S.V. Ivanov

(continuation)

Conciliar verdict on accepting citizenship. – Behavior of the highest Little Russian clergy.

In Moscow, the tsar's decision to accept Little Russia as a citizen first of all tried to consolidate it with a conciliar verdict.

At the beginning of 1651, a Zemsky Sobor was convened, for discussion of which the Little Russian question was proposed along with Polish untruths, such as: non-observance of the royal title, the publication of books containing dishonor and reproaches to the Moscow officials and the sovereign himself, the plots of the Crimean Khan to jointly fight the Moscow state, etc. n. But then the Great Zemstvo Duma spoke out in favor of accepting Little Russia and in favor of a war with the Poles conditionally: if they do not correct themselves, i.e. will not give satisfaction. Obviously, the Little Russian issue has not yet matured enough in the eyes of the Moscow government; it waited to see what further circumstances would show, continuing to maintain the peace treaty with Poland, and in its diplomatic relations with it so far limited itself to complaints about the violation of the articles of “eternal consummation”, mainly about non-observance of the full royal title, as well as about the dishonor caused by the publication of books, filled with blasphemy against the Tsar and the entire Moscow state. Our government has already demanded no more, no less than the death penalty for those responsible, in accordance with the Sejm constitution (resolution) of 1638. Such a demand was made in 1650 by the Moscow ambassadors, the boyar and the gunsmith Grigory Le Havre. Pushkin and his comrades, and in 1651 envoys Afanasy Pronchishchev and clerk Almaz Ivanov. The king and the lords of the council responded to such a demand with various excuses, calling it a “small matter” and sending embassies with empty excuses, and blaming the blame on insignificant persons who were staying unknown where. With a similar answer, for example, Polish envoys, the royal nobleman Penceslavsky and the royal secretary Unechovsky, came to Moscow in July 1652. The following year, 1653, when the last desperate struggle of the Cossacks with the Poles was taking place and when Khmelnitsky’s requests to the tsar to accept Little Russia as his citizenship were especially persistent, Moscow considered it possible to intervene in this struggle, but began with diplomatic intervention.

In April, the sovereign sent the great and plenipotentiary ambassadors of the boyar-princes Boris Alexandrovich Repnin-Obolensky and Fed. to Poland. Fed. Volkonsky with the embassy clerk Almaz Ivanov and a large retinue. This embassy made the same demands for the punishment of those guilty of “registering” the royal title or belittling the “state honor”; in addition, they complained about the robberies of Polish and Lithuanian people in border cities and the removal of peasants from boyar and noble estates and estates, about treacherous links with the Crimean Khan and the passage of his ambassador to Sweden, all with the same intent, i.e., to fight Moscow together state. But all these Polish non-corrections, the Moscow ambassadors, in the name of the sovereign, proposed to be consigned to oblivion if the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth stops the persecution of the Orthodox faith, returns the churches selected for the union, ends the internecine war with the Cossacks and establishes peace with them according to the Treaty of Zborov. The lords of the council did not give any satisfactory answer to these representations, and they directly laughed at the demand for the death penalty for those guilty of registering the title; Polish troops set out on a campaign against the Cossacks even while our embassy was with them. The latter left with nothing, although he declared that His Royal Majesty would no longer tolerate Polish non-corrections, and “he will stand for the Orthodox faith and his sovereign honor, as much as the merciful God gives him help.” Only at the end of September did Prince Repnin-Obolensky and his comrades return to Moscow. Here they received timely news about the unsuccessful progress of the negotiations, and, of course, they counted on this failure in advance, and therefore they had already made the appropriate decisions and were preparing for an armed struggle. These decisions, as we said, the young tsar and the Boyar Duma considered it necessary to support with solemn popular consent. For this purpose, the usual Zemsky Sobor was convened in Moscow in advance from the clergy, boyars, nobles, merchants and all ranks of people.

The Council began its meetings in June and slowly discussed an important Little Russian issue. It ended on October 1, on the Feast of the Intercession of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The Tsar and the boyars listened to mass in the church of this holiday (better known under the name of St. Basil); and then with a procession of the cross he arrived at the Palace of Facets, where spiritual and elected zemstvo people gathered together with the consecrated cathedral, headed by Patriarch Nikon. At the beginning of the meeting, a statement of the above-mentioned Polish lies and Cossack harassment before the Tsar was read (by the Duma clerk); Moreover, it was reported about the arrival of the new hetman envoy Lavrin Kaputa with notification of the renewed war with the Poles and with a request for help, albeit from a small number of military men.

