Ελληνική Επανάσταση του 1821 - the armed struggle of the Greek people for independence from the Ottoman Empire, which began in 1821 and ended in 1832 with the Treaty of Constantinople, which established Greece as an independent state. The Greeks were the first of the subject peoples of the Ottoman Empire to gain independence.
The Ottoman Empire ruled almost all of Greece, with the exception of the Ionian Islands, Crete and parts of the Peloponnese, from the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries. In the 17th century, the Ottomans conquered the Peloponnese and Crete. But in the 18th and 19th centuries, a wave of revolutions swept across Europe. The power of Turkey was decreasing, Greek nationalism began to assert itself and increasingly gained support from Western European countries.
In 1814, Greek patriots N. Skoufas, E. Xanthos and A. Tsakalov formed a secret organization “Φιλική Εταιρεία” (“Friendly Society”) in Odessa. In 1818, the center of the organization was moved to Constantinople. With the support of wealthy Greek communities located in Britain and the United States, with the help of sympathizers in Western Europe and secret help from Russia, they planned an uprising against Turkey.
The revolt against Ottoman rule was launched by a group of conspirators led by Ypsilanti, which consisted largely of Russian officers of Greek origin. John Kapodistrias was offered to lead the liberation movement, but he, holding important diplomatic posts in the Russian administration, for a long time considered it impossible for himself to participate in an uprising that was not officially supported by Russia.
The uprising began on March 6, 1821, when Alexander Ypsilanti, accompanied by several other Greek officials of the Russian army, crossed the Prut River in Romania and entered what is now Moldavia with his small force. He was soon defeated by the Turkish army. The uprising broke out in the Southern Peloponnese (Morea) on March 25. Within 3 months the uprising swept the entire Peloponnese,
part of mainland Greece, the island of Crete, Cyprus and some other islands of the Aegean Sea. The rebels captured significant territory. On January 22, 1822, the 1st National Assembly in Piado (near Epidaurus) proclaimed the independence of Greece and adopted a democratic constitution. 1822 30 thousand The Turkish army invaded the Morea, but retreated, suffering significant losses. Greek troops led by talented commanders M. Botsaris, T. Kolokotronis, G. Karaiskakis.
Military operations against Turkish troops were relatively successful. Turkey's response was terrible, thousands of Greeks were repressed
Turkish soldiers, the Patriarch of Constantinople Gregory V was hanged. However, the Greeks did not remain in debt. Greek rebels executed the Turks. All these events were poorly received by Western Europe. The British and French governments suspected that the uprising was a Russian plot to take over Greece and even perhaps Constantinople. However, the rebel leaders clashed with each other and were unable to establish regular administration of the liberated people.
territories. All this led to internecine struggle. A civil war began in Greece (late 1823 - May 1824 and 1824-1825).
In 1825, the Turkish Sultan turned for help to the vassal, but very independent Khedive of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, who had just carried out serious reforms of the Egyptian army according to European models. The Sultan of Turkey promised to make concessions regarding Syria if Ali helped. Egyptian forces, under the command of Ali's son Ibrahim, quickly took possession of the Aegean Sea.
Ibrahim also enjoyed success in the Peloponnese, where he managed to return Tripolis, the administrative center of the region. However, in European countries, especially in England and France (and, of course, in Russia), sympathy for the Greek patriots grew among the educated elite and the desire to further weaken the Ottoman Empire among politicians. In 1827, a convention supporting independence was adopted in London
Greece. On October 20, 1827, British, French and Russian squadrons, under the overall command of the English Vice Admiral Edward Codrington, entered Greek waters. On the same day, the allies met with the Turkish-Egyptian fleet in the Navarino Bay of the Peloponnese. During the four-hour battle of Navarino, the Turkish-Egyptian fleet was defeated by the allies. Following this, the French troops landed
to land and helped the Greeks complete the defeat of the Turks. Having won this victory, the allies did not take further joint actions aimed at undermining Turkey's military power. Moreover, disagreements began in the camp of the former allies over the division of the former possessions of the Ottoman Empire. Taking advantage of this, Türkiye declared war on Russia in December 1827.
The Russian-Turkish War of 1828-1829 began, in which Türkiye was defeated. According to the Treaty of Adrianople of 1829, Türkiye recognized the autonomy of Greece. On February 3, 1830, the London Protocol was adopted in London, which officially recognized the independence of Greece. By mid-1832, the borders of the new European state were finally drawn.
Greece during the Ottoman yoke
After the fall of Constantinople (1453), the Turks captured the Duchy of Athens (1456), took Thebes, Lesbos and Morea (1460), except for some inaccessible mountainous places of Laconia and a few coastal points. The latter, as well as the islands of the Archipelago and the Ionian Sea, belonged to the Venetian Republic, which had claims to all of Greece. Turkey's struggle with Venice lasted two and a half centuries. In 1470, the Turks captured the island of Negropont (Eubea) and returned the Morea, which had been taken away by the Venetians. Bayazet II under the peace treaty
In 1503 he received the cities of Lepanto, Navarin, Modon, Coron and some others. Nauplia was conquered in 1540. The peace of 1573 left the Venetians with only a few fortresses on the Albanian coast, Candia and the Ionian Islands. Candia was taken by the Turks in 1666. Turned into a Turkish province, Greece was divided into pashaliks. Despite the gross arbitrariness of the administration, aimed mainly at extortion, they did not affect either the church or local government - and these two institutions saved the Greek nationality from destruction.
In Constantinople, only 8 churches were converted into mosques; the rest remained with the Christians. Sultan Mohammed II appointed Gennady as Greek Patriarch and granted the clergy freedom from personal taxes. Although in Divan sometimes the thought of the wholesale extermination of the Greeks arose. The independently governed Greek Church retained jurisdiction over the Orthodox and served as a center connecting the Greek subjects of the Porte. The communities were governed by elected dimogeronts, who, in turn, elected the heads of the dioceses, the kojabas.
