About 90% of the Turkic peoples of the former USSR belong to the Islamic faith. Most of them inhabit Kazakhstan and Central Asia. The rest of the Muslim Turks live in the Volga region and the Caucasus. Of the Turkic peoples, only the Gagauz and Chuvash living in Europe, as well as the Yakuts and Tuvans living in Asia, were not affected by Islam. The Turks have no common physical features, and only their language unites them.

The Volga Turks - Tatars, Chuvash, Bashkirs - were under the long-term influence of Slavic settlers, and now their ethnic areas do not have clear boundaries. The Turkmen and Uzbeks were influenced by Persian culture, and the Kyrgyz were influenced by the Mongols for a long time. Some nomadic Turkic peoples suffered significant losses during the period of collectivization, which forcibly attached them to the land.

In the Russian Federation, the peoples of this language group make up the second largest “bloc”. All Turkic languages ​​are very close to each other, although they usually include several branches: Kipchak, Oguz, Bulgar, Karluk, etc.

Tatars (5522 thousand people) are concentrated mainly in Tataria (1765.4 thousand people), Bashkiria (1120.7 thousand people),

Udmurtia (110.5 thousand people), Mordovia (47.3 thousand people), Chuvashia (35.7 thousand people), Mari-El (43.8 thousand people), but live dispersedly in all regions of European Russia, as well as in Siberia and the Far East. The Tatar population is divided into three main ethno-territorial groups: Volga-Ural, Siberian and Astrakhan Tatars. The Tatar literary language was formed on the basis of the middle one, but with the noticeable participation of the Western dialect. There is a special group of Crimean Tatars (21.3 thousand people; in Ukraine, mainly in Crimea, about 270 thousand people), speaking a special, Crimean Tatar language.

Bashkirs (1345.3 thousand people) live in Bashkiria, as well as in the Chelyabinsk, Orenburg, Perm, Sverdlovsk, Kurgan, Tyumen regions and in Central Asia. Outside Bashkiria, 40.4% of the Bashkir population lives in the Russian Federation, and in Bashkiria itself this titular people constitutes the third largest ethnic group, after the Tatars and Russians.

The Chuvash (1,773.6 thousand people) linguistically represent a special, Bulgarian, branch of the Turkic languages. In Chuvashia the titular population is 907 thousand people, in Tataria - 134.2 thousand people, in Bashkiria - 118.6 thousand people, in the Samara region - 117.8

thousand people, in the Ulyanovsk region - 116.5 thousand people. However, currently the Chuvash people have a relatively high degree of consolidation.

Kazakhs (636 thousand people, the total number in the world is more than 9 million people) were divided into three territorial nomadic associations: Semirechye - Senior Zhuz (Uly Zhuz), Central Kazakhstan - Middle Zhuz (Orta Zhuz), Western Kazakhstan - Younger Zhuz (kishi zhuz). The zhuz structure of the Kazakhs has been preserved to this day.

Azerbaijanis (in the Russian Federation 335.9 thousand people, in Azerbaijan 5805 thousand people, in Iran about 10 million people, in total about 17 million people in the world) speak the language of the Oghuz branch of the Turkic languages. The Azerbaijani language is divided into eastern, western, northern and southern dialect groups. For the most part, Azerbaijanis profess Shiite Islam, and only in the north of Azerbaijan is Sunnism widespread.

The Gagauz (10.1 thousand people in the Russian Federation) live in the Tyumen region, Khabarovsk Territory, Moscow, St. Petersburg; the majority of Gagauz people live in Moldova (153.5 thousand people) and Ukraine (31.9 thousand people); separate groups - in Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, Canada and Brazil. The Gagauz language belongs to the Oguz branch of the Turkic languages. 87.4% of Gagauz people consider the Gagauz language to be their native language. The Gagauz people are Orthodox by religion.

Meskhetian Turks (9.9 thousand people in the Russian Federation) also live in Uzbekistan (106 thousand people), Kazakhstan (49.6 thousand people), Kyrgyzstan (21.3 thousand people), Azerbaijan ( 17.7 thousand people). The total number in the former USSR is 207.5 thousand.

People speak Turkish.

Khakass (78.5 thousand people) - the indigenous population of the Republic of Khakassia (62.9 thousand people), also live in Tuva (2.3 thousand people), Krasnoyarsk Territory (5.2 thousand people) .

Tuvans (206.2 thousand people, of which 198.4 thousand people are in Tuva). They also live in Mongolia (25 thousand people), China (3 thousand people). The total number of Tuvans is 235 thousand people. They are divided into western (mountain-steppe regions of western, central and southern Tuva) and eastern, or Tuvan-Todzha (mountain-taiga part of northeastern and southeastern Tuva).

