve of the assault on the Chechen capital, I ended up in a SOBR detachment, which included guys from Nizhny Novgorod, Dzerzhinsk and Chuvashia. Our call sign was “Tucha”.

Until a certain time, it was such a militarized tour. The difficulty was that we were moving towards the city and endlessly packing and dismantling our tent camp in the field. At each new position they dug trenches, fortified them, and so on. All this was very tiring. It was cold.

Even on the approaches to the city on the eve of the New Year, we bought an armored personnel carrier for two boxes of vodka. Among drunken soldiers of the internal troops. They themselves came up to us and said: “If you need it, we have a tank for three boxes of vodka, an infantry fighting vehicle or armored personnel carrier for two boxes of vodka.” We also asked these fighters: “How will you get rid of it, where will you put the equipment?” They answered that they were from the repair team: they could fix it, or they could write that it could not be repaired. But the car was handed over to us in perfect order: the radio and the machine gun - everything worked. At the end of the trip, we handed over this armored personnel carrier to our replacements.

We took care of our “box” and later used it mainly to guard our fortress - the meat processing plant in Grozny. Twice she helped us out a lot. In the first case, when a detachment of militants approached our base, confusing us with their own. The machine gunner in the turret almost killed them all. Another time - during a cleanup: two “spirits” were behind us, hiding in the basement, the entrance to which was covered with slate, and we did not notice him. One of the militants fired at the armored personnel carrier from the Shmel, but missed, and the machine gunner dealt with both of them.

“Don't go there. A sniper will kill you there"

All eleven people from our squad, who later died when I was filming them (we took an amateur video camera with us for the story), were always doing something with each other in the frame. Those who survived were somehow caught separately, but these were together. Although they died one by one and at different times.

I very rarely have dreams about war. And then something happened that I was stunned. I dream that I am sitting in a trench with our dead guys. We are waiting for the “spirits”, and the Germans appear with machine guns. They shoot at us, and we at them, but no one falls. I realized it was a dream. But the guys are here, nearby. And everything is as if they were alive. I wanted to warn them. I run up to Romka - he was the youngest and tallest among us: “Romka, don’t go to that house! If you hit a mine, your legs will be torn off, and you will die.” He laughs in response. I approach another: “Don’t go there. A sniper will kill you there.” And he smiles back. Then one of them said to me: “Gosh, what are you, a prick or something? This is not a war, but a game.” I woke up, and I was still pounding for a long time.

My camera also captured the moment when several of our guys were carrying one who had been shot by a sniper. I saw them from the fourth floor window, grabbed a bag with medicines and rushed after them. He caught up with me and explained that I had a small surgical kit with me. He examined the guy and said: “Guys, he’s been dead for about five minutes.” They were very surprised and upset, of course.

As for that sniper, he really gave us a hard time. I made myself a comfortable bed on the roof of one of the high-rise buildings. There was a gap in one place, which he covered with a sheet of iron. The breach allowed him to remain in the apartment for the time being and unnoticed to crawl out through the ceiling onto the roof, away from the entrance from the stairs.

One day we saw him moving from one building to another and opened fire. The sniper ran in zigzags and had almost disappeared when Romka, drunk, shouted at us: “You don’t know how to shoot!” And then he took the Fly, fired and hit the sniper right in the back. He was torn to pieces.

We killed him in the evening, and in the morning we decided to go up to examine the body, pick up documents and weapons. During the night the dog's body was gnawed. On the corpse we found some kind of German rifle, a machine gun and a pistol.

“The purges came one after another”

In Grozny itself, our base became a meat processing plant. The “spirits” used it as their fortress, but surrendered without a fight when heavy equipment approached the city. We had the following scheme: a day on the front line, and then they took turns and spent two days doing clean-up operations in the private sector around the fortress. These sweeps took place one after another, constantly, so that the “spirits” did not have the opportunity to get close to us.

Across the road from our fortress, at a checkpoint, someone wrote in paint: “Be afraid, spirits! We came! SOBR." That was the motto.
A third of our detachment were those who took part in the first assault on Grozny. They came for revenge, came to avenge their murdered friends and were ready for anything.

The guys knew how to shoot well. They trained me too. We had such a sniper. He took it upon himself to teach me. Even though I had only been excellent at shooting at shooting ranges, that security officer quickly showed me what I couldn’t do and why. He trained me until I became completely deaf from shooting, and the barrel of my machine gun turned white.

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Everyday problems also had to be solved in a military way. For example, upon returning from the front line to the fortress, we had to heat the potbelly stoves, and soot clogged the chimneys so quickly that they had to be dismantled regularly. We did this reluctantly, according to the schedule. Then you walk around all black. Scouts once came to visit us and were surprised at how we steamed with these chimneys. One of them took the cartridge out of the horn, wrapped it in paper, set it on fire and put it in the oven, and closed the door. A minute passes and such a loud bang is heard. We go out into the street, and there lies such a piston made of soot. The chimney became cleaner.

The detachment was commanded by three of the most experienced officers. They went through Afghanistan as boys, then the first Chechen war. All our work was organized clearly. We communicated during cleansing operations and on the front line using signs so as not to yell and not turn on the radio stations again. The doors of the houses were opened with the help of a cat, as if they were going on board, so as not to be blown up by a tripwire.

None of us wore shoulder straps or chevrons, we just tore the sheet and tied a white ribbon on our left arm or leg to show our friends that we were not “spirits.” Another distinctive feature of us - the federals - were large beards. Militants, on the contrary, then shaved off their beards in order to hide among civilians.