The Greeks retained their schools, led by the clergy; thanks to this, throughout the entire period of Turkish rule, they stood out for their education from a number of other Turkish subjects; many of them, mostly Phanariots, reached high levels in the public service. Despite these liberties, and partly, perhaps, thanks to them, the Greeks’ hatred of the victors was always strong. This was facilitated by the contempt that the Turks showed for the “rai” (herd) and which was expressed, among other things, in the form obligatory for the Greeks and
the color of dresses and houses. Even more important was political and economic oppression, severe enough to provoke protest, but not systematic enough to crush nationality and destroy the desire for freedom. The central government did not pursue abuses by local authorities; even benefits to the clergy were paralyzed by the system of baksheesh (bribes), which was corroding the Turkish state body; the patriarch's place soon began to be traded like any other; freedom of worship also caused endless extortion and was violated at the whim of any pasha. Property insecurity
led to the decline of agriculture and spread trade among the Greeks; This was facilitated by complete freedom of trade and the absence (in the first centuries after the fall of Constantinople) of customs. Little by little, trade in Turkey became concentrated almost exclusively in the hands of the Greeks, many of whom made large fortunes during the 18th century. By the time of the uprising, the Greek merchant fleet reached 600 ships. The stronger became the desire for a different regime that would ensure individual and property rights.
Already in the 17th century, the Greeks looked to Russia, their fellow believer, as a support in the future struggle. Russian sovereigns, starting with Peter I, dreamed of conquering Constantinople with the help of the Greeks. Catherine II cherished the broadly conceived “Greek project”, which tended towards the formation of Greek. empires; in the person of her grandson Constantine, she prepared the future Greek emperor. When a Russian squadron under the command of Alexei Orlov (1770, First Archipelago Expedition) appeared in the Mediterranean Sea, an uprising swept across the Sea, but it was easily suppressed and led to
devastation of the country. Neither the Chesme victory nor the Kuchuk-Kainardzhi peace (1774) had any practical result for the Greeks. Faith in Russian help was shaken, and during the next war (1787-1792) the incitement of Russian agents could only cause isolated outbreaks. The French Revolution gave a major impetus to the liberation aspirations of the Greeks. The first martyr for Greek freedom, the poet Constantine Riga, executed by the Turks in 1798, counted on her, along with many other patriots. Wallachian rulers Alexander Ypsilanti and his son Constantine in contrast
to their friend Riga, they built their plans on helping Russia and acted accordingly in the Turkish Divan, where they enjoyed great influence. The triumph of the party hostile to them cost the life of Alexander Ypsilanti and forced his son to flee. The latter's stay in Russia, where he tried in vain to win over Emperor Alexander I, dispelled his dreams of Russian help. Shortly before his death, he convinced his sons not to count on any foreign help in their struggle for the freedom of Greece.
In 1814, the secret society "Philomuz" was founded, based in Athens; behind him, also in 1814, a friendly community arose in Odessa among Greek traders - “Filiki etheria” (Greek Ξιλική Έτερία). They propagated the idea of revolution and systematically prepared for the uprising. Patriots of more moderate views looked upon these plans with extreme disapproval; Thus, the minister of Alexander I, the Greek Kapodistrias, a friend of the Ypsilanti family, was against any violent coup, still pinning hopes on the help of Russia, although its emperor, inspired by the ideas of the Holy Alliance,
apparently lost interest in the Greek cause, especially after the Spanish Revolution (1820). Nevertheless, the name of the Greek Kapodistrias was pronounced in a whisper, as the name of the secret head of the heteria, and contributed a lot to the recruitment of members, as well as confidence in Russian help. At the beginning of 1821 everything was ready for an uprising. In Bessarabia, many heterists rallied around Alexander Ypsilanti (son of Constantine), waiting for an opportune moment. This was the death (February 1, 1821) of the ruler of Wallachia, Alexander Sutso. The Serbian uprising before this had weakened Turkey;
The difficult struggle with the rebellious Ali Pasha still continued, and in addition to everything, unrest broke out in Wallachia. On October 5, 1821, the main city of Morea, Tripolitsa, was captured by the Greeks. At this time, the uprising had already spread throughout Greece and the islands. On February 3, 1830, the London Protocol was adopted in London, which officially recognized the independence of Greece. By mid-1832, the borders of the new European state were finally drawn.
The uprising raised by Ypsilanti in February (March) 1821 in Moldova served as a signal for the national liberation uprising in Greece, which began in March (April) 1821. March 25 (April 6) is celebrated in Greece as Independence Day. The rebels took the capital of Mesinia, Kalame, and formed the first government body there - the Peloponnesian Senate. Soon the uprising spread throughout the Peloponnese, then the islands of Spetses, Hydra, and Psaruidr. A revolution began in Greece. The main driving force of the revolution was the peasantry. The rebel detachments were led by talented commanders T. Kolokotronis, M. Botsaris, G. Karaiskakis and others. The leadership of the revolution belonged to the emerging national bourgeoisie, whose leader was A. Mavrokordatos. In January 1822, in Piada (near Epidaurus), the National Assembly adopted the first Greek constitution, the so-called. The Organic Statute of Epidaurus in 1822 declared Greece an independent state and elected Mavrokordatos as president. The heroic liberation struggle of the Greek people against the Turkish invaders (in February 1825 the Egyptian army under the command of Ibrahim Pasha came to the aid of the Turks) aroused the sympathy of various sections of the European public. Foreign volunteers arrived to help the Greeks (among them the English poet J. Byron and others), and philhellenic committees arose in a number of countries. In April 1827
The National Assembly elected I. Kapodistrias, a Greek politician who had been in the Russian diplomatic service for a long time, as President of Greece. To prevent the growth of Russian influence in Greece, Great Britain and France concluded the London Convention of 1827 with Russia, according to which the three powers pledged to jointly demand that the Turkish government grant Greece autonomy, subject to its payment of an annual tribute to the Sultan. After the Turkish Sultan refused to accept the proposals of the three powers, Russian, English and French naval squadrons were sent to the shores of the Peloponnese, which defeated the Turkish-Egyptian fleet in the Battle of Navarino in 1827. The fate of Greece was finally decided by the Russian-Turkish war of 1828-1829, which ended with the Treaty of Adrianople in 1829, which provided for the granting of autonomy to Greece subject to the payment of tribute to the Sultan. The borders of Greece were established along a line from the Gulf of Arta to the Gulf of Volos, including the Cyclades islands. On February 3, 1830, by decision of the London Conference of the Three Powers, Greece became an officially independent state. Greece did not include Epirus, Thessaly, Crete, Samos and other territories inhabited by Greeks; Acarnania and part of Aetolia were seized in favor of Turkey (bought by Greece in 1832). The London Conference imposed a monarchical form of government on Greece.
After gaining independence as a result of the revolution of 1821, Greece entered a new phase in its history. Scattered across numerous islands, separated by poor roads and poor infrastructure, torn apart by numerous contradictions and inter-clan hostilities, the Greeks had to embark on a long and difficult path of building a single national state, defining their foreign and domestic political guidelines and forming a new Greek image and identity. Having lived for a long time under the yoke of the Turkish yoke and finally gained long-awaited freedom and national independence, the Greeks were forced to solve the difficult tasks of building a new way of life, resolving internal problems and building relationships with the world around them.