Zemsky Sobor. Painting by S. Ivanov

At the council, the Little Russian question was raised on a predominantly religious basis; the salvation of the Western Russian Orthodox Church from Polish persecution and from the union introduced by the Poles came to the fore. It was pointed out that King John Casimir, upon his election, swore an oath on the freedom of “different” Christian faiths and in advance allowed his subjects from allegiance and himself from obedience if he did not keep this oath and began to oppress someone for their faith; and since he did not keep his oath, the Orthodox people became free and can now enter into allegiance to another sovereign. The officials of the Zemsky Sobor cast their votes in the usual manner. Their answers, of course, had already been formed in advance and were now clothed only in a solemn form. The opinion of the consecrated cathedral was already known. Subsequently, the boyars in their response focused mainly on persecuted Orthodoxy, as well as on the fear that the Zaporozhye army, out of necessity, would not succumb to the Busurman sovereigns, the Turkish Sultan or the Crimean Khan; therefore, they concluded, one should “take Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky and the entire Zaporozhye army with cities and lands under the high sovereign hand.” After the boyars, the same was repeated by court officials, nobles and boyar children, archery heads, guests, merchants and black hundreds and taxable people of palace settlements. According to custom, service people expressed their readiness to fight the Lithuanian king for the sovereign honor, not sparing their heads, and merchants pledged to provide “assistance” (monetary) for the war and also “die their heads” for the Sovereign. Following the verdict of the council, the embassy of the boyar Vas was announced on the same day, apparently prepared in advance. You. Buturlin, steward Alferyev and Duma clerk Larion Lapukhin, who was supposed to go to Kyiv and Ukraine to swear the allegiance of the hetman, the entire Zaporozhye army, the townspeople “and all kinds of tenants.”

Although negotiations on the union of Ukraine with Great Russia were conducted primarily on a religious basis, and the Moscow government in particular brought to the fore the salvation of Orthodoxy in Little Rus', however, it is curious that the highest Little Russian clergy almost did not participate in these negotiations at all and - how we have already indicated that he did not express any desire to exchange Polish citizenship for Moscow. Monks and priests, on the contrary, clearly sought such a change and even went to the Moscow state in significant numbers.

The fact is that the metropolitan, bishops and abbots of the most important monasteries for the most part came from the Russian gentry, who, although they still preserved Orthodoxy, had already undergone significant Polishization in their language, customs, beliefs and feelings, were very unsympathetic to the autocratic Moscow system and looked down on the Moscow people, considering them significantly inferior to themselves in culture and almost barbarians. A clear example of this, in addition to the famous Adam Kisel, is the Orthodox Little Russian nobleman Joachim Erlich, who in his notes is hostile to the Khmelnitsky uprising and to any enemy of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The Kiev hierarchy at this time was of gentry origin and came out of the school of Peter Mogila, who, as is known, had family and friendly relations with the Polish aristocracy, and if he turned to Moscow, it was only for the sake of helping with schools and churches. His successor in the metropolis, Sylvester Kossov, a Belarusian nobleman by birth, just as willingly took advantage of alms from Moscow and, at her request, sent Kyiv scientists; but he valued more the honors and privileges associated with his department, was pleased with the improved position of the highest Orthodox clergy during the time of Khmelnitsky, and did not express any desire to reunite the Little Russian flock with the Great Russian one. He did not at all smile at the thought of exchanging his nominal dependence on the Patriarch of Constantinople, that is, almost complete independence, for actual subordination to the stern Moscow Patriarch. In addition, with the fall of Ukraine from Poland, the Orthodox flock was divided into two parts; for Belarus and Volyn remained with the Poles; consequently, the Kiev Metropolitan could lose both power and income in this other part of his metropolis. Therefore, he not only was not offended by the senators’ refusal to accept him into their midst, contrary to the Zboriv Treaty, but even after that he continued to act as a mediator between Khmelnytsky and the Polish government and worked for their reconciliation. Peter Mohyla’s successor at the Kiev-Pechersk Archimandry, Joseph Trizna, and partly the Kiev Brothers Archimandrite Innocent Gisel, acted in the same spirit. The Moscow government, of course, took notice. They expressed their bewilderment at their constant non-participation in the hetman’s petition for citizenship; but Khmelnitsky assured them of their secret agreement with him, and their silence was justified by the fear of revenge from the Poles if his petition was not crowned with success. When it was crowned, then the true attitude of the Little Russian hierarchs to the matter of reunification was revealed.