“Both the feds and the militants treated the prisoners very harshly”

Once I was pulled out from the front line and, as a psychologist, I was taken to investigate the OMON detachment, based 17 kilometers from Grozny. They were in reserve and had been living in tents for a month and a half, not knowing what to do with themselves. They had a satellite phone, which “upon urgent request” was paid for by the brothers from the city where they came from. And so one officer there called home, and his daughter answered the phone. He asked where mom was, and she replied that she had locked herself in the room with some uncle. In general, this officer got drunk and committed suicide.

We thought about what to do. After all, if the information goes to the high authorities, then everyone’s head will be taken off, and this man’s family will lose all payments. We decided to present everything differently, now I don’t remember exactly how.

Another monstrous incident was associated with the delivery of the body of one killed in battle to Mozdok. About 12 of his colleagues stood with him and said goodbye. And when the body was lifted into the back of the truck, one of them took out a rocket launcher for a salute in honor of the deceased, fired and accidentally hit a soldier standing in the back of the truck in the eye. He died on the spot.

But there were also cases of extraordinary luck in that war, incredible coincidences that helped people save their lives. Both the feds and the militants, it’s no secret, treated prisoners very harshly back then. And then some suspicious Chechen with fraudulent documents for travel to Mozdok fell into the hands of the Sobrov officers. He said that he works as a guard at Butyrka prison. He could have been killed, but the guys remembered that I told them how I myself spent several months in this prison when I was young.

In a conversation with that Chechen, I was convinced that he was not lying. And he stood up for him before his colleagues. It turned out that he had indeed made fraudulent documents, but with the intention of getting his relatives out of Grozny.

As for Butyrka, this happened back in Soviet times. I worked in an ambulance, and my brother brought me an expensive imported VCR from a trip abroad. I decided to sell it and found a buyer through friends. She took possession of the item, but never gave the money back. I didn’t know where this infection lived, but one day I literally ran into it when I came on call to one of her neighbors. Then I lost my composure, went into this woman’s hallway, saw my VCR and took it away. She wrote a statement against me, and I became a suspect in a case of theft with illegal entry into someone else's home. However, the investigation was carried out as expected, I was completely acquitted and released from prison.

“I still have grenades in my bag.”

When the business trip ended, I returned to Moscow. Drunk and bearded, he went to his department to hand over his weapons. Everyone there in the duty room was stunned. First from my appearance, and then from what I brought them there.

The fact is that I was sent to war with one machine gun and two horns with a minimum of ammunition, warning that I would answer for each of them with my head. And I returned with a whole arsenal. The machine gun already had a grenade launcher, it had 17 horns, several of them extended, for 45 rounds.

“Gosh, what are you, *** [damn]? Do you know that we don’t even have grenade launchers in our arsenal? They’ll put us in jail, **** [damn]!” - the duty officer shouted.

“What are you yelling about! - I answer him. - I still have grenades in my bag. I have nowhere to put them.”

I sorted out the weapon and found out that I had already accumulated four months of vacation. They called me to the HR department and there they also swore at me: “We don’t know how to draw up paperwork for such a huge vacation. What a bastard you are!”

Well, I shrugged my shoulders and went home. I rested and rested, and then returned to management and asked for a job. He said that otherwise I would get completely drunk. I went to work and they dumped a whole mountain of papers on me. They tried to force me to shave my beard. In general, I did not turn out to be an office worker, and I went back to Chechnya, where I spent the entire summer of 2000 with the consolidated Moscow police detachment in Gudermes.

“Guys, don’t run here! You will be killed! Farewell!"

Then in Grozny, Roma was the first in our detachment to die. In the video I shot, this handsome, smiling and tall guy is easy to spot. He was blown up by a directed destruction mine (DOM). It was triggered by a radio signal. One of the guy’s legs was immediately torn off, the other was broken. I applied tourniquets. The guys took Roma to the hospital, but they couldn’t save the guy.
One armored personnel carrier was also caught on film - not the one that was traded for vodka, but the other - given to us already in Grozny from the internal troops.

The driver-gunner received the Hero of Russia posthumously. When the car was hit, he, wounded, crawled out of the hatch halfway. At first, one of our sobrarians ran after him and received a bullet from a sniper in the shoulder. Then the second one ran and was also wounded. The third rushed, and the guy was already shouting to us from the burning armored personnel carrier: “Guys, don’t run here! You will be killed! Farewell!"
So he burned down before our eyes, and we all cried.

Another guy named Sasha received several shrapnel wounds and died in my arms. Before his death, seeing that I couldn’t help him in any way, he tried to smile at me. He could no longer say anything.

We suffered many losses when we left our sector of the city to restore order in another. There, each unit had its own area of ​​responsibility. We moved towards our neighbors, who failed in their task, and ran into a MON-100 mine that the “spirits” had left on the tree. Several people were immediately blown away from the armor with shrapnel.

It hurt me so much.

And there was also one fifteen-year-old boy. His hands turned black. Something was directly ingrained in his palms, and he had no way to wash them off. This guy, I saw, ran and helped the old people living in the basements as best he could, took care of them. I tried to wipe off this dirt for him with alcohol, but nothing worked.

Interview with adovakt, and formerly famous MVD operative Pyotr Zaikin - Elena Milashina

According to the decree of the President of Russia on the creation of the National Guard, all power structures of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation - internal troops, SOBR, OMON and private security - become part of the National Guard.

Until 2018, they will be operationally subordinate to the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation and the corresponding heads of territorial bodies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. However, the use (order of operational subordination) of these security forces and personnel policy will from now on be carried out exclusively in agreement with the director of the Federal Service of the National Guard Troops.

That is, now the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (and its territorial bodies) is limited in making personnel and operational decisions regarding employees of these law enforcement agencies.