The romance of the national liberation revolutionary struggle and the formation of a national state on the territory that was the cradle of European civilization constantly attracted the admiring glances of a large army of Greek sympathizers in all European countries. It is no coincidence that philhellenic societies arise throughout Europe, aiming to contribute in every possible way to the formation of Greek statehood, the development of its institutions and the revival of the historical monuments of Ancient Hellas. The geopolitical position of Greece, which was the European gateway to Asia, makes the new state the object of close attention of the strongest European powers, such as Russia, England and France, in whose eastern policy the Greek direction is increasingly manifested.
It is possible to identify several main unifying principles that cemented Greek society at the initial stages of the formation of the national state and subsequently served as the basis for the formation of the Greek nation. Firstly, the unification was based on the linguistic community of the inhabitants of many Greek islands and localities and a unique national culture. Despite the fact that often representatives of the political elite, who were educated abroad, experienced certain difficulties in switching to the Greek language, gradually national cultural traditions took over. “I saw in Greece many young people who returned from Europe, where they were brought up during the revolution.... Many must give up their dress and dress again in their national clothes. Parents angrily express their dissatisfaction, seeing in their children capricious foreigners, who sometimes have lost both their native language and their native attachment to religion,” recalled Konstantin Basili, a translator for the Russian fleet in his memoirs “The Archipelago and Greece in 1830-1831.”
Already in the first years after the revolution, the formation of the modern Greek language was actively underway, its literary norm was developed, which became an important factor in the unity of the Greeks. “Recently, the Modern Greek language has made rapid progress,” noted Liprt in an article from “Notes of the Fatherland” in 1841. The national unity of the Greek population was facilitated by the awareness of themselves as descendants of the ancient Hellenes and attempts to revive the heritage of Ancient Hellas. Not the least role in this was played by European enlightenment, the ideas of which gradually, to a greater or lesser extent, began to penetrate broad layers of Greek society. Without exception, all Russian travelers noted the enormous efforts made by the Greeks to preserve and restore ancient monuments, despite the difficult financial condition of the state. It has become fashionable among the Greeks to name their children after prominent ancient statesmen, writers and philosophers, although just a few decades ago the overwhelming majority of the Greek population, mainly focused on their narrow community, did not have any idea about the heroes and achievements of ancient Hellas.
National Greek culture also developed. Despite many years of Turkish yoke, the native Greeks largely retained many features of their way of life and features of folk culture and were in no hurry to adopt fashionable foreign trends. This was especially evident at the everyday level in the daily life of the Greek lower classes. Zakharov noted that among the Greeks it was even considered a special dignity to emphasize their commitment to national culture: “We must do justice to the Greeks, their attachment to their own, national culture; For a Greek, there is no greater good than to be able to successfully demonstrate his nationality in songs, dances, in front of the public, especially in front of women, who, for their part, are not indifferent to national customs and appreciate those who are especially distinguished by their devotion to their homeland.” The common Orthodox religion, which could now be freely practiced, also played an important role in the process of formation of the Greek state. Religion played a unifying role in the Greek struggle for independence. Orlov-Davydov recalls how in one of the poor rural churches of the Peloponnese he happened to see the texts of patriotic songs pasted on the walls. “This church depicts better than all the long descriptions of the feelings of the Greeks towards their religion. They fought for it, and therefore they decorate the church with their trophies, that is, with national songs,” the traveler wrote.
The low profitability of agriculture in most regions of the country did not contribute to the conservation of feudal relations, which could, to a certain extent, become a brake on the economic development of the country. Orlov-Davydov writes that “the vast lands ceded by the Turks at the end of the war remain to this day without any benefit for the landowner, because cultivating them with the imposed duties would exceed the price of the estate itself.”
An important factor in the formation of the new Greek state and identity was the development of education. An important factor, which testified to the democracy of the Greeks and greatly contributed to the social mobility of Greek society, was the availability of education for the widest segments of the population. As a result, the Greek student differed in many ways from his counterparts in Europe. Zakharov emphasizes that since the creation of an independent state in Greece, many new educational institutions have opened: a university, a polytechnic school, several gymnasiums, military schools, to which all layers of Greek society flocked in search of knowledge.
The peculiarities of the historical and geographical development of the state, the absence of a feudal tradition rooted over centuries, created the preconditions for the future political and economic modernization of Greece, which would be based on the formation of capitalist relations. In many ways, this modernization will be based on advanced educational ideas.
The emergence of the national liberation movement.
At the end of the 18th - beginning of the 19th centuries. The long and persistent struggle of the Greek people for national liberation acquired a wide scope and a qualitatively new content. By this time, significant changes had occurred in the Greek economy and its social life associated with the formation of the capitalist structure in Western and Central Europe. Large areas of Greece began to be drawn into sphere commodity-money relations. A significant part of the grain, tobacco, and cotton produced in the country went to European markets. The economic role of the city of Thessaloniki has increased, becoming the largest port not only in Greece, but also in the entire Balkan region. The expansion of pawn trade created the prerequisites for the development of local trading capital: in the first years of the 19th century. There were 50 Greek trading firms in the Peloponnese. But the social order in Greece prevented any significant development of the bourgeoisie. As F. Engels noted, “...Turkish, like any other eastern domination, is incompatible with capitalist society; acquired surplus value is not guaranteed in any way from the rapacious hands of satraps and pashas; the first basic condition of bourgeois entrepreneurial activity is missing - the security of the merchant’s personality and his property."
Under the disastrous conditions of Ottoman rule, only the trading bourgeoisie of the Aegean archipelago was able to turn into a serious economic and political force. In 1813, the Greek merchant fleet consisted of 615 large ships. Most of them sailed under the Russian flag. Thus, using the policy of “patronage” pursued by the tsarist government for the Orthodox population of the Balkans, Greek merchants received significant guarantees of preserving their property 2 .
Changes also occurred in the spiritual life of Greek society. The last decades of the 1111th century and the first decades of the 19th century. entered the history of Greek culture as the Age of Enlightenment. This was a period of rapid growth in spiritual life. New educational institutions were founded everywhere, and book printing in Modern Greek expanded significantly. Great scientists, original thinkers, and wonderful teachers appeared. Their activities, as a rule, took place outside the borders of Greece - in Russia, Austria, France, where many Greek immigrants settled.