Regarding the Zemsky Sobor of 1651, see Latkina"Materials for the history of Zemsky Sobors of the 17th century." (His study “Zemsky Sobors of Ancient Rus'”. 231 et seq., with references to the Archive of the Ministry of Justice, St. Petersburg, 1885). Child o Zemsky Sobors ("Russian Thought". 1883. No. 12). In the Acts of Moscow. State (II. No. 459 under 1651) there is news about the election of nobles and boyar children in Krapivna to the great zemstvo and Lithuanian affairs. It is clear that we are talking about the Zemsky Sobor of 1651. The nobles chose two people. And instead of two townspeople, the governor himself appointed the son of a boyar and a gunner; for which he received a reprimand. Polish untruths are also spoken of in the order to envoys to Emperor Ferdinand III. (“Monuments of diplomatic relations” III. 95 – 97). The acts of the Zemsky Sobor of 1653 were published in S.G.G. and D. III. No. 157. II. P. 3. I. No. 104. Acts of the South. and Zap. Ross. X. No. 2. The general content of this act in the Palace Discharge. III. 369 – 372. A more complete copy of it, extracted by Mr. Latkin from Moscow. Arch. M. In. Cases, published by him in the appendices to his memorable study, 434 ff. Various opinions about this cathedral: Solovyov’s “History of Russia”. T. X. "Russian West." 1857. April. K. Aksakov "Works". I. 207. Child's mentioned work. Platonov "Notes on the history of Zemsky Sobors". J. M. H. Ave. 1883. No. 3. G. Latkin rightly proves that the meeting on October 1 was only the final, solemn one at the Council of 1653, that its meetings began on June 5, and elections for it were made in May. Confirmation is given from the Palace. Resolution (III. 372) the news that on the same day, October 1, the embassy to Ukraine was announced to boyar Buturlin and his comrades to take the oath. Consequently, it was prepared in advance in accordance with the conciliar verdict that had already taken place. Based on the hitherto incorrect idea of ​​a one-day meeting of the council, as Latkin points out, an incorrect polemic between Solovyov and Aksakov took place about its significance in the series of zemstvo councils in general. (239–241). Tsar Alexei, on April 24, 1654, releasing the prince. Al. Nick. Trubetskoy and other governors on the campaign, said to the military people: “Last year there were cathedrals more than once, at which you elected two nobles from all cities; at these cathedrals we talked about the lies of the Polish kings.” (Soloviev. X. p. 359 of the first edition. From Polish affairs of Moscow. Arch. M. In. D.). Obviously, this refers to different sessions of the Council of 1653. Acts of Moscow. State II. Nos. 527, 530, 535, 538. (News from Putivl and Chernigov about Khmelnitsky and Vygovsky, their and the colonels’ threats to transfer to Turkish citizenship in the event of the tsar’s refusal to accept the Zaporozhye army. Art. Matveev’s embassy to Bogdan. Review of Ukrainian boyar children for preparation them for the campaign, etc.).

  • Zemsky Sobors were the name given to estate-representative institutions that existed from the mid-16th to the end of the 17th centuries. Institutions of this kind were characteristic of many European states that went through the stage of estate-representative monarchy. They first appeared in 1188 in Leon and Castile, in 1218 in Catalonia, in 1254 in Portugal, in 1265 in England, in 1274 in Aragon. In Spain these representations were called Cortes, in England - Parliament, in France and the Netherlands - Provincial and General States, in the German principalities - Landtags, in Poland and the Czech Republic - Diets. In Rus', such institutions received the names Zemsky Sobors. It is characteristic that foreign ambassadors, informing their government about the convening of this or that council in Moscow, called them in their own way: the British - parliament, the Poles - sejm.

    The nature of Zemsky Sobors

    Since ancient times, in Rus' there have been veche traditions and the custom of deciding the most important matters together - conciliarly, by the whole earth. The Mongol-Tatar yoke and the strengthening of the centralized state shook, but did not destroy ancient traditions. At the most crucial, key moments in Russian history, the Grand Ducal government resorted to the advice of all classes. Thus, the prototype of the Zemsky Sobors can be considered the meeting of appanage princes, metropolitans, boyars and governors, convened in 1471 by Ivan III to decide on a military campaign against Novgorod. The first council was convened under Ivan the Terrible in 1549 - it was the so-called Council of Reconciliation, at which a reform program prepared by members of the Elected Rada was outlined.

    In historiography, there are different points of view on the issue of the nature of the Zemsky Sobors. Slavophiles, in particular K.S. Aksakov, were seen in the cathedrals as direct heirs of the veche order. On the contrary, S. M. Solovyov argued that the Zemsky Sobors had no connection with the ancient regional councils and were separated from them for centuries. N.I. Kostomarov, comparing Russian cathedrals with Western European representative assemblies, did not see anything in common between them. V. O. Klyuchevsky considered the councils to be just a meeting of the government with its agents. With a lecture by V.O. Klyuchevsky about Zemsky Sobors of the 16th century. You can read the lecture on Zemsky Sobors of the 17th century. Soviet historiography, based on the Marxist postulate of class struggle, viewed the Zemsky Sobors as the result of a compromise between various layers of the ruling class of feudal lords. Recently, Zemsky Sobors and local zemstvo institutions are often mentioned as an unrealized model of government that had parliamentary potential, but gave way to an absolutist form of government.

    Zemsky councils and royal power

    It is paradoxical that the Zemsky Sobors began during the reign of Ivan the Terrible, who spoke contemptuously of contemporary monarchs whose power was limited by parliaments. He reprimanded in letters to Elizabeth I for the fact that people rule past you, and not just people, but trading men, and spoke contemptuously about the Swedish king Johann III Vasa, who has advisers and the whole land... as comrades, and he in their heads, like the headman in the volost. Nevertheless, the autocrat could not do without the assistance of elected officials from the entire land to approve additional taxation for the conduct of the Livonian War and for this purpose convened another Zemsky Sobor in 1566. The new representative institutions immediately had supporters. In any case, Prince Andrei Kurbsky, who conducted a polemical correspondence with Ivan the Terrible, insisted that the tsar should seek good advice from the people of the people, obviously meaning by this the Zemsky Sobors that had already been convened twice.