Starting from 2018, after organizational and staffing measures have been carried out (re-certification of the police “legacy”, which took a year and a half), all employees remaining after the personnel purge will be recruited for military service in the National Guard troops and assigned the appropriate military ranks.

This means that former officers of the OMON, SOBR, and UVO will become military personnel and will finally leave the jurisdiction of the “regional” vertical of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, which is radically different from the vertical of command of the National Guard, built on the army model (military unit - military unit - district - headquarters) .

Gathering of “Kadyrov’s army” at the stadium in Grozny 12/28/2014. From left to right: Daniil Martynov, former employee of the Alpha unit of the FSB TsSN, instructor of the Terek SOBR; Ruslan Alkhanov, head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Chechnya; Ramzan Kadyrov; Magomed Daudov, speaker of the Chechen parliament, Abuzayt Vismuradov, head of Kadyrov’s personal security, commander of the SOBR. Photo: Terek / AP

The reform will have enormous political consequences for one of the regions of the Russian Federation - the Chechen Republic. It removes the most combat-ready security forces from the zone of influence of the republic’s leadership and places them under direct subordination to the director of the National Guard and the President of Russia. The reform allows for a large-scale and civilized purge of the Chechen special forces from former militants who were amnestied and accepted into service in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. It also makes it possible to painlessly reformat (assimilate) the Chechen special forces and move away from the vicious ethnic principle of forming security forces.

Especially for Novaya Gazeta, these consequences of the reform are analyzed by lawyer Pyotr Ivanovich Zaikin, a former serviceman of the operational units of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation and an operational officer of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

— How did the creation of Putin’s National Guard affect Kadyrov’s “army”?

— The corresponding decree of the President of Russia, in fact, removed from the influence of the head of the Chechen Republic all the main security forces that were best trained and armed in terms of conducting combat operations: riot police, SOBR “TEREK”, regiment of the Directorate of Private Security (formerly “oil regiment” ). The ethnic battalions “North” and “South” left even earlier; it seems that in 2010 they were transferred to the 46th separate operational brigade of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. Now they too will be included in full force into the National Guard.

Thus, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic does not have any security forces similar in their capabilities and power to an army motorized rifle unit. And these are structures that are constantly engaged in combat training, which have heavy small arms and armored vehicles - armored personnel carriers, armored special vehicles, which not every military unit of the Ministry of Defense has. That is, the best, elite security forces in terms of decision-making (primarily personnel) have been removed from Kadyrov’s influence.

Thus, there was a truncation and demilitarization of the Chechen power factor loyal to the head of Chechnya.

— What does it mean: “Kadyrov’s influence”, “loyal to Kadyrov”? What meaning do you put into these words?

- Literal. These security forces, formally included in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, were initially formed in large percentages from former militants on the principle of personal loyalty to the head of Chechnya. That is why Kadyrov had a huge influence on the activities of the Chechen security forces. You yourself have repeatedly heard how ordinary and high-ranking Chechen police officers expressed their personal loyalty, first of all, to Kadyrov.

The first deputy head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic, Apti Alaudinov, once told me in the presence of three members of the Human Rights Council under the President of the Russian Federation that the opinion of Ramzan Akhmatovich Kadyrov is an incentive for him to make decisions. Including personnel decisions, which is very important. Apti Alaudinov said: “If Ramzan Akhmatovich talked with the former militant and if he trusts him, then we trust him.” The head of Chechnya received unlimited influence on decision-making by the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic, including personnel decisions regarding former militants. Now this will be excluded. Now Ramzan Kadyrov will no longer be able to gather Putin’s National Guard at the stadium in Grozny. He will not be able to call the commanders of the relevant units of the National Guard to his meeting and give them the order to shoot to kill other National Guard soldiers.

I think that now Kadyrov will refrain from making extremely harsh and very ambiguous public statements from the point of view of criminal law against security forces from neighboring regions.

Kadyrov will not be able to demand that security forces in the region be coordinated with him. And he won’t be able to lead WHO either.

(although even now he does not have such a right by law, the situation when he allegedly led the counter-terrorism operation following the militant attack on Grozny in December 2014 will definitely not happen again).

Kadyrov retains the right of an advisory vote when conducting counter-terrorism operations in his region (he, as the head of the region, is a member of the Security Council). And he may be notified of a special operation, for example, to detain a resident of Chechnya suspected of committing a crime in his region. But they may not notify. And I think this point will be specifically spelled out in the federal law on the National Guard.

— Despite the fact that the ethnic battalions “South” and “North” were transferred to the 46th operational brigade of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation back in 2010, this did not prevent individual employees of the “North” battalion from actively participating in the murder of Boris Nemtsov. And it was Kadyrov who later defended these fighters. This proves that the principle of personal loyalty continued to operate in both directions. What are the reasons to believe that the transfer of Chechen security forces to the National Guard will shake and destroy this principle of personal loyalty to Kadyrov?

— It has already historically developed that the civil administration of the Chechen Republic never tried to interfere in the personnel policy of the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, if we do not take those moments when entire ethnic battalions (“North” and “South”) were transferred to service in the Internal Troops. But this is an exception to the rule. And - yes, we see that some fighters remained exclusively loyal to the leadership of Chechnya, but despite this, one more principle remained unshakable: Kadyrov could no longer interfere in the activities of the 46th brigade (except perhaps for courtesy visits).

With the creation of the National Guard, there are several reasons to believe that the influence of the Chechen authorities on the Chechen security units transferred to the National Guard will be reduced to zero. After all, the creation of the National Guard is a systemic security reform.