Foreign communities became the base of the Greek national liberation movement that arose at the end of the 11th century. under the direct influence of the French bourgeois revolution. To fight for the liberation of Greece, the idea of revolution was first used by the fiery revolutionary and poet Rigas Velestinlis. He developed a political program that provided for the overthrow of the Ottoman yoke by the united efforts of the Balkan peoples. But Velestinlis’s liberation plan became known to the Austrian police. The Greek revolutionary was arrested and handed over to the Porte along with seven of his associates. On June 24, 1798, the brave freedom fighters were executed in the Belgrade Fortress.
Despite this heavy blow, the movement for the liberation of Greece continued to gain strength. In 1814, Greek settlers founded the secret national liberation society “Filiki Eteria” (“Friendly Society”) in Odessa. Within a few years, the organization had gained numerous adherents in Greece and Greek colonies abroad. The founding of “Filiki Eteria” in Russia greatly contributed to the success of its activities. Although the tsarist government did not encourage the liberation plans of the Eterists, the widest circles of Russian society were sympathetic to the struggle of the Greeks for their liberation. In the minds of the Greek people, from the first centuries of Ottoman rule, there lived the hope that it was Russia, a country of the same faith as the Greeks, that would help them free themselves. These expectations received new food when in April 1820 Filiki Eteria was headed by the prominent Greek patriot Alexander Ypsilanti, who served in the Russian army with the rank of major general. Under his leadership, the Eterists began preparing an armed uprising.
The beginning of the revolution.
The banner of the national liberation struggle was raised in the Danube principalities, where Filiki Eteria had many supporters. Arriving in Iasi, A. Ypsilanti published an appeal on March 8, 1821, calling for an uprising, beginning with the words: “The hour has struck, brave Greeks!” A. Ypsilanti's short campaign in Moldova and Wallachia ended unsuccessfully. But it diverted the attention and forces of the Porte from the uprising that broke out in Greece itself.
The first shots rang out in the Peloponnese at the end of March 1821; Soon the uprising spread throughout the country (Independence Day is celebrated in Greece on March 25). The Greek national liberation revolution lasted eight and a half years. The following main stages can be distinguished in its history:
1821 – 1822 Liberation of a significant part of the country's territory and the formation of the political structure of independent Greece;
1823 – 1825 Aggravation of the internal political situation. Civil wars;
1825 – 1827 Fight against the Turkish-Egyptian invasion;
1827 – 1829 Beginning of the reign of I. Kapodistrias, Russian-Turkish war
1828 – 1829 and the successful completion of the struggle for independence.
The main driving force of the revolution was the peasantry. During the struggle, it sought not only to get rid of the foreign yoke, but also to obtain land confiscated from the Turkish feudal lords. Large landowners and rich people who took over the leadership of the uprising shipowners sought to preserve and strengthen their property interests and political privileges. The serious successes of the uprising in 1821 made it possible to convene the National Assembly, which on January 13, 1822 proclaimed the independence of Greece and approved a provisional constitution - the Organic Statute of Epidaurus. It was greatly influenced by the constitutions of bourgeois France at the end of the 15th century. A republican system was established in Greece and a number of bourgeois-democratic freedoms were proclaimed. The government structure was based on the principle of separation of powers. The executive branch of five people received the greatest rights. A. Mavrokordatos, who defended the interests of the wealthy elite of Greek society, was elected president of the executive branch.
Sultan Mahmud II did not accept the fall of Greece. Barbaric repressions fell upon the rebellious population. The bloody massacre took place in the spring of 1822 on the island of Chios. 23 thousand civilians were killed, 47 thousand were sold into slavery. The flowering island, which was called the garden of the Archipelago, was turned into a desert.
But the Christian monarchs of Europe also greeted the revolution in Greece with open hostility. The leaders of the Holy Alliance, who gathered at their congress in Verona in 1822, refused to deal with representatives of the Greek government as rebels against their “legitimate sovereign.” In difficult conditions of foreign policy isolation, the rebels successfully continued their unequal struggle. The selected 30,000-strong Turkish army, which invaded the Peloponnese in the summer of 1822, was defeated by Greek troops under the command of the talented commander Theodoros Kolokotronis. At the same time, bold attacks by Greek ships forced the Turkish fleet to leave the Aegean Sea and take refuge in the Dardanelles.
The temporary weakening of the external threat contributed to the aggravation of social and political contradictions in the rebel camp, which led in 1823 - 1825. to two civil wars, the scene of which was the Peloponnese. As a result of these wars, the position of the Aegean shipowners strengthened, ousting the land nobility of the Peloponnese.
Turkish-Egyptian invasion.
Meanwhile, a new and formidable danger was approaching liberated Greece. Mahmud II, with the promise of concessions to the Peloponnese and Crete, managed to draw his powerful vassal, the ruler of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, into the war. In February 1825, an Egyptian army landed in the south of the Peloponnese, commanded by the son of Muhammad Ali, Ibrahim Pasha. It consisted of regular units trained by French instructors. The Greek forces, despite the heroism shown in the battles, were unable to stop the advance of the Egyptians.
Having again subjugated most of the Peloponnese, Ibrahim Pasha in December 1825 with an army of 17,000 approached Mesolonga, an important rebel stronghold in Western Greece. The entire population fought on the towers and bastions of the city, which bore the names of William Tell, Skanderbeg, Benjamin Franklin, Rigas Velestinlis and other freedom fighters. The 20,000-strong Turkish army, which had been standing under the walls of the city since April 1825, was unable to capture it. But the arrival of the Egyptian army and fleet created a huge preponderance of forces in favor of the besiegers. Mesolonghi's connection with the outside world was severed. As a result of continuous bombing, most of the houses were destroyed. A terrible famine was raging in the city. Having exhausted all possibilities of resistance, the defenders of Mesolonghi made an attempt to break through the enemy lines on the night of April 22-23, 1826. Almost all of them died in battle and during the massacre committed by the Turkish-Egyptian troops who burst into the city.
After the fall of Mesolonghi, fierce fighting continued on all fronts. In June 1827, the Greeks suffered a new serious setback - the Athenian Acropolis fell. As a result, all Greek regions north of the Isthmus of Corinth were again occupied by the enemy. But even during this difficult period, the determination of the Greek people to achieve liberation did not weaken. In March 1827, the National Assembly in Trizin adopted a new constitution. In it, the bourgeois-democratic principles of the Epidaurus Constitution were further developed. Here, for the first time, the principles of sovereignty of the people, equality of citizens before the law, freedom of the press and speech were proclaimed. But in the new constitution, as in the previous ones, the agrarian question was not resolved. The Trizin Constitution introduced the position of the sole head of state - the president. He elected an experienced statesman and diplomat, former Russian Foreign Minister Ioannis Kapodistrias, for a seven-year term. Arriving in Greece in January 1828, the president took energetic measures to improve the economic situation of the country, increase the combat capability of the armed forces, and centralize control. By this time, a favorable turn in the international situation had taken place for the Greeks.