Altaians (self-name Altai-Kizhi) are the indigenous population of the Altai Republic. 69.4 thousand people live in the Russian Federation, including 59.1 thousand people in the Altai Republic. Their total number is 70.8 thousand people. There are ethnographic groups of northern and southern Altaians. The Altai language is divided into northern (Tuba, Kumandin, Cheskan) and southern (Altai-Kizhi, Telengit) dialects. Most of the Altai believers are Orthodox, there are Baptists and others. At the beginning of the 20th century. Burkhanism, a type of Lamaism with elements of shamanism, spread among the southern Altaians. During the 1989 census, 89.3% of Altaians called their language their native language, and 77.7% indicated fluency in Russian.

Teleuts are currently identified as a separate people. They speak one of the southern dialects of the Altai language. Their number is 3 thousand people, and the majority (about 2.5 thousand people) live in rural areas and cities of the Kemerovo region. The bulk of Teleut believers are Orthodox, but traditional religious beliefs are also common among them.

Chulym people (Chulym Turks) live in the Tomsk region and Krasnoyarsk Territory in the river basin. Chulym and its tributaries Yaya and Kii. Number of people - 0.75 thousand people. The Chulym believers are Orthodox Christians.

Uzbeks (126.9 thousand people) live in diaspora in Moscow and the Moscow region, in St. Petersburg and in the regions of Siberia. The total number of Uzbeks in the world reaches 18.5 million people.

The Kyrgyz (about 41.7 thousand people in the Russian Federation) are the main population of Kyrgyzstan (2229.7 thousand people). They also live in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Xinjiang (PRC), and Mongolia. The total Kyrgyz population of the world exceeds 2.5 million people.

Karakalpaks (6.2 thousand people) in the Russian Federation live mainly in cities (73.7%), although in Central Asia they constitute a predominantly rural population. The total number of Karakalpaks exceeds 423.5

thousand people, of which 411.9 live in Uzbekistan

Karachais (150.3 thousand people) are the indigenous population of Karachay (in Karachay-Cherkessia), where most of them live (over 129.4 thousand people). Karachais also live in Kazakhstan, Central Asia, Turkey, Syria, and the USA. They speak the Karachay-Balkar language.

Balkars (78.3 thousand people) are the indigenous population of Kabardino-Balkaria (70.8 thousand people). They also live in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Their total number reaches 85.1

thousand people Balkars and related Karachais are Sunni Muslims.

Kumyks (277.2 thousand people, of which in Dagestan - 231.8 thousand people, in Checheno-Ingushetia - 9.9 thousand people, in North Ossetia - 9.5 thousand people; total number - 282.2

thousand people) - the indigenous population of the Kumyk plain and the foothills of Dagestan. The majority (97.4%) retained their native language - Kumyk.

The Nogais (73.7 thousand people) are settled within Dagestan (28.3 thousand people), Chechnya (6.9 thousand people) and the Stavropol Territory. They also live in Turkey, Romania and some other countries. The Nogai language is divided into Karanogai and Kuban dialects. Believing Nogais are Sunni Muslims.

The Shors (the self-name of the Shors) reach a population of 15.7 thousand people. The Shors are the indigenous population of the Kemerovo region (Mountain Shoria); they also live in Khakassia and the Altai Republic. Believing Shors are Orthodox Christians.

It must be distinguished from the modern Khorezm dialect and the Iranian Khorezm language. Khorezm Turkic language Regions: Central Asia, Khorezm and oases along the lower reaches of the river. Cheese Yes... Wikipedia

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Chulym-Turkic language- Chulym Turkic language is one of the Turkic languages. Distributed along the banks of the Chulym River, the right tributary of the Ob. The number of speakers is about 500 people. It is divided into 2 dialects: Lower Chulym and Middle Chulym. For Ch. I. characterized by the presence of etymologically long...

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Books

• Turks or Mongols? The era of Genghis Khan. , Olovintsov Anatoly Grigorievich. How did a small people conquer a multimillion-dollar China, all of Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Volga region, the principalities of Rus' and half of Europe? Who are they - Turks or Mongols? ...It's difficult...
• Turks or Mongols? The Age of Genghis Khan, Olovintsov Anatoly Grigorievich. How did a small people conquer a multimillion-dollar China, all of Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Volga region, the principalities of Rus' and half of Europe? Who are they - Turks or Mongols? ...It's difficult...

Genealogical classification is the most developed classification of the world's languages. It is based on kinship relationships. Based on these relationships, languages ​​are united into so-called language families, each of which consists of linguistic branches or groups, in turn they are divided either into individual languages ​​or into subgroups of closely related languages. The following families of languages ​​are usually distinguished: Turkic, Indo-European, Semitic, Finno-Ugric, Ibero-Caucasian, Paleo-Asian, etc. There are languages ​​that are not part of language families. These are single languages. Such a language is, for example, the Basque language.

Indo-European languages ​​include such large associations / families / as the Slavic family of languages, Indian, Romance, Germanic, Celtic, Iranian, Baltic, etc. In addition, Armenian, Albanian, and Greek are classified as Indo-European languages.