    From the end of the 16th century. Zemsky Sobors acquire a very important function; they begin to approve the accession of monarchs to the throne. Although the throne was inherited, it was believed that the king must certainly receive the approval of elected officials from all classes. The first tsar approved by the council was Fyodor Ioannovich. His brother-in-law and successor Boris Godunov sought similar legitimacy. His crowning in 1598 was approved by the council, which adopted a special conciliar act on behalf of those elected from end to end of all states of the Russian kingdom. In 1606, Vasily Shuisky, in the struggle for power, also sought to hide behind the authority of the cathedral, but his contemporaries accused him of choosing Moscow alone to be king, while other cities did not know this.

    Zemstvo councils reached their highest influence at the end of the Time of Troubles. In 1611-1612 the territories free from foreign invaders were governed by the Council of the Whole Earth, and the Zemsky Sobor of 1613 met in Moscow almost without interruption for a whole decade until 1622 - only the composition of the elected officials changed. The memory of the ten-year cathedral has been preserved for a long time. In 1634, solicitor I.A. Buturlin attacked the sovereign’s word and deed, declared that things were not going well in the state and proposed a reform project, which boiled down to the creation of a permanent cathedral of elected from Moscow and district service people who were supposed to live in a palace specially designated for them and notify the sovereign of any untruth. The author of the project was declared not in good spirits, and his petition was rejected. The Russian political system has evolved in a completely different direction. Zemstvo councils were not destined to become permanent institutions, and even during the period of their highest activity they did not go beyond the framework of advisory bodies. The councils were convened by decree of the tsar and never had the right of veto like, for example, the Polish diets.

    Composition of Zemsky Sobors

    It was believed that the Zemsky Sobors personified the entire earth. In fact, not the entire population of Russia was represented at the Zemsky Sobors; the same thing was observed in Western European representative institutions. The following took part in the zemstvo councils:

    The Boyar Duma in its entirety The consecrated cathedral The highest church hierarchs Elected from service people in the fatherland Moscow nobles, administrative administration, city nobility Elected from service people according to the apparatus of archers, gunners, Cossacks, etc. Elected from the living room and cloth hundreds Elected from the townspeople of the black hundreds and settlements

    The vast majority of the population, that is, peasants, was deprived of the right of class representation. True, at the council of 1613 there were elected representatives of the district people. Historians are still wondering what category of population they represented? Presumably, these were elected representatives of the black-sown peasants, that is, personally free peasants. On the other hand, they represented Kolomna and Tula districts, where by the beginning of the century there were no peasants free from serfdom. In any case, peasants, free or proprietary, in the entire history of councils were called to them only once during a period of national crisis.

    The councils differed in the number of participants. At the cathedral of 1566 there were 374 people, at the cathedral of 1598 - more than 450. The most representative was the Zemsky Sobor in 1613 - according to various estimates, from 500 to 700 people. How did the elections to the councils take place? Convening the first council in 1550, Ivan the Terrible ordered his state to be assembled from cities of all ranks. In 1613, the leaders of the second militia called strong and reasonable people to a council in Moscow. In subsequent decades, tsarist decrees, in almost the same terms, convened the best people, kind, intelligent and consistent, to councils. Members of the Boyar Duma and the highest church hierarchs were not elected, participating in the councils according to their rank. The standards for representation from service people and other classes were established separately for each cathedral. For example, at the cathedral of 1648-49. two people were elected from each rank of Moscow stewards, solicitors, Moscow nobles, residents, two nobles from large cities, and one from small cities. Service people sent elected representatives from regiments in the capital, and from cities and districts to the provinces. From the merchant elite, three guests should have been delegated to the cathedral and two people each from the living room and cloth hundreds. From the townspeople of Moscow there is one person from every black hundred. From the provincial townspeople - one person from the city. However, neither at this council nor at other councils was it ever possible to maintain the established norm of representation. The lists of participants in the cathedral indicate that some counties and cities were represented more, others less, and a significant part were not represented at all.

    Elections took place in county towns at gatherings in a hut under the supervision of local governors. Voter activity varied and was high during the patriotic upsurge of 1612-1613. and quite low in the subsequent period, when participation in the council was perceived as a heavy duty, which they tried to avoid. It often happened that governors had to convene gatherings of servicemen several times due to the lack of the required number of participants. On the other hand, there are known cases of real election struggle in counties, when younger and older people nominated different candidates or when local nobles came into conflict with the governor over elections. The election list, signed by the participants in the gathering, was handed over to the governor, who sent the elected officials to the Rank Order, where the correctness of the elections was checked. V. O. Klyuchevsky cited a curious case when one governor, who was ordered to send two of the best townspeople to the cathedral, wrote that in his city there were only three townspeople, and that they were thin and wandering around the yard, he of his own will appointed to represent the townsman people from other classes, for which he received a reprimand from the clerk of the Discharge Order: it is not for him to choose the governor, and for that he should be condemned much more; Yes, he made a fool of the governor, sent the son of a boyar and a gunner past the townspeople in their place

    The most important Zemsky Sobors of the 17th century.