The Greek question in the international arena.
The struggle of the Greek people for freedom received great international resonance. A broad public movement of solidarity with the rebel Greeks swept many countries in Europe and the United States. Philhellenic committees were active in Paris, London, and Geneva, raising funds for fighting Greece. Thousands of volunteers from different countries rushed to help the Greeks. Among them was the great English poet Byron, who died for the cause of Greek freedom. The Greek revolution aroused great sympathy in all layers of Russian society. She was greeted with particular enthusiasm by the Decembrists and circles close to them. These sentiments were expressed by A. S. Pushkin, who wrote in his diary in 1821: “I am firmly convinced that Greece will triumph and 25,000,000 Turks will leave the flourishing country of Hellas to the legitimate heirs of Homer and Themistocles.”
In Russia, subscriptions were successfully completed in favor of the large number of refugees from the Ottoman Empire who had found refuge in Novorossiya and Bessarabia. The funds were also used to ransom the inhabitants of Chios who had fallen into captivity. The irreversible changes in the Balkans caused by the Greek Revolution intensified the rivalry between the great powers, primarily between England and Russia, and forced them to reconsider their policies towards Greece. In 1823, the British government recognized Greece as a belligerent.
In 1824 – 1825 Greece received British loans, which marked the beginning of the financial enslavement of the country by foreign capital. In 1824, Russia put forward its plan for resolving the Greek question based on the creation of three autonomous Greek principalities. Soon there was a tendency towards agreement between the rival powers.
On July 6, 1827, England and Russia, joined by France, concluded an agreement in London. It provided for the cooperation of these powers in ending the Greco-Turkish War on the basis of granting Greece full internal autonomy. Ignoring this agreement by the Porte led to the Battle of Navarino (October 20, 1827), in which the squadrons of Russia, England and France that arrived on the shores of Greece defeated the Turkish-Egyptian fleet. The Battle of Navarino, for which the Sultan blamed Russia, strained Russian-Turkish relations. In April 1828, the Russian-Turkish war began. Having won it, Russia forced Mahmud II to recognize the Peace of Adrianople agreement 1829 Greek autonomy. In 1830, the Porte was forced to agree to grant the Greek state independence status.
Results and significance of the revolution.
The creation of an independent state was of great importance for the Greek people, for their national and social progress. Greek national liberation revolution 1821 – 1829 It also became an important milestone in the struggle of European peoples for national liberation, against tyranny and despotism. This was the first successful revolutionary action in Europe during the Restoration period and at the same time the first major defeat of European reaction. The Greek revolution was especially important for the Balkans. For the first time, a Balkan country achieved independence. This became an inspiring example for the peoples of other Balkan countries.
But the Greek revolution failed to resolve a number of major social and political problems. The Greek peasantry remained landless, bearing the entire burden of the struggle on their shoulders. The lands confiscated from the Turkish feudal lords, which accounted for more than a third of the cultivated area, became the property of the state. These “national lands” were cultivated by landless peasants under enslaving conditions. The problem of national liberation was only partially resolved. The new state included the territory of continental Greece, limited in the north by a line between the bays of Arta and Volos, and the Cyclades islands. Thessaly, Rapier, Crete and other Greek lands remained under the Ottoman yoke.
The powers participating in the Treaty of London of 1827 unceremoniously interfered in the internal affairs of Greece and incited political strife. Their victim was I. Kapodistrias, who was killed on October 9, 1831 in the then capital of the Greek state of Nauplia. The “patron powers” imposed a monarchical system on Greece. In 1832, Russia, England and France proclaimed Prince Otto from the Bavarian Wittelsbach dynasty king of Greece.
The Greek uprising of 1821 is the initial stage in the process of the national liberation struggle of the Greeks against the rule of the Ottoman Empire. It was prepared by the activities of the secret organization “Filiki Eteria”.
Began on the territory of the Danube principalities in March 1821 under the leadership A. Ypsilanti, general of the Russian service, participant Patriotic War of 1812. In May - June 1821, the uprising spread to all of continental Greece and the islands of the Aegean Sea. The Turkish garrisons suffered defeats.
In response, Sultan Mahmud II called all Muslims of the empire to arms. Mass beatings of Greeks began in Istanbul, Smyrna, on the islands of Cyprus, Crete and Rhodes. Detachments of Janissary punitive forces were sent to Bulgaria and the Danube principalities, which violated Russian-Turkish agreements.
The Greek uprising aggravated the Eastern Question and forced the European powers to intervene in events in the Balkans. Initially, Russia and other members of the Holy Alliance, in accordance with its conservative principles, viewed the uprising as a rebellion of subjects against a legitimate sovereign. Alexander I, in response to A. Ypsilanti’s call to help his fellow believers, dismissed him from Russian service.
The coordinated position of the powers encouraged the Sultan to intensify punitive measures. The public in Europe and Russia demanded that their governments immediately help Greece in its struggle for independence. In 1823, England issued a statement recognizing the Greeks as a belligerent party and provided them with a cash loan. Russia proposed convening a conference in St. Petersburg to resolve the Greek issue, but Austria and England delayed the negotiations. In 1824, the troops of Ibrahim Pasha (the son of the ruler of Egypt, Muhammad Ali), who had experience in suppressing anti-Turkish protests, arrived in Greece. The Greeks were threatened with total extermination.
At the St. Petersburg Conference (June 1824 - April 1825), Russia tried to organize joint actions of the powers, but all its proposals were met with hostility by Austria and England, and coolly by France and Prussia. The conference concluded with a formal appeal to the Sultan to pardon the innocent and accept the mediation of the great powers in deciding the fate of Greece. The Porta again rejected the offer of mediation.
In 1826, a decisive stage began in the Greek struggle for national liberation. Russia played a special role in this process, whose policy on the Greek issue was intensified by Nicholas I. In April 1826, Russia and England signed the St. Petersburg Protocol, which provided for Greece to gain autonomy, as well as the possibility of armed action by powers to protect the rights of its citizens. In 1827, France joined Russia and England (see London Convention of 1827).