In turn, individual families of Indo-European languages ​​may have their own division into subgroups. So, Slavic The group of languages ​​is divided into three subgroups - East Slavic, South Slavic, West Slavic. The East Slavic group of languages ​​includes Russian, Ukrainian, Belarusian, the West Slavic group includes Polish, Czech, Slovak, etc., the South Slavic group includes Bulgarian, Serbo-Croatian, Slovenian, Old Slavic / dead language /.

Indian The family of languages ​​includes a language that dates back to ancient times. Ritual texts, the texts of the Veda, were written in this language. This language is called Vedic. Sanskrit is one of the oldest Indian languages. This is the language of the epic poems Ramayana and Mahabharata. Modern Indian languages ​​include Bengali, Punjabi, Hindi, Urdu, etc.

Germanic languages ​​are divided into East Germanic, West Germanic and Scandinavian / or North Germanic / groups. The northern group includes Swedish, Danish, Norwegian, Icelandic, Faroese. The Western group is English, German, Dutch, Luxembourgish, Afrikaans, Yiddish. The eastern group consists of dead languages ​​- Gothic, Burgunian, etc. Among the Germanic languages, the newest languages ​​stand out - Yiddish and Afrikaans. Yiddish was formed in the 10th – 14th centuries on the basis of High German elements. Afrikaans arose in the 12th century on the basis of Dutch dialects with the inclusion of elements from French, German, English, Portuguese and some African languages.

Romanskaya The language family includes languages ​​such as French, Spanish, Italian, Portuguese, Romanian, Catalan, etc. This group of languages ​​is related by a common origin from the Latin language. More than 10 creoles arose from individual Romance languages.

Iranian the group is Persian, Dari, Ossetian, Tajik, Kurdish, Afghan / Pashto / and other languages ​​that make up the group of Pamir languages.

Baltic languages ​​are represented by Latvian and Lithuanian.

Another large family of languages, spread over large areas of Asia and parts of Europe, are the Turkic languages. There are several classification schemes in Turkology. The generally accepted scheme is the classification of A.N. Samoilovich.

All Turkic The languages ​​are divided into 6 groups: Bulgar, Uyghur, Kipchak, Chagatai, Kipchak-Turkmen, Oguz. The Bulgar group includes the Chuvash language, the Uyghur group includes Old Uyghur, Tuvan, Yakut, Khakass; the Kipchak group consists of Tatar, Bashkir, Kazakh, Kyrgyz and Altai languages; the Chagatai group covers modern Uyghur, Uzbek, etc.; Kipchak-Turkmen group - intermediate dialects (Khiva-Uzbek, Khiva-Sart); The Oghuz group includes Turkish, Azerbaijani, Turkmen and some others.

Among all language families, Indo-European languages ​​occupy a special place, since the Indo-European family was the first language family that was distinguished on the basis of genetic/kinship/ connections, therefore the identification of other language families was guided by the experience of studying Indo-European languages. This determines the role of research in the field of Indo-European languages ​​for the historical study of other languages.

conclusions

Genealogical classification is based on kinship relationships. Kinship relations are associated with common origin.

The common origin is manifested in a single source of related words - in the proto-language.

There is a hierarchy of proto-languages.

Linguistic relationship can be direct/immediate/ and indirect.

Genealogical classification is based on taking into account both direct and indirect types of relationship between languages.

Relationships of kinship are manifested in the material identity of sounds, morphemes, and words.

Reliable data is provided by a comparison of the words that make up the oldest fund.

When comparing vocabulary, it is necessary to take into account the presence of borrowings. Material similarity of grammatical indicators is one of the most reliable evidence of kinship.

Phonetic identity is manifested in the presence of phonetic / sound / correspondence.

Phonetic correspondences do not reflect complete articulatory and acoustic similarities between the sounds of related languages. Sound correspondences are the result of ancient phonetic processes.

Phonetic correspondences are found not in one isolated fact, but in a whole series of similar examples. In the historical study of languages, comparative historical analysis is used.

The comparative historical method is based on comparison of related languages.

The comparison is carried out with the aim of reconstructing the oldest prototype and the original form.

The reconstructed phenomena are classified as hypothetical. Not only individual fragments are recreated, but also proto-languages. The comparative historical method was developed by both foreign and domestic linguists.

DISTRIBUTION OF TURKIC LANGUAGES

Modern Turkic languages

General information. Name options. Genealogical information. Spreading. Linguistic and geographical information. General dialect composition. Sociolinguistic information. Communicative-functional status and rank of language. Degree of standardization. Educational and pedagogical status. Type of writing. Brief periodization of the history of language. Intrastructural phenomena caused by external language contacts.