    The first council of 1549, obviously, was convened on Red Square, at least on the square, young Ivan the Terrible addressed the people with his speech. Subsequent councils met in the Kremlin in the Dining Room or the Chamber of Facets. And only the most crowded cathedral of 1613 met in the Assumption Cathedral. At some councils, the Boyar Duma and the highest clergy sat separately from the elected people. The cathedral was opened either by the tsar himself or the clerk, who read out a letter, that is, a list of questions posed by the tsar’s address to the elected officials. Answers were given on separate articles by each class. At some councils, elected officials from various classes submitted fairy tales, that is, notes and projects that reflected class interests. From 1549 to the 1680s. About 50 councils took place. In the 17th century The most significant cathedrals were the following:

    The Zemsky Sobor of 1613 began its work in January 1613 and elected Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov as Tsar. Upon arrival in Moscow, the new tsar did not dissolve the elected zemstvo people. They were replaced by other elected members only in 1615. One composition of the cathedral was replaced by another until 1622. More details about the Zemsky Sobor of 1613.

    Zemsky Sobor 1632-1634. was convened due to the war with Poland, which resumed immediately after the end of the 14-year Deulin truce. The cathedral introduced an additional levy for military needs - a five-piece money.

    The council of 1642 was convened to discuss the issue of Azov, a strong Turkish fortress captured by the Don Cossacks. The fate of the fortress was never decided; subsequently, the Cossacks, who did not receive help, had to leave Azov to the Turks. This cathedral is remembered for the fact that the immediate reason for convening it faded into the background, and representatives of various classes saw in the cathedral a way to express their needs and complaints. More details about the tales submitted by members of the cathedral.

    The Council of 1648-49 was convened after the Salt Riot in Moscow. It sat for almost six months. The main act of this council was the article-by-article discussion and approval of the Council Code. More details about the discussion and adoption of the Council Code here.

    The Council of 1650 dealt with the issue of pacifying Pskov, where serious popular unrest continued. The councils of 1651 and 1653 were dedicated to Ukrainian affairs. The Council of 1653 decided to accept the Cossack army and Little Russia into Russian citizenship. The last meeting of the council took place on October 1, 1653. After this, councils were not convened in full. More details about the Council of 1653

    The decline in the importance of Zemsky Sobors

    As absolutism strengthened, the importance of zemstvo councils steadily declined; they were convened less and less often, and finally completely died out as a political institution. In the historical literature one can find a variety of dates for the end of the Zemsky Councils. This is due to the fact that there is no unity among researchers on the issue of the criteria that the Zemsky Sobor must meet. The last zemstvo council in its entirety should be considered the cathedral of 1653. After this, the councils were convened in a reduced composition, being something like meetings of the government with representatives of individual classes. So, in 1660, 1662-1663. There were meetings between the boyars and guests and tax-paying people of Moscow regarding the difficult financial situation of the crisis in 1681-1682. In Moscow, under the leadership of Prince V.V. Golitsyn, meetings of service people and tax people met separately from each other. The last council, also incomplete, was convened in 1698 for the trial of Princess Sophia.

  • In the fall of 1650, a campaign was undertaken in Moldavia. This campaign thwarted the raid of the Turkish-Tatar invaders on Russia. The hetman sought from the Sultan an order for the Crimean Khan to support Khmelnitsky in his new campaign against the Polish king. Knowing that King Jan Casimir was gathering large forces, the hetman was actively preparing to repel the enemy.

    At the request of Khmelnitsky, the Russian government allowed the passage of Cossack troops through Russian territory to strike Polish troops in the Lithuanian-Belarusian lands. The arrival of the Cossacks in Belarus caused a new upsurge of the liberation movement there.

    At the beginning of 1651, the Russian government convened a Zemsky Sobor in Moscow specifically to consider the issue of admitting Ukraine to Russia.

    The war with Poland resumed in 1651. This time the Khan and his horde joined Khmelnitsky’s army. In June 1651, near the town of Berestechko, in Volyn, a meeting of the people’s army with the army of King John Casimir took place.

    At the beginning of the battle, success was on the side of the people's army. However, on the third day of the battle, the khan changed again; he withdrew from his horde and moved east, began to destroy defenseless Ukrainian cities and villages. The Khan detained the hetman as his prisoner. The people's army found itself in a very difficult situation. Nevertheless, a significant part of the army, led by Ivan Bohun, avoided defeat and retreated.

    Meanwhile, Khmelnitsky was freed from the Khan's captivity. A new people's army soon gathered near Bila Tserkva. Khmelnitsky could not quickly and completely restore the forces lost at Berestechko. However, the position of Jan-Cazimir’s army worsened as it moved towards the Dnieper region, whose population rose up against the enemy. Under such conditions, in September 1651, a new Treaty of Belotserkov was concluded.