In June 1827, Ibrahim Pasha's troops captured most of Moray. P. Kapodistrias, elected president of Greece (April 1827), turned to the powers for help. In response, a Russian-English-French squadron was sent to the southwestern coast of the Peloponnese peninsula, which defeated the Turkish-Egyptian fleet in Battle of Navarino October 8 (20), 1827
In response, the Sultan closed the Black Sea straits to Russian ships. He addressed his subjects with an appeal, blaming Russia for all the difficulties of the Ottoman Empire and calling for jihad. For its part, Russia declared war on Turkey (see Russian-Turkish War of 1828-1829).
As a result of military defeat, Turkey was forced to recognize broad autonomy for Greece (see Treaty of Adrianople 1829). In 1830 Greece officially became an independent state.
Orlov A.S., Georgieva N.G., Georgiev V.A. Historical Dictionary. 2nd ed. M., 2012, p. 142-143.
Greece, transformed into a Turkish province in the 15th century, constantly strived for independence. From the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries, the Ottoman Empire ruled almost all of Greece, with the exception of the Ionian Islands, Crete and parts of the Peloponnese. In the 17th century, the Ottomans conquered the entire Peloponnese and Crete. But in the 18th and 19th centuries, a wave of revolutions swept across Europe. The power of Turkey was weakening, and a national upsurge began in Greece, which met with the support of Western European countries. Already in the 17th century, the Greeks looked to Russia, their fellow believer, as a support in their future struggle with the Turks; these hopes met with sympathy in the Russian ruling spheres. When the Russian squadron appeared in the Mediterranean in 1770, an uprising swept across the Morea, but it was easily suppressed by the Turks.
The wars between Russia and the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 18th century had no practical significance for the Greeks. The French Revolution gave a significant impetus to the liberation movement; The Greek poet of the late 18th century Rigas wrote freedom-loving, warlike songs. Rigas was handed over to the Turks by the Austrian authorities and, by order of the Belgrade Pasha, was executed in 1798. The poet's martyrdom enhanced the meaning and influence of his songs. Throughout Greece and wherever the Greeks lived, secret societies, heteria (friendships), began to form, with the goal of liberating Greece from Turkish rule.
In 1814, Greek patriots Nikolaos Skoufas, Emmanuel Xanthos and Athanasios Tsakalof created the secret organization Filiki Eteria (Greek. Φιλική Εταιρεία - Friendly society). In 1818, the center of the organization was moved to Constantinople. With the support of the wealthy Greek communities in Britain and the United States, with the help of sympathizers in Western Europe and secret help from Russia, they planned an uprising.
The revolt against Ottoman rule was launched by a group of conspirators led by Alexander Ypsilanti, consisting largely of Russian officers of Greek origin. John Kapodistrias was offered to lead the liberation movement, but he, holding important diplomatic posts in the Russian administration, for a long time considered it impossible for himself to participate in an uprising that was not officially supported by Russia.
When a new ruler was appointed in Wallachia in 1821, there was a riot there; the Arnauts sent by Turkey to pacify joined the rebels; at the same time, Ali Pasha of Yaninsky refused to obey the Turkish Sultan.
This moment was considered convenient for starting the uprising. The Russian general, an ethnic Greek, Prince Alexander Ypsilanti, leaving his service without permission, arrived in Moldova and in March called on the Greeks to overthrow the yoke. Up to 6 thousand insurgents gathered to see him.
The defeats inflicted by the Turks on the heteriots at Dragomani and the monastery of Sekku, the official announcement by Russia that it had nothing to do with the movement of the revolutionary heteriots, put an end to the movement of the Greeks. In Constantinople, the Patriarch of Constantinople Gregory V, who was suspected of having relations with heterias, was hanged at the gates of his home in full bishop's vestments, and three metropolitans were executed with him. However, this spread the flames of the uprising throughout Greece and greatly inflamed Russia against Turkey, which broke off diplomatic relations with it.
All these events were poorly received by Western Europe. The British and French governments suspected that the uprising was a Russian plot to take over Greece and even perhaps Constantinople. However, the rebel leaders clashed with each other and were unable to establish regular administration of the liberated territories. All this led to internecine struggle. A civil war began in Greece (late 1823 - May 1824 and 1824-1825).
The uprising broke out in the southern Peloponnese (Morea), in the city of Areopolis on March 25 (April 6), 1821. Within 3 months, the uprising covered the entire Peloponnese, part of mainland Greece, the island of Crete, Cyprus and some other islands of the Aegean Sea. The rebels captured significant territory. The Turks hid in fortresses, and the few Turkish garrisons of Attica took refuge in Athens in the Acropolis, where they were besieged by the Greeks.
The islands of Hydra, Insara and La Spezia also took part in the uprising; A Greek fleet of 80 ships appeared on the Archipelago. A stubborn struggle began, in which women also took part (for example, Babolina, who donated her enormous fortune to equip ships and detachments, participated in many battles and even commanded a ship at Nauplia).
The struggle of scattered Greek detachments with the organized Turkish army was very difficult. The Greeks, armed with ancient guns and without artillery, were strong only in the mountains, but could not fight in the open field. Although all the Greeks were united by a feeling of common hatred of the Turks, this did not prevent the manifestations of envy and enmity between individual tribes, clans and their leaders; It was also harmful that their squads largely consisted of cruel and undisciplined klefts. However, in the same year Corinth was occupied by the monk Gregoras; from there the revolt spread to the Isthmus of Corinth, Aetolia, Attica, Acarnania and Livadia; In Epirus and Thessaly, Odysseus led the uprising.
Finally, Türkiye took military action. Khurshid Pasha, who pacified Ali Pasha of Yaninsky, sent Kahvi Bey against the Greek insurgents, who attacked the Greek camp at Valdets, but was defeated. The first success encouraged the insurgents, and temporary agreement was established between them; They were visited by: Dmitry Ypsilanti, Alexander's brother, and Prince Cantacuzene. After the battle of Valdez, the Greeks turned their attention to the fortified places in which the Turks settled. And here success was on the side of the Greeks: Prince Cantacuzene took possession of Monembisia, Dmitry Ypsilanti - Navarino; Tripolitsa was taken by storm; the leader of the Armatols, Marco Botsaris, successfully fought in western Greece with Khurshid Pasha near Mesolung; Negris won a victory in Solon, and Odysseus defeated the Turks in Thessaly in September.