Türkiye - 55 million
Iran - from 15 to 35 million
Uzbekistan - 27 million
Russia - 11 to 16 million
Kazakhstan - 12 million
China - 11 million
Azerbaijan - 9 million
Turkmenistan - 5 million
Germany - 5 million
Kyrgyzstan - 5 million
Caucasus (without Azerbaijan) - 2 million
EU - 2 million (excluding UK, Germany and France)
Iraq - from 500 thousand to 3 million
Tajikistan - 1 million
USA - 1 million
Mongolia - 100 thousand
Australia - 60 thousand
Latin America (without Brazil and Argentina) - 8 thousand.
France - 600 thousand
Great Britain - 50 thousand
Ukraine and Belarus - 350 thousand.
Moldova - 147,500 (Gagauz)
Canada - 20 thousand
Argentina - 1 thousand
Japan - 1 thousand
Brazil - 1 thousand
Rest of the world - 1.4 million

DISTRIBUTION OF TURKIC LANGUAGES

Turkic languages- a family of related languages ​​of the putative Altaic macrofamily, widely spoken in Asia and Eastern Europe. The area of ​​distribution of Turkic languages ​​extends from the Kolyma River basin in Siberia to the southwest to the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea. The total number of speakers is more than 167.4 million people.

The area of ​​distribution of Turkic languages ​​extends from the basin
R. Lena in Siberia southwest to the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea.
In the north, the Turkic languages ​​are in contact with the Uralic languages, in the east - with the Tungus-Manchu, Mongolian and Chinese languages. In the south, the area of ​​distribution of Turkic languages ​​is in contact with the area of ​​​​distribution of Iranian, Semitic, and in the west - with the area of ​​​​distribution of Slavic and some other Indo-European (Greek, Albanian, Romanian) languages. The bulk of the Turkic-speaking peoples of the former Soviet Union live in the Caucasus, the Black Sea region, the Volga region, Central Asia, and Siberia (western and eastern). Karaites, Crimean Tatars, Krymchaks, Urums and Gagauzes live in the western regions of Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and the south of Moldova.
The second area of ​​settlement of Turkic-speaking peoples is associated with the territory of the Caucasus, where Azerbaijanis, Kumyks, Karachais, Balkars, Nogais and Trukhmens (Stavropol Turkmens) live.
The third geographical area of ​​settlement of Turkic peoples is the Volga region and the Urals, where the Tatars, Bashkirs and Chuvashs are represented.
The fourth Turkic-speaking area is the territory of Central Asia and Kazakhstan, where Uzbeks, Uighurs, Kazakhs, Karakalpaks, Turkmen, and Kyrgyz live. The Uyghurs are the second largest Turkic-speaking nation living outside the CIS. They make up the main population of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of the People's Republic of China. In China, along with the Uighurs, there live Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, Tatars, Salars, and Saryg-Yugurs.

The fifth Turkic-speaking area is represented by the Turkic peoples of Siberia. In addition to the West Siberian Tatars, this zonal group consists of Yakuts and Dolgans, Tuvans and Tofalars, Khakassians, Shors, Chulyms, and Altaians. Outside the former Soviet Union, the bulk of Turkic-speaking peoples live in Asia and Europe. The first place in terms of numbers is occupied by
Turks. Turks live in Turkey (more than 60 million people), Cyprus, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Bulgaria, Greece, Macedonia, Romania, France, Great Britain, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Switzerland. In total, over 3 million Turks live in Europe.

Based on the current geographic distribution, all modern Turkic peoples are distributed into four areal-regional groups. Areal-regional distribution (from west to east) of modern Turkic languages: Group I - South Caucasus and Western Asia - 120 million people: (south-western Turkic languages ​​- Azerbaijani, Turkish); Group II - Northern Caucasus, Eastern Europe - 20 million people: (northwestern Turkic languages ​​- Kumyk, Karachay-Balkar, Nogai, Crimean Tatar, Gagauz, Karaite, Tatar, Bashkir, Chuvash): Group III - Central Asia - 60 million people: (southeastern Turkic languages ​​- Turkmen, Uzbek, Uyghur, Karakalpak, Kazakh, Kyrgyz); Group IV - Western Siberia - 1 million people: (northeastern Turkic languages ​​- Altai, Shor, Khakass, Tuvan, Tofalar, Yakut). I will consider the cultural vocabulary of modern Turkic languages ​​according to five semantic groups: flora, fauna, climate, landscape and economic activity. The analyzed vocabulary is divided into three groups: common Turkic, areal and borrowed. Common Turkic words are words that are recorded in ancient and medieval monuments, and also have parallels in most modern Turkic languages. Areal-regional vocabulary - words known to one or more modern Turkic peoples living in the same common or adjacent territories. Borrowed vocabulary is Turkic words of foreign origin. The vocabulary of a language reflects and preserves national specifics, but all languages ​​have borrowings to one degree or another. As you know, foreign language borrowings occupy an important place in replenishing and enriching the vocabulary of any language.

Tatars and Gagauzians also live in Romania, Bulgaria, and Macedonia. The proportion of Turkic-speaking peoples in Iran is large. Along with Azerbaijanis, Turkmens, Qashqais, and Afshars live here. Turkmens live in Iraq. In Afghanistan - Turkmens, Karakalpaks, Kazakhs, Uzbeks. Kazakhs and Tuvans live in Mongolia.