First reason. Ramzan Kadyrov had unlimited opportunities to influence the vertical of power in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic, which was linked to the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic. The structure of the National Guard will in no way be limited to the commanders in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. They do not have a management structure at the regional-republic level. The structure of the National Guard is more consistent with the structure of command and control of military formations within a federal state: military unit—military formation—district—commander-in-chief of the National Guard. And, ultimately, President Putin. This is more similar to the army format, characteristic of the Russian Ministry of Defense, which shows itself to be the most rational way to manage the armed forces and excludes the influence of civilians on this management.

Second. Traditionally, in the Ministry of Defense and internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, military counterintelligence agencies were responsible for internal security. They have (historically) a significant influence on decisions regarding personnel purges. I know for sure that military counterintelligence works in the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, and it works well. This includes working on ordinary crimes in which military personnel of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation are involved, and not just on crimes related to the performance of official duties. Counterintelligence takes an active part in the investigation of such crimes. One of the main goals is to prevent persons with criminal inclinations or a past from entering military service.

In the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, this function is performed by its own security units. Their functionality is similar to military counterintelligence agencies, but the management structure is different: they, unfortunately, report to the local minister or the head of the regional department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, which in the case of Chechnya gave the executive power greater room for maneuver. Military counterintelligence is not subordinate to the commanders of military units, they are not subordinate to the district commanders. They close their attention to their headquarters within the FSB structure and, ultimately, to the director of the FSB.

I believe that now that military counterintelligence will have access to the personal files of former Chechen militants who were amnestied and accepted into service in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, there will be a unique chance to civilly eliminate the consequences of this forced political “personnel” decision related to the settlement of the Chechen conflict.

—What do you mean by “civilized”?

— Amnestied militants serving in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation have always been a stumbling block. It was not possible to reliably verify the combat path of the former militant - a candidate for service in the internal affairs bodies. They were checked by the personnel service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs locally (in Chechnya), and the influence of the subjective factor was enormous. Apparently, this is exactly how the “principle of personal loyalty to Kadyrov” emerged and was formed as a cementing principle.

From the point of view of the generally accepted principle of personnel decisions in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, the “amnestied” status means that at one time there was a question of bringing this candidate to criminal liability. In any other region, this circumstance would serve as a reason for refusal to accept the service.

Since, as I have already said, special political conditions have developed in Chechnya, this principle has been massively ignored. The central office of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, apparently, never welcomed this, but put up with it. The Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation did not have mechanisms to solve this problem, but now with the creation of the National Guard they have appeared. And they appeared, I must say, just in time to solve this problem peacefully, without incidents.

Since the appearance of Chechen units within the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, staffed to a large extent (especially in the initial stages) by former militants, including on the basis of the principle of personal loyalty to a specific person (in this case, the head of the republic), the question has always been: what happened to them? do? They cannot be disbanded at once, that is, they cannot be fired all at once.

The creation of the National Guard allocates a year and a half for this delicate process. It will go in two directions, I think.

The first direction is certification for fitness for military service (the so-called organizational measures mentioned in Putin’s decree).

According to the decree, SOBR and OMON - the main strike units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation - will be transferred to service in the National Guard only in 2018. A year and a half is just enough time to analyze the “legacy” that the National Guard received to ensure natural rotation.

Most of the former militants who are now still serving in the Chechen police are pensioners due to their length of service. And they are not entitled to the smallest pension for Chechnya. Dismissal based on length of service is the first way to resolve this problem peacefully and non-humiliatingly.

The second way is to provide the status of a military personnel of the Russian Federation. The fact is that a serviceman’s contract implies that he can be transferred to any region of the country for service, and this is normal. A Russian serviceman changes several military units during his service, sometimes up to a dozen. This was precisely what allowed the Soviet army to avoid ethnic conflicts. And that is why Colonel Maskhadov, a Chechen, was primarily a Soviet officer.

I think that the country's leadership has long been concerned about the fact that, to a large extent, the security forces of Chechnya are formed along ethnic lines. This is generally not a very normal fact, not typical for any of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, including the North Caucasus.

And so that the cementing property of military units is not the ethnic component and personal loyalty to someone - but only suitability for military service and loyalty to the oath, I believe there will be a large extraterritorial rotation. Ethnic Chechen units will be diluted with military personnel of other nationalities, while sending part of the Chechen SOBR or OMON to other units in other regions.

How was it before? Police academies did not specifically prepare graduates for service in SOBR. Service in the SOBR under the Ministry of Internal Affairs, for which former athletes are now often hired (or, as for example in Chechnya, former militants with extensive experience), does not provide for a career prospect; officers there serve, in fact, as ordinary soldiers. What now that the special forces have been transferred to the National Guard? Now a graduate of a military school, yearning for romance, has a unique chance to begin service in special forces, and then after five years continue it as a command staff of a combat unit. This is called creating a well-motivated, proven personnel team reserve. This is a worldwide practice, by the way. Officers are trained in special forces, and then command units and, thus, the experience they gain in special forces is transferred to the soldiers of ordinary combat motorized rifle units.

And this is a very correct principle when the selection of military personnel begins from military schools, that is, selection for suitability for military service begins at the cadet level. And in this sense, former Chechen fighters will simply be uncompetitive - neither in their age nor in their knowledge.

— Ramzan Kadyrov instantly responded to Putin’s decree on the creation of the National Guard, welcomed him and declared the readiness of Chechen security forces to serve in the ranks of the new security structure. Do you think he doesn't understand all the consequences?

“I think Ramzan Akhmatovich understands everything perfectly, but he has no other choice but to demonstrate complete loyalty to Putin. He is a “faithful foot soldier”...

— And what power structures remained subordinate to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic? And what will happen to the security forces closest to Kadyrov - such as the commander of the Terek SOBR Abuzayt Vismuradov, better known by his call sign “Patriot”? After all, it is this person who unofficially leads Kadyrov’s personal security...