But in Macedonia the actions of the Greeks were unsuccessful. The Pasha of Thessaloniki captured and plundered the Kassandra peninsula, Omer-Vrione took the fortress and city of Arta from the Greeks. The Turkish fleet ravaged the city of Galaxidi, while the Greek fleet plundered the shores of Asia Minor and massacred the Turks; these cruelties aroused the indignation of the Europeans and the embitterment of the Turks against them.
On October 5, 1821, the main city of Morea, Tripolitsa, was taken by the Greeks. The Greek victory ended in a massacre of Turks and Jews: at least 8,000 - 10,000 men, women and children were killed.
Thus ended the year 1821; The Greeks felt the need to unite and fight according to a common plan.
On May 20, 1821, the Assembly opened in Caltezone ( Caltezon Assembly) chairman ( πρόεδρος της συνέλευσης ) by which Petros Mavromichalis was elected. The Assembly elected Peloponnesian Council (Πελοποννησιακή Γερουσία ), headed by the chairman of the council ( Πρόεδρος της Γερουσίας ) - Bishop Theodoret of Vresthenia and Deputy Chairman (αντιπρόεδρος) - Asmakis Fotilas.
On November 4, 1821, it opened in Missolongion Assembly of Western Greece (Συνέλευση της Δυτικής Χέρσου Ελλάδος ) which included 30 deputies ( πληρεξούσιος ), Chairman of the Assembly ( πρόεδρος της συνέλευσης ) Alexandros Mavrokordatos was elected. The Assembly also elected the Council of Western Greece ( Γερουσία της Δυτικής Χέρσου Ελλάδος ).
On November 18, 1821, the Assembly opened in Amfissa ( Salonian Assembly - Συνέλευση ) who elected the Areopagus of Eastern Greece ( Άρειος Πάγος της Ανατολικής Χέρσου Ελλάδας ).
On January 22, 1822, the 1st National Assembly (67 deputies) in Piada (near Epidaurus) proclaimed the Greek State, independent of the Ottoman Empire, and adopted a constitution - the Provisional Government of Greece ( Προσωρινό Πολίτευμα της Ελλάδος ), the legislative body of which was the Legislative Corps ( Βουλευτικον Σωμα ) chaired by Dmitry Ypsilanti, the executive body is the Executive Corps ( Εκτελεστικον Σωμα ) under the chairmanship of Mavrocordato. But disagreements continued; Ypsilanti resigned the position; Odysseus, Kolokotroni and Mavromichali did not recognize their subordination.
Meanwhile, young philhellenes from all over Europe flocked to the Morea. The Turkish troops, having pacified Ali Pasha of Yaninsky, turned against the Greeks; Khurshid Pasha acted against Thessaly, the fleet threatened Navarino, but was repulsed by Norman. Ypsilanti and Nikitas assumed leadership in eastern Greece, and Mavrocordato in western Greece.
Military operations also began in Macedonia, where the Pasha of Thessaloniki scattered crowds of armed Christians at Nioste and killed up to 5 thousand civilians.
The affairs of the Greeks in the west were also unsuccessful; On July 4, the Greeks were completely defeated near Peta and Souliota, abandoning their hometown and hiding in the mountains and islands; Mavrocordato and Botsaris locked themselves in Mesolungi. Dram-Ali with 30 thousand broke through Thermopylae, and Yusuf Pasha headed to Corinth and occupied it and Acropolis.
In the spring, the Turkish fleet pacified the islands of Candia, Samos and Chios, but during its stay near Chios it was attacked by Greek fire ships, which burned two Turkish ships.
The failures and cruelties suffered by the Turks forced the Greek leaders to forget their strife and disagreements; they acted together against Khurshid Pasha, and the latter retreated to Larissa; in December the Greeks captured Nauplia. The year 1822, thanks to the coordination of the actions of the Greek leaders, ended successfully.
In 1823, Mavrocordato again decided to create a strong government; he convened a second National Assembly of the Greeks, and in April a law was promulgated establishing a Greek government, the seat of which was chosen at Tropolitsa. Conduriotti was elected president of the legislative council and Mavromichali the executive; Mavrocordato received command over the ground forces, and Orlandi over the naval forces; Odysseus acted in eastern Greece, and Botsaris in western Greece. The main concern of the Greek government was raising money for war and internal organization; new taxes were established; many donations came from well-wishers of Greece from Europe and America.
This year, Kissamos on the island of Candia was occupied by the Greeks; Seraskir Pasha was defeated by Odysseus; Marco Botsaris defeated the pasha of Scutari, attacking his camp at Karpinissa at night; Marco Botsaris himself was killed in this battle, but his brother Constantine pursued the pasha to Scutari and headed to Mesolungi. Many Europeans joined the ranks of the defenders of Greece, including the famous English poet Lord Byron, who died here in early 1824. Greece's struggle for independence became popular throughout Europe.
Meanwhile, disagreements arose again among the Greek leaders; Kolokotroni rebelled against Mavrocordato, Odysseus ruled arbitrarily in eastern Greece, but President Conduriotti knew how to force his orders to be carried out; he managed to conclude a loan in England and put the military unit in order.
In 1824, Turkey made peace with Persia and requested assistance from the Khedive of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, who had just carried out major reforms of the Egyptian army along European lines. The Sultan of Turkey promised to make big concessions in Syria if Ali helped suppress the Greek uprising. As a result, Muhammad Ali sent a fleet of troops and his adopted son Ibrahim. Dervish Pasha of Viddin was sent by the Sultan to the Peloponnese, Pasha of Negropontos was ordered to pacify the eastern regions of Greece, and Omer-Vrione - the western ones, but all Turkish troops were pushed back by the Greeks.
The Egyptian fleet at this time occupied Candia and Klesos, the Turkish - Insara, but Miavilis again took this island from the Turks and drove the fleet to Mytilene. The Egyptian fleet, joining with the Turkish, fought with the Greek at Naxos; Greek fire ships caused great damage to Turkish ships sailing to Constantinople; Ibrahim Pasha took refuge in Rhodes.
In European countries, especially in England and France, and of course in Russia, there was growing sympathy for the Greek patriots among the educated elite and a desire to further weaken the Ottoman Empire among politicians.
Meanwhile, discord continued among the Greek leaders. Taking advantage of them, Ibrahim Pasha in February 1825 landed 12 thousand in Greece, between Coron and Modon, and besieged Navarin. Despite the brave defense of Mavrocordato and the successful attacks of Miavlis on the Egyptian fleet, Navarin surrendered, followed shortly thereafter by Tropolitsa and Kalamata.