Scientific discussions on the affiliation and relationship of languages ​​and their dialects within the Turkic languages ​​continue. For example, in his classic fundamental scientific work “Dialect of the West Siberian Tatars” (1963), G. Kh. Akhatov presented materials on the territorial settlement of the Tobol-Irtysh Tatars in the Tyumen and Omsk regions. Having subjected the phonetic system, lexical composition and grammatical structure to a comprehensive comprehensive analysis, the scientist came to the conclusion that the language of the Siberian Tatars is one independent dialect, it is not divided into dialects and is one of the oldest Turkic languages. However, initially V. A. Bogoroditsky language of the Siberian Tatars belonged to the West Siberian group of Turkic languages, where he also included the Chulym, Barabinsk, Tobolsk, Ishim, Tyumen and Turin Tatars.

Problems

Drawing boundaries within many Turkic, especially the smallest, associations is difficult:

· differentiation of language and dialect is difficult - in fact, Turkic languages ​​at all stages of division reveal a situation of diasystem, dialect continuum, language cluster and/or language complex, at the same time there are various ethnolects interpreted as independent languages;

· are described as dialects of one language belonging to different subgroups of idioms (Turkic mixed languages).

For some classification units - historical and modern - there is very little reliable information. Thus, practically nothing is known about the historical languages ​​of the Ogur subgroup. About the Khazar language, it is assumed that it was close to the Chuvash language - see Linguistic Encyclopedic Dictionary, M. 1990 - and the Bulgarian language itself. The information is based on the testimony of the Arab authors al-Istakhri and Ibn-Haukal, who noted the similarity of the languages ​​of the Bulgars and Khazars on the one hand, and the dissimilarity of the Khazar language to the dialects of the rest of the Turks, on the other. The belonging of the Pecheneg language to the Oguz language is assumed based primarily on the ethnonym itself Pechenegs, comparable to the Oghuz designation for brother-in-law baʤanaq. Of the modern ones, the least described are Syrian-Turkmen, local dialects of Nogai and especially eastern Turkic, Fuyu-Kyrgyz, for example.

The question of the relationship between the identified groups of the Turkic branch itself, including the relationship of modern languages ​​with the languages ​​of runic monuments, remains ambiguous.

Some languages ​​were discovered relatively recently (Fuyu-Kyrgyz, for example). The Khalaj language was discovered by G. Dörfer in the 1970s. and identified in 1987 with the argu mentioned by his predecessors (Baskakov, Melioransky, etc.).

It is also worth mentioning the subjects of discussion that arose due to mistakes made:

· disputes about the genetic affiliation of the Old Bulgarian language: the discussion is initially meaningless, since the language that became the basis of modern Chuvash belongs to the ancient Ogur branch, and the literary language of the Tatars and Bashkirs is historically a regional variant of the Turkic language;

· identification of the Gagauz language (including its archaic Balkan version) with the Pecheneg language: the Pecheneg language had completely died out by the Middle Ages, but the modern Gagauz language, in essence, is nothing more than a continuation of the Balkan dialects of the Turkish language;

· classification of the Salar language as the Sayan language; The Salar language is certainly Oghuz, but as a result of contacts it has many borrowings from the Siberian area, including features of consonantism and words adığ instead of aju"bear" and jalaŋadax"barefoot" on a par with the original ajax“leg” (cf. Tat. “yalanayak”);

· classifying the Saryg-Yugur language as Karluk (including interpretation as a dialect of Uyghur) - the similarity is the result of language contacts;

· mixing of various idioms, for example, Kumandin and Tubalar, Middle Chulym and Lower Chulym dialects when describing the so-called Querik and Ketsik dialects or historical Orkhon-Uyghur and Old Uyghur.

Dolgan/Yakut

Altai/Teleut/Telenginsky/Chalkansky (Kuu, Lebedinsky)

Altai-Oirot

Tofalar – Karagas

information from the book by A. N. Kononov “History of the study of Turkic languages ​​in Russia. Pre-October period” (Second edition, supplemented and corrected, Leningrad, 1982). The list shows that languages ​​include both those with a long history (Turkish, Turkmen, Tatar, Crimean Tatar, Kumyk) and those with a short history (Altai, Chuvash, Tuvan, Yakut). Consequently, the authors paid more attention to the literary form, its functional completeness and prestige; the idea of ​​a dialect is obscured here, in the shadows.

As can be seen from the list, the unwritten forms of a number of peoples (Baraba, Tatar, Tobolsk, Shor, Sayan, Abakan), but also written forms, relatively young (Nogai, Karakalpak, Kumyk) and quite old (Turkmen, Crimean Tatar, Uzbek, Uyghur, Kyrgyz).

The use of terms indicates that the authors were primarily attracted by the unwritten state of languages ​​and the relative similarity with it of written literary languages ​​with insufficiently developed functions and styles. In this case, both previous methods of naming were combined, indicating both the insufficient development of dialectology and the subjectivity of the authors. The diversity of names shown above reflects the complex path of formation of the Turkic languages ​​and the no less complex nature of its perception and interpretation by scientists and teachers.