- Well, let's count. A regiment of the Private Security Directorate, OMON (actually a full-fledged battalion), plus SOBR, which in its numbers corresponds, if I’m not mistaken, to two companies (about 200 people) are transferred to the National Guard. That is, Kadyrov lost almost two regiments. The Chechen Ministry of Internal Affairs still has at its disposal a regiment of the police patrol service (PPSP named after A.A. Kadyrov), patrol companies at district police departments, and the special forces “Grom” of the Federal Drug Control Service (by the way, they completely forgot to mention it in Putin’s decree, but it’s clear that as a result of the merger of the Federal Drug Control Service with the Ministry of Internal Affairs, it comes under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, in our case, the corresponding unit of up to forty people is under the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic).

As for the Chechen security forces closest to Kadyrov. There are two options. First. I think people like Vismuradov will be transferred to the state defense department (subordinate to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation and, accordingly, to the corresponding regional divisions). In Chechnya, a situation has historically developed where state defense performs an unusual function of protecting the top officials of the republic. That is, in Chechnya this is, in fact, a special unit of bodyguards. I think it will remain that way for now.

Option two. For "Patriot", Delimkhanov ( commander of a private security regiment. — EAT.), Tsakaeva ( commander of the Chechen riot police.— EAT.), Asukhanova ( SOBR company commander. — EAT.) and others - transfer to the National Guard as part of their units. But then they must be prepared that at any moment, according to the status of the military personnel, they can be rotated to the Far East by order of the commander of the National Guard, where they will catch Chinese illegal immigrants in the taiga. If I were Kadyrov, I would already be concerned about transferring these people to any vacant positions in the remaining units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic. At least by local police officers. By the way, I know of a real case where a local police officer unofficially headed the personal security of a famous oligarch.

In any case, Kadyrov has enough time to think.

Until the adoption of the corresponding federal law on the National Guard, all Chechen security forces will be under the operational control of the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for the Chechen Republic, but their use must already be agreed upon with the command of the National Guard. The Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic can no longer make personnel decisions (on enrollment).

The next point is extremely important. Now, employees of the Chechen security forces who transferred to the National Guard, if they commit a crime, will not be dealt with by the Chechen SUSC. They will be dealt with by the military departments of the TFR, which do not have regional formations, but are tied to military formations (districts). In our case, most of Kadyrov’s supporters will now be under the jurisdiction of Khankala and Vladikavkaz. The court, by the way, will also be military - that is, Chechen courts will again not be able to consider cases in which the accused will be officers of the Chechen riot police, SOBR, and the regiment of the Private Security Directorate.

This is important from the point of view of the unspoken immunity from criminal prosecution that Kadyrov’s people had until this moment. Historically, Chechen civil authorities did not have contact with military structures, and military structures were not as diluted with former militants as the structures of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

Therefore, the principle of impunity for Kadyrov’s supporters can be revised.

In the meantime, until the federal law on the National Guard comes into force, everything will work for some time by inertia. But as soon as a federal law is developed, everything will change. And I am sure that the draft law has already been prepared. Because such decisions are not made spontaneously, but are carefully calculated.

— The Presidential Decree on the National Guard brings into the realm of federal control another previously poorly regulated side of Chechen reality — private security companies, which are legally armed groups of individuals with enormous capabilities (for example, to escort cargo as guards and thus move uncontrollably throughout Russia ).

- Absolutely right. Tighter control, not limited to the subject of the federation (in this case, Chechnya), will be subject to the legal circulation of weapons and the issuance of permits for security activities. The local (Chechen) Ministry of Internal Affairs can no longer influence personnel policy in this industry to the same extent as it did until recently. This is done to strengthen federal control over legal gun trafficking, because the population has too many guns on their hands.

And the Chechen Republic in this sense is one of their leaders.

— How do you assess the factor of “friendly relations” between Zolotov and Kadyrov? Can the head of Chechnya maintain his influence on the Chechen security forces through Zolotov?

— Zolotov is a career security officer, and he has been in operational work all his life. Having “friendly relations” with everyone is part of his professional competence. But his authority and closeness, as Putin’s former personal security guard, to the top person of the state, I believe, greatly outweighs Kadyrov’s closeness to Putin. In this sense, they are competitors, not allies.

Reference

Petr Zaikin

served in the Separate Special Purpose Regiment, known after two Chechen wars as the Shumilov Brigade, and served with it in Dagestan (autumn 1994), and also, as an operative of the internal affairs bodies, served in Chechnya (spring-summer 2000). ). In 2014, he returned to Chechnya to defend the first Chechen political prisoner, sixty-year-old Ruslan Kutaev, who was convicted on charges of possessing a bag of heroin. Heroin (and the criminal case itself) came to Kutaev as a result of his ideological conflict with the leadership of Chechnya: Ramzan Kadyrov, Speaker of the Chechen Parliament Magomed Daudov and First Deputy Head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Chechen Republic Apti Alaudinov.

2013-12-12 10:10:00

Three kilometer cross. To pass this standard with an “excellent” mark, special forces soldiers, depending on their age, have less than 15 minutes. Inclement weather, in turn, poses additional barriers for them.

Together with the instructors, the Terek SOBR fighters are met at the finish line by the head of the republic.

Having barely had time to rest, the fighters begin the next test. Sprinting over a distance of 100 meters forces you to give your best. However, the special squad also passes this standard successfully.

Speed ​​tests are replaced by strength exercises, and the fighters move to the gym. The complex muscle load is checked already on the crossbar. When pulling up, every movement is recorded.

The bench press, push-ups, exercises for the abdominal muscles, and combat training standards are comprehensive. The head is interested in the success of each fighter.