Conduriotti and Mavrocordato took all measures to establish harmony among the Greeks; Kolokotroni was appointed commander-in-chief; he defended Nauplia, but could not prevent Ibrahim Pasha from occupying the entire Peloponnese. The Egyptian and Turkish fleets appeared before the Mesolungs; Reshid Pasha won a victory at Solon and besieged Mesolungi from land. But this fortress survived, thanks to the help provided to it from the sea by Constantine Botsaris and Miavlis. At this time, the Greek detachment of Guras made its way from Livadia to Solona and distracted Reshid Pasha from Mesolung, and Nikitas defeated the Turkish detachment on the Isthmus of Corinth.
In April 1826, Ibrahim Pasha, after great efforts, captured Mesolungi. On April 22, the garrison tried to break through, but only a few succeeded, while the rest, led by Nolos Botsaris, blew themselves up; the population of the city (up to 4 thousand) was partly killed, partly enslaved. Ibrahim Pasha returned to Tropolitsa and began to rule the Peloponnese, showing great cruelty; Turkish troops penetrated into eastern and western Greece.
Reshid Pasha besieged Athens and, after the death of Guras, killed by a disgruntled Greek, took possession of Athens; but Acropolis continued to defend itself, and Colonel Voutier managed to get there with troops and supplies.
The actions of the Turks in western Greece were also successful, and Kolokotroni fought an unsuccessful fight with Ibrahim Pasha in Arcadia; only in Morea there were several more cities and islands. Greece turned into a desert; thousands of people died of hunger. The misfortunes of the Greeks, their heroic efforts and cruel suffering began to arouse the liveliest participation throughout Europe, while the trade of all European states suffered major losses. Volunteers and money flowed in abundance to Greece from England, France and Germany; The governments of the European powers also could not look indifferently at the strengthening of the Turks, and in July 1826 an agreement was signed in London between Russia, France and England to end the struggle between Greece and Turkey. The Bavarian Colonel Heidecker, the English General Church and Lord Cochrane, who arrived in Greece, tried in vain to reconcile the warring Greek parties and worked to transform the Greek naval and ground forces. The Greeks at this time tried to liberate Acropolis, besieged by the Turks.
In 1827, the third National Assembly of the Greeks met and adopted the Civil Constitution of Hellas, the legislative body of which was the Council, the executive power was exercised by the Ruler. John Kapodistrias was elected ruler, with the consent of the three great powers. Lord Cochrane took command of the fleet, and General Church of the ground forces. But their joint efforts to liberate Akropolis were unsuccessful, and this fortress, as well as the ports of Piraeus and Faleros, surrendered to the Turks.
Meanwhile, the actions of the Greek troops continued to be unsuccessful due to the disobedience of the newly formed Greek regular troops. After the Battle of Navarino, the French expeditionary force of General Maison arrived in Greece; Navarin, Coron, Modon and Patras were occupied by French troops; Egyptian troops left Greece, and in October 1828 the Morea and the Cyclades were free from the Turks.
In 1829, direct popular elections were held for the Fourth National Assembly of the Greeks, which created the Senate as an advisory body.
The Allied Powers invited Turkey to take part in conferences and reconciliation with Greece, but the Turks refused, and in March 1829 the Allied Powers established borders between Greece and Turkey.
Meanwhile, in northern and eastern Greece the war was still going on: Dmitry Ypsilanti defeated Mahmud Pasha at Lamantiko and captured Solona, Lepant and all of Livadia; General Church occupied Vonnitsa, the Greeks besieged Anatoliko and Mesolungi.
Türkiye was defeated in the war with Russia. According to the Treaty of Adrianople of 1829, Türkiye recognized the autonomy of Greece.
The geographical conditions of Greece have always created natural sailors from its coastal population. But with the fall of the Byzantine Empire, Greek shipping, due to political conditions, degenerated into coastal trade and piracy. Only since the appearance of the Russian fleet off the coast of Greece (the war between Russia and Turkey in 1769-1774) did Greek navigation receive an organization approaching the military: providing assistance to Russia with their ships, joining them to Russian squadrons and detachments, the Greeks carried out reconnaissance and transport services, They themselves joined Russian ships as officers and sailors, served as pilots, received patents to sail their corsair ships under the Russian flag, and even commanded individual detachments.
This was the case in the subsequent Russian-Turkish wars, and especially in 1787-1791, when, due to the cancellation, due to the outbreak of the war with Sweden, the previously proposed departure of the Baltic Fleet to the Mediterranean Sea, military operations were carried out almost exclusively by Greek corsairs under the Russian flag. This military school produced brave sailors from the Greeks, at the same time tempering the naturally warlike spirit of the coastal and especially island populations in the tireless struggle for liberation. This was facilitated by the increasingly developing Greek piracy, which attracted the attention of foreign powers interested in trade with the Levant.
The Greek uprising of 1821 brought forward a number of outstanding sailors who, with insignificant forces, carried out desperate attacks on Turkish ships and squadrons. The period from 1827 to 1832 (the year of the formation of the Greek Kingdom) was marked by individual actions of organized Greek naval forces, already recognized by the powers as a belligerent; in 1828, a squadron was formed under the command of Rear Admiral (antinavarhos) Sakhturi of 8 brigs and galleots and several gunboats; its appointment was coordinated with the actions of the Allied powers. The squadron was supposed to intercept food and Turkish smuggling to the island of Crete, blockade the fortresses of Coron, Modon and Navarin and assist in the blockade of the bays of Patrasskago and Lepantskago. Individual actions of Greek detachments took place at different points of the Archipelago, especially near the island of Chios, and during meetings with Turkish ships on the high seas. Among the Greek sailors of this era, in addition to Sakhturi, Admiral Miaoulis, Konaris, Captain Sakhani and others especially stood out. Later, in 1831, when the discord that arose in Greece itself was pacified, the Russian fleet had to face the hostile actions of Miaoulis, who became the head of the rebellious (Idriot) detachment, and the matter ended with the defeat of the rebels in the bay of the island of Poros. However, the military operations of the Greek fleet, too small in composition and under the control of foreign powers (Russia, England, France), were predominantly guerrilla in nature, could not develop into independent operations and therefore had only an indirect impact on the war with Turkey.
On February 3, 1830, the London Protocol was adopted in London, which officially recognized the independence of the Greek state, which was named the Kingdom of Greece. By mid-1832, the borders of the new European state were finally drawn. The Hellenic Republic included Western Hellas, Eastern Hellas, Attica, Peloponnese and the Cyclades. In 1832, the V National Assembly of the Greeks met, recognizing the London Protocol and, in connection with this, adopting the Constitution of the Kingdom of Greece.