By the age of 30-40. XX century in theory and practice, the terms literary language - the system of its dialects - are fully established. At the same time, the struggle between terms for the entire family of languages ​​(Turk and Turk-Tatar), which went on during the 13th-19th centuries, ends. By the 40s. XIX century (1835) the terms Turk/Turkic acquired a general generic status, and Turk/Turkish - a specific status. This division was also entrenched in English practice: turkiс "Turkic and turkish "Turkish" (but in Turkish practice turk "Turkish" and "Turkic", French turc "Turkish" and "Turkic", German turkisch "Turkish" and "Turkic") According to information from the book "Turkic Languages" in the series "Languages ​​of the World", there are a total of 39 Turkic languages.This is one of the large language families.

Taking the ability to understand and verbal communication as a scale for measuring the closeness of languages, Turkic languages ​​are divided into close ones (Turk. -Az. -Gag.; Nog-Karkalp. -Kaz.; Tat. -Bashk.; Tuv. -Tof.; Yak. -dol.), relatively distant (Turkish -Kaz.; Az. -Kyrgyzstan; Tat. -Tuv.) and quite distant (Chuv. -other languages; Yakuts. -other languages). There is a clear pattern in this gradation: the differences in Turkic languages ​​increase from west to east, but the opposite is also true: from east to west. This rule is a consequence of the history of the Turkic languages.

Of course, the Turkic languages ​​did not immediately reach such a level. This was preceded by a long development path, as comparative historical studies show. The Institute of Linguistics of the Russian Academy of Sciences has compiled a volume with group reconstructions that will make it possible to trace the development of modern languages. In the late period of the Proto-Turkic language (III century BC), dialect groups of different chronological levels were formed in it, which gradually broke up into separate languages. There were more differences between groups than between members within groups. This general difference persisted subsequently in the process of development of specific languages. The separated languages, being unwritten, were preserved and developed in oral folk art until their generalized forms were developed and the social conditions were ripe for the introduction of writing. By the VI-IX centuries. n. e. These conditions arose among some Turkic tribes and their associations, and after this, runic writing appeared (VII-XII centuries). Monuments of runic writing name a number of large Turkic-speaking tribes and their unions: turk, uyyur, qipcaq, qirgiz. It was in this linguistic environment, on the basis of the Oguz and Uyghur languages, that the first written literary language developed, serving many ethnic groups in a wide geographical area from Yakutia to Hungary. A scientific position has been put forward that in different periods there were different systems of signs (more than ten types), leading to the concept of various regional variants of the runic literary language, which served the social needs of the Turkic ethnic groups. The literary form did not necessarily coincide with the dialect basis. Thus, among the ancient Uighurs of Turfan, the dialect form differed from the written literary morphology and vocabulary; among the Yenisei Kyrgyz, the written language is known from epitaphs (this is a d-language), and the dialect form, according to reconstructions, is similar to the group of z-languages ​​(Khakass, Shor, Sarygyugur, Chulym-Turkic), on which the epic "Manas" began to take shape.

The stage of the runic literary language (VII-XII centuries) was replaced by the stage of the ancient Uyghur literary language (IX-XVIII centuries), then they were replaced by Karakhanid-Uyghur (XI-XII centuries) and, finally, Khorezm-Uyghur (XIII-XIV centuries) literary languages ​​that served other Turkic ethnic groups and their state structures.

The natural course of development of the Turkic languages ​​was disrupted by the Mongol conquest. Some ethnic groups disappeared, others were displaced. In the arena of history in the XIII-XIV centuries. New ethnic groups appeared with their own languages, which already had literary forms or developed them in the presence of social conditions right up to the present day. The Chagatai literary language (XV-XIX centuries) played a major role in this process.

With the emergence of modern Turkic peoples on the historical stage before their formation into separate nations, the Chagatai language (together with other old languages ​​- Karakhanid-Uyghur, Khorezm-Turkic and Kipchak) was used as a literary form. Gradually, it absorbed local folk elements, which led to the emergence of local variants of the written language, which, unlike Chagatai as a whole, can be called the literary language of the Turki.

Several variants of Turkic are known: Central Asian (Uzbek, Uyghur, Turkmen), Volga region (Tatar, Bashkir); Aral-Caspian (Kazakh, Karakalpak, Kyrgyz), Caucasian (Kumyk, Karachay-Balkar, Azerbaijan) and Asia Minor (Turkish). From this moment we can talk about the initial period of modern Turkic national literary languages.

The origins of the Turkic variants go back to various periods: among the Turks, Azerbaijanis, Uzbeks, Uighurs, Tatars - to the 13th-14th centuries, among the Turkmens, Crimean Tatars, Kyrgyz and Bashkirs - to the 17th-18th centuries.

In the 20-30s in the Soviet state, the development of Turkic languages ​​took a new direction: the democratization of old literary languages ​​(modern dialect bases were found for them) and the creation of new ones. By the 30-40s of the XX century. writing systems were developed for the Altai, Tuvan, Khakass, Shor, and Yakut languages. Subsequently, the strengthened position of the Russian language in the social sphere restrained the process of functional development of the Turkic languages, but, of course, they could not stop it. The natural growth of literary languages ​​continued. In 1957, the Gagauz people received writing. The development process continues today: in 1978, writing was introduced among the Dolgans, in 1989 - among the Tofalars. The Siberian Tatars are preparing to introduce writing in their native language. Each nation decides this issue for itself.