    By concluding the Belotserkov Treaty, the hetman, like the rest of the people, did not intend to abandon the continuation of the war, the struggle for the unification of Ukraine with Russia.

    5. Zemsky Sobor 1653

    On May 22, 1652, the battle of Batog (on Podolia) ended in the complete defeat of the noble army. It became increasingly clear that Poland was powerless to restore its power in Ukraine and prevent its unification with Russia. Turkey’s aggressive aspirations have intensified, and the possibilities for bringing it and Crimea closer to Poland have expanded. At the same time, the victory at Batog convinced the tsarist government of the weakening of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

    In 1653, the Russian government decisively took the path of annexing Ukraine to Russia.

    The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth government resumed the war in Ukraine. The Polish army began to devastate Ukraine in order to force the Ukrainian people to submit. The masses of the people in Ukraine were in an exceptionally difficult situation.

    At the end of April 1653, a Russian embassy headed by Prince Repnin was sent to Poland. The embassy demanded that the Polish king renew the Treaty of Zboriv and stop the oppression of the Ukrainian people. The Polish government refused to comply with these demands, insisting on the full restoration of the power of the Polish gentry in Ukraine.

    In May 1653, the Russian government convened the Zemsky Sobor to consider the issue of unifying Ukraine with Russia and the war against Poland. The Council was held in Moscow, in the Garnet Chamber of the Kremlin. In addition to the Tsar, the Patriarch and the highest clergy, the work of the Zemsky Council was attended by “boyars, okolnichy, Duma people, stewards and solicitors. and Moscow nobles, and residents, and nobles from cities, and boyar children. guests and living rooms and cloth hundreds and black hundreds, and palace settlements, merchants and other ranks, people and archers.

    Considering Ukraine's repeated requests. and also taking into account the danger that threatened the existence of the Ukrainian people from the Polish and Turkish-Tatar invaders, the Zemsky Sobor in Moscow on October 1, 1653 agreed to the admission of Ukraine into Russia and the declaration of war against gentry Poland for the liberation of Ukraine, Belarus and Smolensk .

    The decision of the Zemsky Sobor on October 1, 1653 also reflected the patriotic sentiments of the Russian people, their desire to reunite with the fraternal Ukrainian people, and their willingness to make sacrifices to implement this decision.

    In October 1653, the Russian government sent the Great Embassy to Ukraine, headed by the boyar V. Buturlin. The Kremlin soon solemnly announced the beginning of the war for Ukraine.

    Khmelnitsky and his army took part at this time in a new campaign against the Polish army. The meeting with the royal army took place at Zhvanets (near Kamenets-Podolsk). The hetman this time was forced to enter into an alliance with the khan. By the end of November, the troops led by him had completely wrested the initiative from the hands of the enemy, exhausted and surrounded the royal army and were ready to deal the final blow to it. However, this time the Khan demanded that Khmelnytsky conclude peace with the king, and then participate in a joint attack on Russia. Bogdan Khmelnytsky resolutely refused to comply with these demands.

    Kaluga State Pedagogical University

    them. K.E. Tsiolkovsky

    Department of History and Political Science

    Zemsky Sobors in the history of Russia

    Abstract of a 3rd year student

    Faculty of Psychology

    FP groups – 311

    Latysheva Evgenia

    Kaluga, 2005

    1. Historiography……………………………………………………3

    2. What are Zemstvo Sobors…………………………………………..6

    3. The largest zemstvo cathedrals………………………………….…...10

    4. Cathedral Code of 1649……………………………………..14

    5. Periodization of the history of zemstvo councils………………………....17

    6. Classification of Zemsky Sobors…………………………………..18

    7. Conclusions…………………………………………………………….....20

    8. References…………………………………………………………….22

    HISTORIOGRAPHY

    The question of zemstvo councils of the 16th – 17th centuries. was one of the most popular problems of noble-bourgeois historiography. Interest in this problem, in addition to its purely scientific significance, was largely due to the fact that noble-bourgeois historians often looked for in zemstvo councils a prototype of representative institutions, the introduction of which, it seemed to them, should have become a condition for the further development of the state system in Russia in 19-20 centuries

    An appeal to the past of state institutions seemed to show the direction of the Russian autocracy along the path of transforming it into a bourgeois monarchy without revolutionary upheavals and coups. It is no coincidence that attention to zemstvo councils intensified during the periods of the first and second revolutionary situations and during the revolution of 1905-1907.

    In the volumes “History of Russia from Ancient Times” published annually since 1851, book after book, by S. M. Solovyov, the material related to the Zemstvo Councils was systematized and their actual history was reproduced. The source base for studying the activities of zemstvo councils at that time was still very insufficient. Mostly these were official materials published in the “Collection of State Charters and Treaties” and in publications of the Archaeographic Commission; some data are given in the “History” of N. M. Karamzin. Soloviev also used some new archival documentation (for example, embassy files). Therefore, the history of the study of zemstvo cathedrals can begin with his work.