The next day the fighters change, but the set of exercises is the same. It was decided to pass the standards in three days. To do this, the detachment was divided into several groups.

SOBR standards for soldiers are adopted by fellow soldiers who become instructors after individual training. Since August of this year, they have been training under the guidance of Daniil Martynov, assistant to the head of the republic for the security bloc. Tactical exercises in conditions as close as possible to real combat missions took place in the mountainous and wooded areas of the Kurchaloi, Shali and Vedeno regions. Ramzan Kadyrov personally supervised the training of instructors. Extreme ascents and descents over rocks, parachute jumps, combing difficult terrain. The fighters passed all the obstacles with dignity. Having successfully completed training, special forces soldiers pass on their skills to their comrades.

SOBR "Terek" has 300 employees, many of whom have repeatedly shown courage and bravery in the long-term fight against terrorism. There are also young soldiers who have only recently started serving.

Last day for submitting standards. Along with ordinary soldiers, police major, deputy commander of the Terek SOBR Ruslan Dzhovtokhanov also speaks, who, by the way, set an example for his soldiers, demonstrating excellent results in all areas. The commander of the Terek SOBR, Abuzeyd Vismuradov, also did not stand aside.

The SOBR fighters passed the planned SOBR standards two months ago. Compared to previous testing, today the results of physical training of special forces significantly exceed previous indicators.

Summing up the training of the fighters, one can see how well their experienced colleagues, who recently became instructors, worked with them. They fully passed on their skills to young special forces officers, thereby raising another generation of professional SOBR officers. That’s why the successes of novice fighters are doubly pleasant.

The instructors were satisfied with the physical training of SOBR fighters, but the fighters are not going to stop there. Next they will be tested for firearms proficiency, tactical and theoretical training. The standards will be re-taken in two months.