The development of Turkic languages ​​from an unwritten form to a written form with a subordinate system of dialects did not change significantly either in the Mongolian or Soviet periods, despite negative factors.

The changing situation in the Turkic world also concerns the new reform of the alphabetic systems of the Turkic languages ​​that has begun. Over the seventieth anniversary of the twentieth century. This is the fourth total change of alphabets. Probably only Turkic nomadic tenacity and strength can withstand such a social load. But why waste it for no apparent social or historical reason - this is what I thought in 1992 during an international conference of Turkologists in Kazan. Apart from purely technical shortcomings in the current alphabets and spellings, nothing else was indicated. But for the reform of alphabets, social needs are in the foreground, and not just wishes based on some particular point.

Currently, the social reason for alphabetic substitution has been identified. This is the leading position of the Turkish people, their language in the modern Turkic world. Since 1928, Latin writing has been introduced in Turkey, reflecting the formal system of the Turkish language. Naturally, a transition to the same Latin basis is desirable for other Turkic languages. This is also a force that strengthens the unity of the Turkic world. The spontaneous transition to a new alphabet has begun. But what does the initial stage of this movement show? It shows a complete lack of coordination in the actions of the participants.

In the 20s, the reform of the alphabet in the RSFSR was directed by a single body - the Central Committee of the New Alphabet, which, based on serious scientific development, compiled unified systems of alphabets. At the end of the 30s, the next wave of alphabetical change was carried out by the Turkic peoples themselves without any coordination among themselves due to the absence of a coordinating body. This inconsistency has never been resolved.

One cannot ignore the discussion of the problem of a second alphabet for the Turkic languages ​​of countries with Muslim culture. For the western Muslim part of the Turkic world, Eastern (Arabic) writing is 700 years old, and European writing is only 70 years old, i.e., a 10-fold shorter period of time. A huge classical heritage has been created in Arabic graphics, which is especially valuable now for the independently developing Turkic peoples. Can this wealth be neglected? It is possible if we stop considering ourselves Turks. It is impossible to translate the great achievements of a past culture into a transcription code. It is easier to master Arabic graphics and read old texts in the original. For philologists, studying Arabic writing is mandatory, but for others it is optional.

The presence of not one, but several alphabets among one people is not an exception, either now or in past times. The ancient Uighurs, for example, used four different writing systems, and history has not preserved any complaints about this.

Along with the problem of the alphabet, the problem of the general fund of Turkic terminology arises. The task of generalizing Turkic terminological systems was not solved in the Soviet Union, remaining the exclusive right of the national republics. The unification of terminologies is closely related to the level of development of sciences, which is reflected in concepts and their names. If the levels are the same, then the unification process does not present any particular difficulties. In the case of differences in levels, the reduction of private terminologies into something unified seems to be extremely difficult.

Now we can only raise the question of preliminary measures, in particular, the discussion of this topic at scientific associations. These associations can be built along professional lines. As, for example, an association of Turkologists: linguists, literary scholars, historians, etc. An association (commission) of Turkic linguists discusses the state of, say, grammatical theory in various parts of the Turkic world and makes recommendations for the development and unification of its terminology, if possible . In this case, reviewing the state of science itself is very useful. To recommend the terminology of a language to everyone now means starting from the end.

Another direction attracts attention, the scientific and social significance of which for the Turkic world is obvious. This is a search for common roots, symbolizing the unified character of the Turkic world. Common roots lie in the lexical treasury of the Turks, in folklore, especially in epic works, customs and beliefs, folk crafts and art, etc. - in a word, it is necessary to compile a corpus of Turkic antiquities. Other nations are already doing this kind of work. Of course, it needs to be thought through, a program drawn up, performers found and trained, and leaders of the work as well. A small temporary Institute of Turkic Antiquities will probably be required. Publication of the results and their implementation in practice will be an effective means of preserving and strengthening the Turkic world. All these measures, taken together, will pour into the old formula of Islmail Gasprinsky - unity in language, thought, deeds - new content.