    Further study of zemstvo councils was associated with the introduction of new sources into scientific circulation and a more complete use of those already known in the press. New materials identified by I. N. Zhdanov made it possible to more comprehensively master the activities of Stoglav in 1551 as a church-state meeting of a special type, which he called the “church-zemsky council.” S. F. Platonov extracted a number of information about zemstvo cathedrals from the “palace ranks” and “rank books.” I. I. Dityatin discovered in the archives of the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs documents about the cathedral of 1651 (conciliar act, voivodeship replies, letter of conscription for the cathedral, verdict on the election of representatives) and other materials from the 17th century.

    In connection with the study of the Zemsky Sobor of 1648-1649, the thoughts of scientists turned to the Council Code as a source. One of the tasks of the source analysis of the monument was to establish the extent to which elected people took part in its development. The condition for solving this problem was the use of a versatile methodology: studying the text of the Council Code, making notes in the margins, comparing it with other sources, etc.

    A new stage in the study of zemstvo cathedrals was opened by the research of V. O. Klyuchevsky. He put forward three methodological premises. Firstly, we must proceed from the fact that zemstvo councils are “a special type of popular representation, different from Western representative assemblies,” where there was a struggle between social classes and social classes with the government. Secondly, it is necessary to study “the connection of ancient Russian zemstvo councils with the soil that grew them, with native institutions”, to find out “which social worlds sent these representatives to the councils, when they arose and how these worlds were structured, who and why they chose as their representatives.” Thirdly, it is necessary to grasp “the prospects in the history of conciliar representation: whether this institution had any development, historical growth, or whether it froze in the same way as it was born, remaining a political runt.”

    In Soviet literature, the topic of zemstvo councils did not immediately take its rightful place. In the 20-40s, articles appeared that introduced new materials about individual councils into scientific circulation: 1613, 1616, 1639, 1683-1684. As for the general concepts of the development of this political body, they mainly adhered to the ideas that developed in pre-revolutionary historiography.

    A number of interesting considerations regarding zemstvo councils were expressed by V.K. Nikolsky. As if summing up the results of the study of this institution in pre-revolutionary historiography, he emphasized its complexity and the variety of specific forms of manifestation.

    A series of new research in this area began with an article by M. N. Tikhomirov. The author, first of all, formulated his attitude to those disagreements on the issue of Zemstvo Councils, which emerged in pre-revolutionary literature. He emphasized that he was closer to the approach to the topic of V. N. Latkin (the Russian cathedral is a representative body of the European type) than that of V. O. Klyuchevsky (the Russian cathedral is a “political runt”). Noting that “the question of zemstvo councils in the conditions of powerless autocratic Russia of the 19th century is not only a historical, but also a political issue,” Tikhomirov considered it a timely and urgent task to re-turn to the study of cathedrals as estate-representative institutions. The author reviewed the data on all known councils of the 17th century, showing the conditions and consequences of their convening.

    Currently, the history of zemstvo cathedrals is still of interest to researchers. The cathedrals left many legal monuments (codes, codes of law, etc.), which are of great historical interest.

    WHAT ARE ZEMSKY SOBRAS

    Zemsky Sobors were the central estate-representative institution of Russia in the mid-16th and 17th centuries. The appearance of zemstvo councils is an indicator of the unification of Russian lands into a single state, the weakening of the princely-boyar aristocracy, the growth of the political importance of the nobility and, partly, the upper classes of the town. The first Zemsky Sobors were convened in the mid-16th century, during the years of intensified class struggle, especially in cities. Popular uprisings forced the feudal lords to rally to pursue policies that strengthened state power and the economic and political position of the ruling class. Not all zemstvo councils were properly organized class-representative assemblies. Many of them were convened so urgently that there could be no question of choosing local representatives to participate in them. In such cases, in addition to the “consecrated cathedral” (the highest clergy), the Boyar Duma, the capital’s servicemen and commercial and industrial people, persons who happened to be in Moscow on official and other business spoke on behalf of the district servicemen. There were no legislative acts defining the procedure for selecting representatives to councils, although the idea of ​​them arose.

    The Zemsky Sobor included the Tsar, the Boyar Duma, the entire Consecrated Cathedral, representatives of the nobility, the upper classes of the townspeople (merchants, large merchants), i.e. candidates of the three classes. The Zemsky Sobor as a representative body was bicameral. The upper chamber included the Tsar, the Boyar Duma and the Consecrated Council, who were not elected, but participated in it in accordance with their position. Members of the lower house were elected. The procedure for elections to the Council was as follows. From the Discharge Order, the voivodes received instructions on elections, which were read out to city residents and peasants. After this, class elective lists were compiled, although the number of representatives was not fixed. Voters gave instructions to their elected representatives. However, elections were not always held. There were cases when, during an urgent convocation of a council, representatives were invited by the king or local officials. In the Zemsky Sobor, a significant role was played by the nobles (the main service class, the basis of the royal army), and especially merchants, since the solution of monetary problems in order to provide funds for state needs, primarily defense and military, depended on their participation in this state body. Thus, in the Zemsky Sobors a policy of compromise between various layers of the ruling class was manifested.