Veteran of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, senior investigator of the special purpose police detachment (OMSN) of the Main Internal Affairs Directorate for the Samara Region, better known as SOBR, retired police major Andrei Aleksandrovich Rymar devoted virtually his entire life to serving the Fatherland. His experience is more than 20 years. Andrei Aleksandrovich served in the riot police and SOBR (assault group), went on business trips to the North Caucasus 12 times, and was wounded twice. He was awarded the Order of Courage, the medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, 2nd degree, the medal for Courage, the medal for maintaining public order, and departmental awards.
PAGES OF HISTORY WRITTEN IN BLOOD
Andrei Rymar turned out to be a modest person and did not agree to an interview for a long time. He is sure that there are many more worthy employees in the detachment. For example, police lieutenant Sergei Aleksandrovich Orlov, who died on September 17, 1997 in Syzran while detaining armed members of an organized crime group.
Police Lieutenant Colonel Igor Albertovich Semyonov died in the line of duty on February 27, 2003 during a special operation in the village of Tezen-Kala, Vedeno district of the Chechen Republic. Having been ambushed and saving the fighters, I.A. Semenov called the bandits’ fire on himself, thereby giving the detachment the opportunity to retreat to cover. He died as a hero. By decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was awarded the “Order of Courage” (posthumously) and by order of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia he was forever included in the lists of OMSN personnel.
Police Colonel Alexey Tarakanov in 2003, on the territory of Chechnya, during a special operation to capture the Chechen field commander Rapani Khalilov, was blown up by a mine. Despite a serious leg injury - the loss of a foot, he remained in service and continued to serve in the police department. Lieutenant Colonel Tarakanov owns exclusive technical developments that have been used more than once to capture armed criminals. Now he serves in the Simferopol SOBR (Republic of Crimea).
Police Colonel Sergei Vladimirovich Rezvov, a participant in combat operations in Afghanistan and Chechnya, was at the forefront of the creation of the SOBR unit in Tolyatti. In addition to work in the city and region, constant business trips to the North Caucasus, from 1995 to 2007 - 10 trips to hot spots (Grozny, Shali, Khasavyurt). The “Order of Courage” received for the operation to detain the leader of the Khasavyurt district gang, Emil Bidaev, speaks volumes. During this complex operation, Sergei Vladimirovich was wounded, but continued to participate in the hostilities until their end. “I had the honor of working with him. He acted calmly and confidently. He communicated with his subordinates “as equals.” You could ask him a question and get an answer. A person is an open book,” says Andrey Rymar.
The current commander of the detachment, police colonel Alexey Vladimirovich Monakhov, came to the SOBR from the disbanded Kirovobad Airborne Division. Awarded the Order of Courage and the Medal for Courage. At his new duty station, he went through all the steps of the career ladder from SOBR detective to the head of the unit. There are many heroes in the squad.
DREAMS AND REALITIES OF LIFE
Andrey Rymar was born in 1972 in the family of a Samara woman and a military officer. My father, a lieutenant colonel in the medical service, served as a military doctor in the air defense system in the border districts of Turkestan, Transcaucasia, and Western Ukraine, and took part in the liquidation of the Chernobyl accident. Since childhood, Andrei has tasted all the “delights” of nomadic life - frequent moves, soldiers' beds and newspapers on the walls instead of wallpaper. I didn’t think about my future profession, I knew for sure that in a family of professional military personnel there is no alternative - service to the Fatherland lies ahead. He entered military service in 1990, as he wanted, he ended up in the Airborne Forces. The USSR took the oath. Until the historic August of 1991, he served in the Airborne Forces of the Odessa Military District, in the 40th Airborne Brigade. He has 12 parachute jumps to his credit. Then “perestroika” began, there were global cuts and confusion in the army. “Our battalion was sent to the steppes near the city of Nikolaev to guard weapons depots that arrived with two regiments from Germany.” More than four thousand soldiers and officers were actually thrown into the field, in tents and dugouts. With the onset of frost, the rank and file fled. The officers also tore up their military ID cards and left. By spring, 40 privates and 200 officers remained. Commanders were forced to send soldiers to any work in order to buy food for them. An entire generation, figuratively speaking, “stuck its face into the asphalt”
TRANSPORT SWAT MONT
Having been demobilized in December 1992, senior sergeant Andrei Rymar returned home. I learned that my father, like many Russians, lost the money he had been saving for an apartment for years. No one understood what was happening in the country and how to live further? At that time, the police still remained a state structure, and Andrei chose a unit that was as close as possible to the army - the transport riot police, which was just being formed at that time. Many guys from the Airborne Forces came to the unit. “I was accepted into the service by the combat commander, police colonel Anatoly Filippov,” recalls Andrei Rymar. - Then I participated in the renovation of the riot police building, built a checkpoint at the intersection of the street. 22nd Party Congress and Volskaya. After a month of classes at the Training Center, we passed the exams as external students, because the formation of a detachment for a business trip to the North Caucasus began.
CHECHNYA. Chervlyonaya Uzlovaya Station
In 1994, the Togliatti riot police entered Grozny, and the “transport” one entered the Naterechny district, Chervlyonaya Uzlovaya station. The main task was to protect an important strategic facility - the bridge. According to Andrei Aleksandrovich, such fierce battles as in Grozny were not observed in their sector: “We fought in Grozny, and we carried out combat missions.” There was a confrontation in front of the bridge. “We stood with the “remnants” of the 81st regiment after it left Grozny. We didn't have any big fights. They fired occasionally,” answered A.A. Rymar to my naive question. The service was monotonous. There are trenches on both sides of the bridge - between them there is a mine strip. February '95 turned out to be cold, snowy and damp. There was melt water in the trenches. I had to place a couple of bricks at the bottom of the trench and stand on them, carefully listening to what was happening on the other side. Once an hour, a fighter had the opportunity to warm up and drink tea in the dugout. When information was received about the possibility of a breakthrough through the bridge, Colonel A. Filippov at night urgently went to the detachment's location in a UAZ, came under fire, arrived on a broken tire and remained with the personnel until the all-clear. “Things like this are memorable. He does not command remotely, but is perceived as part of the unit.” The transport riot police stood opposite the Terksky ridge, and then there was Gudermes, where the detachment entered later with regular troops that stormed the cities of Grozny and Argun, where a turning point occurred in the military campaign of 1995. “We guarded the sappers who cleared the approaches to Gudermes. They entered without a fight. The city was empty. 56 days passed and we returned home.”
In 1995, Andrei entered the Yelabuga police school. The training took place without interruption from service. In 1996, he was once again sent to the North Caucasus as part of the transport riot police.
SOBR
A new page in the life of Andrei Rymar began in 1998, with a transfer to the SOBR, to an officer position. “At first I didn’t quite understand where I was,” admitted Andrei Alexandrovich. - The second combat squad was then commanded by police lieutenant colonel Vladimir Pishchulin, from whom I learned a lot of useful things in the profession. A pedantic officer, for whom there were no trifles in the service, he did everything thoroughly, was demanding of himself and his subordinates. Discipline in SOBR is stricter. An officer must not only strictly follow orders, he must think and make decisions quickly. Be responsible not only for yourself." The internship turned out to be not just for show. It was necessary to study the weapons in service of the detachment, equipment, tactics, the basics of sapper work, fire training, and train in mountaineering. Andrey served in the assault group.
From 1998 to 2000, SOBR was part of the Department for Combating Organized Crime (UBOP). The operational units of the Organized Crime Control Department processed the information and, if necessary, brought in special forces soldiers. For efficiency, joint briefings and subsequent on-site visits were practiced. During the day on duty there were several departures.
During his years of service, Andrei Rymar went on business trips to the North Caucasus 12 times. First as part of the transport riot police, then SOBR. Places of deployment: Naterechny, Guderme districts, Shali, Vedeno, Gorny Aleroy, Nozhai-Yurtovsky district and the village of Engenoy. Since 2005, the geography of business trips has changed to Dagestan. Andrey Rymar was part of a mobile detachment in the Republic of Dagestan. They worked together with operatives of the Organized Crime Control Department and other law enforcement units.
COMBAT WOUNDS
Unfortunately, there were some battle wounds. Andrei Rymar was wounded twice. The first time was in 2002 during a battle in the Aleroi Mountain area. The second time - in 2005, during the assault in Khasavyurt on the street. Sultanova.
Andrei Alexandrovich remembers this very reluctantly and briefly. He received gunshot wounds during a combat operation - an assault on a village where the militants were “settled”. The operation was carried out jointly with army units, which were supposed to neutralize the retreating bandits on the edge of the village, and the SOBR detachment, as always, was on the front line. During the battle, Andrei was seriously wounded - he was hit by 4 bullets - two in the arm from a Stechkin pistol and two in the chest from a machine gun. The bulletproof vest didn't save him. The bullets passed through places not protected by metal plates. According to the law of military brotherhood, his comrades did not leave him without help. Police captain Mikhail Kudryavtsev carried him out of the battle in his arms and took him to the hospital. The struggle for life was long and difficult. Andrey went to 5 hospitals and had several operations. As soon as things got a little better, the first thing I did was go to the detachment to chat with my comrades. When I talked with the deputy radar commander, police colonel Roman Arkadyevich Namestnikov, he became concerned about the soldier’s well-being, insisted on an urgent medical examination and literally took him “by the hand” to a military hospital. The fears turned out to be not in vain. Speaking in everyday language, Andrei’s shot lung was half filled with blood, and until it thickened, it was necessary to urgently remove it, otherwise - amputation of the lung, disability and dismissal from the organs.
Returning to duty, Andrei Rymar served for another five years. In 2005, during the assault in the city of Khasavyurt, he was shell-shocked. In addition to him, four more SOBR soldiers were injured from the grenade explosion. There was no time for treatment. The next day, everyone was transferred to conduct another operation in another area.
A fellow mountaineer was mistook for a robber
As in any business, there are no oddities in the service. One such incident occurred during a special operation to capture an alleged drug lord who was renting an apartment in a five-story building on the street. 22nd Party Congress in Samara. Two days passed in painful anticipation for someone to appear in the apartment. Finally, a signal was received that we were ready for the assault. The specialists split into two groups. One should enter through the door, the second through the window. While the climbers were preparing for the descent, so as not to be “discovered” at the entrance ahead of time, the first group asked permission to enter the neighbors’ apartment, where a guy and a girl were watching the action movie “Apocalypse Now.” The climax of the film was underway - a helicopter landing with the appropriate musical accompaniment, and suddenly noise began on the floor above. The group is confused, what is happening? Maybe they were on the wrong floor? We checked the apartment number - everything is correct. They began the assault, successfully detained everyone who was in the apartment, but still no sign of the climber. It turns out that when he was descending from the roof past the windows of the upper floor, he was “spotted” by a vigilant tenant. The pensioner decided that a robber was approaching him in such an extravagant way, grabbed an ax and started swinging it at the employee. At first he dodged the ax, tried to explain that he was not a robber, but realizing that he was late for the assault, he slightly “calmed down” the grandfather and continued the descent.
To put it in sporting language, SOBR is the highest league of the law enforcement agencies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the service is carried out on constant adrenaline. Work happens as a team. And if you feel that you might not live up to your trust and let your comrades down, it’s better to leave in time. In 2010, police major A.A. Rymar received a disability and was discharged. “I got my share of adrenaline in life,” says Andrei Alexandrovich. “I’m proud to have worked with such extraordinary people.” They had something to learn from and someone to follow.” At first there wasn’t enough service, but then I got used to civilian life. Now A.A. Rymar works for the security service. He is engaged in family affairs, raising children with his wife Nadezhna Valerievna. He has a 14-year-old son, Alexander, and a 7-year-old daughter, Katya, who entered first grade this year. He tries to spend his free time outdoors, in peace and quiet. As a long-term habit, he maintains physical fitness by running and working out on exercise machines in the gym.

In Chechnya, the transfer of units of the republican Ministry of Internal Affairs to the Russian National Guard has been completed. New units are provided with weapons and equipment. Chechen police officers expect positive changes after being transferred to a new structure.

As the "Caucasian Knot" wrote, Sharip Delimkhanov was appointed head of the Federal Service of the Russian National Guard troops in Chechnya several months ago. Prior to this, Colonel Sharip Delimkhanov served as commander of the police regiment for the protection of the oil and gas complex.

Sharip Delimkhanov is the younger brother of Adam Delimkhanov, cousin of the head of Chechnya Ramzan Kadyrov. Another of the Delimkhanov brothers is Colonel Alibek Delimkhanov, who previously commanded the special forces battalion of the internal troops of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs "North" and served as deputy commander of the 46th brigade of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, stationed in Chechnya.

5,300 Chechen police officers transferred to the National Guard

As a source in the law enforcement agencies of the republic told the "Caucasian Knot" correspondent, the personnel of the republican riot police, linear riot police, SOBR "Terek", the Department of Private Security, the special forces aviation detachment and the licensing and permitting unit have been completely transferred to the National Guard.

“Also, the National Guard included units of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation stationed in our republic, these are, first of all, the special forces units “North” and “South”. This work was completed on New Year’s Eve. Thus, the first stage of the formation of the National Guard on the territory of our region," said a representative of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

According to him, the formation of the National Guard of Russia is carried out in 3 stages.

“The second stage begins in January, within the framework of which the order and scope of tasks performed by the National Guard will be finally approved, as well as the legal framework will be adjusted. The third stage, during which the creation of the National Guard of Russia will be fully completed, will be completed by the end of this year,” the source said.

The representative of the department emphasized that the units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic and the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, which became part of the new federal structure, remain in the places of their previous deployment. The issue of providing equipment and weapons to these units has been resolved in full.

The republic's Ministry of Internal Affairs also reported that 5,300 Chechen law enforcement officers were transferred to the Russian National Guard. It is alleged that all employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs transferred to the National Guard voluntarily, having written appropriate reports to the higher command.

Employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs have high expectations from working in the National Guard

Former employees of the republican Ministry of Internal Affairs have a generally positive attitude towards the transfer to the National Guard of Russia. According to some, this opens up good prospects for career growth.

“I have a very positive attitude towards the transition to the National Guard. Firstly, this is the structure of federal subordination, which will undoubtedly have a beneficial effect on security. Secondly, all social guarantees are preserved. Thirdly, it opens up prospects for career growth, which is important for every officer,” a National Guard employee said on this occasion Khamzat.

With the transfer of some units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to the National Guard of Russia, the number of personnel of the ministry was reduced to 11 thousand people.

“So far, I haven’t felt any special changes from joining the National Guard. But, in any case, I think it will be no worse than it was before,” says an employee of the new structure Islam.

In his opinion, there are much more prospects here than there were in the republican Ministry of Internal Affairs.

“The Ministry of Internal Affairs had a limited staff, promotion to positions was often carried out not on the basis of professional qualities, but taking into account family and other connections, proximity to a certain category of commanders, and so on,” he told the “Caucasian Knot” correspondent.