    The regularity and duration of meetings of Zemsky Sobors were not regulated in advance and depended on the circumstances and the importance and content of the issues discussed. In some cases, Zemsky Sobors functioned continuously. They resolved the main issues of foreign and domestic policy, legislation, finance, and state building. Issues were discussed by estate (in chambers), each estate submitted its written opinion, and then, as a result of their generalization, a conciliar verdict was drawn up, accepted by the entire composition of the Council. Thus, government authorities had the opportunity to identify the opinions of individual classes and groups of the population. But in general, the Council acted in close connection with the tsarist government and the Duma. Councils met on Red Square, in the Patriarchal Chambers or the Assumption Cathedral of the Kremlin, and later in the Golden Chamber or the Dining Hut.

    It must be said that the zemstvo councils, as feudal institutions, did not include the bulk of the population - the enslaved peasantry. Historians suggest that only a single time, at the council of 1613, was apparently attended by a small number of representatives of the Black Sowing peasants.

    In addition to the name “Zemsky Sobor”, this representative institution in the Moscow state had other names: “Council of the Whole Earth”, “Cathedral”, “General Council”, “Great Zemstvo Duma”.

    How were the interests of the classes represented in Russia? What problems arose? It is important to determine the political system of Russia in the 16th century. Education class-representative monarchy in Russia was expressed, first of all, in the convening Zemsky cathedrals . What are the largest Zemsky cathedrals took place in the 16th-17th centuries? What classes were represented there? What role did the representatives play? Estate - in the history of feudal Europe, a social group that has rights enshrined in law or custom and transmitted by...

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  • History of the Fatherland 1613

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  • Sobornoe ulojenie

    Yielding to the harassment of the nobles and the top of the town, the government convened Zemsky Cathedral to develop a new code of law (code). On Zemsky Cathedral On September 1, 1648, elected officials from 121 cities and districts arrived in Moscow. In first place in terms of the number of elected officials were provincial nobles (153 people) and townspeople (94 people). The “Conciliar Code” as a new set of laws was drawn up by a special commission, discussed Zemsky cathedral and printed in 1649 in the amount of 2 thousand copies. At that time...

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  • Zemsky Sobors in the political mechanism of Moscow Rus'

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  • Zemsky Sobors of the Russian State in the 16th - 17th centuries.

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  • Ukrainian national liberation war of the mid-17th century

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  • story

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  • Sociology

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  • Comparison of the English Parliament and Land Councils

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  • Dates

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  • Relations between Russia and Ukraine from the 17th century to the present day.

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  • Peasant wars and urban uprisings of the 17th centuries.

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  • Wars on the territory of Belarus in the middle of the 17th century

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  • Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich - the beginning of the formation of absolutism

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  • Peter 1

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  • summary summary on Russian foreign policy 16-19 centuries (end

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  • Microsoft Word Document

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  • Ghjnj

    Mikhailovich persistently developed and implemented the idea of ​​unlimited royal power and its divine origin, and successfully fought against the claims Patriarch Nikon to place church power above royal power; activity ceased under him Zemsky cathedrals , the role of the Boyar Duma decreased. Alexey Mikhailovich led an active foreign policy. The biggest success was the reunification of Ukraine with Russia (1654) and the return of part of the original Russian lands - Smolensk, Seversk land with Chernigov and Starodub...

    1307 Words | 6 Page

  • Reunification of Russia and Ukraine

    Duma, which discussed Russian-Polish relations. It was decided to send a large Russian embassy to Warsaw with proposals for peace terms, and also to deal preparations for war with Poland if these proposals are rejected. It was planned to convene Zemsky Cathedral and on it to consider the issue of admitting Ukraine to the Russian state. To speed up the reunification of Ukraine with Russia, in March 1653, a Ukrainian embassy headed by S. Muzhilovsky and K. Burlya left for Moscow. Representatives of Ukraine...

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  • All about genres of scientific style

    convinced Moscow of the need to take Ukraine “under the high hand” of the Moscow sovereign and conduct joint actions against Poland. Only in February 1651 G. Zemsky Cathedral gave his consent in principle. Negotiations with Turkey were more successful: the Sultan gave the order to the Crimean Khan to help Khmelnitsky with all his might as a vassal of the Ottoman Empire. in spring 1651 hostilities resumed. On the eve of this, another drama occurred in Khmelnitsky’s personal life: his second wife Elena was caught having sex...

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  • Story

    class, and, above all, the local nobility (nobles and children of boyars), the emergence of zemstvo cathedrals -meetings convened sporadically to discuss and resolve the most important issues of domestic and foreign policy. In addition to the Boyar Duma and the top clergy (“sanctified Cathedral »), zemstvo cathedrals included representatives of the local nobility and the upper classes. Appearance zemstvo cathedrals meant the establishment in Russia of an estate-representative monarchy, characteristic of most Western European...