The National Lexical Fund of Turkic Languages ​​is rich in original words. But the existence of the Soviet Union radically changed the functional nature and basic terminographic norms, as well as the alphabetic system of the Turkic languages. This is evidenced by the opinion of scientist A.Yu. Musorin: “The languages ​​of the peoples of the former USSR can be considered as a linguistic union. The long coexistence of these languages ​​within one multinational state, as well as the colossal pressure on them from the Russian language, led to the emergence of common features in them at all levels of their language system. So, for example, in the Udmurd language, under the influence of Russian, the sounds [f], [x], [ts] appeared, which were previously absent from it; in the Komi-Permyak, many adjectives began to be formalized with the suffix “-ova” (Russian –ovy, -ovaya, - ovoe), and in Tuvan new, previously non-existent types of complex sentences were formed. The influence of the Russian language turned out to be especially strong at the lexical level. Almost all socio-political and scientific terminology in the languages ​​of the peoples of the former USSR is borrowed from the Russian language or formed under its strong influence. The only exceptions in this regard are the languages ​​of the Baltic peoples - Lithuanian, Latvian, Estonian. In these languages, the corresponding terminological systems were formed in many respects even before the entry of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia into the USSR.”

foreign character of the Turkish language. The dictionary of Turkic languages ​​contained a fairly large percentage of Arabisms and Iranianisms, Russianisms, with which, again for political reasons, in Soviet times there was a struggle along the lines of terminological construction and open Russification. International terms and words denoting new phenomena in economics, everyday life, and ideology were directly borrowed from Russian or from other languages ​​through the press and other media, first into speech, and after that they were fixed in the language and replenished not only Turkic speech and terminology, but also the dictionary in general. At this time, the term system of Turkic languages ​​is being intensively replenished with borrowed words and international terms. The main share of borrowed words and neologisms are terms from European countries, including a large number of English words. However, the equivalents of these borrowed words in the Turkic languages ​​are ambiguous. As a result, the national coloring, spelling and orthoepic norms of the lexical fund of the native people of these languages ​​are violated. The solution to this problem is possible thanks to the joint efforts of scientists from Turkic-speaking countries. In particular, I would like to note that the creation of a unified electronic terminological database of the Turkic peoples and the national corps of the Turkic world and its constant updating will contribute to the effective achievement of this goal.

The languages ​​of these minority peoples are included in the “Red Book of Languages ​​of the Peoples of Russia” (M., 1994). The languages ​​of the peoples of Russia differ in their legal status (state, official, interethnic, local) and the scope of social functions they perform in different spheres of life. In accordance with the Constitution of 1993, the state language of the Russian Federation throughout its territory is Russian.

Along with this, the Basic Law of the Russian Federation recognizes the right of republics to establish their own state languages. Currently, 19 republican subjects of the Russian Federation have adopted legislative acts establishing the status of national languages ​​as state languages. Simultaneously with the titular language of a subject of the Russian Federation, recognized as the state language in a given republic, and Russian as the state language of the Russian Federation, in some subjects other languages ​​are also given state status. Thus, in Dagestan, in accordance with the Constitution of the republic (1994), 8 out of 13 literary and written languages ​​were declared state; in the Karachay-Cherkess Republic - 5 languages ​​(Abaza, Kabardino-Circassian, Karachay-Balkar, Nogai and Russian); 3 state languages ​​are declared in the legislative acts of the Republics of Mari-El and Mordovia.

The adoption of legislative acts in the linguistic sphere is intended to increase the prestige of national languages, help expand the scope of their functioning, create conditions for preservation and development, as well as to protect linguistic rights and linguistic independence of individuals and people. The functioning of the state languages ​​of the Russian Federation is determined in the most significant areas of communication, such as education, printing, mass communication, spiritual culture, and religion. In the education system of the Russian Federation, the distribution of functions is presented at the following levels: preschool institutions - language is used as a means of education and / or studied as a subject; national schools – the language is used as a medium of instruction and/or taught as a subject; national schools – the language is used as a medium of instruction and/or studied as a subject; mixed schools - they have classes with Russian as the language of instruction and classes with other languages ​​of instruction; languages ​​are taught as an academic subject. All languages ​​of the peoples of the Russian Federation, which have a written tradition, are used in education and training with varying intensity and at different levels of the educational system.

Turkic languages ​​in the Russian Federation and the multifaceted, complex and urgent problem of the policy of the Russian state in the linguistic sphere of culture and national relations in general. The fate of the languages ​​of the minority Turkic ethnic groups of Russia is a critical, screaming, fire-fighting problem: a few years may turn out to be fatal, the consequences irreversible.
Scientists consider the following Turkic languages ​​to be endangered:
- Dolgan
- Kumandin
- Tofalar
- Tubalar
- Tuvan-Todzha
- Chelkansky
- Chulym
- Shor

Dolgans
Dolgans (self-name - Dolgan, Tya-kikhi, Sakha) are a people in Russia, mainly in the Taimyr Autonomous Okrug of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. Believers are Orthodox). Dolgan language is the language of the Yakut subgroup of the Turkic group of Altai languages. The core of the Dolgan people was formed as a result of the interaction of various ethnic groups: Evenks, Yakuts, Russian Trans-Tundra peasants, etc. The main language of communication between these groups was the Yakut language, which spread among the Tungus clans on the territory of Yakutia at the turn of the 17th-18th centuries. In general historical terms, it can be assumed that the Dolgan language retained elements of the Yakut language from the period of the first waves of their resettlement to the territory of present-day Yakutia and gradually moved further by subsequent waves to the northwest. The Tungus clans, which later became the core of the Dolgan people, came into contact with representatives of this wave of Yakuts and, having adopted their language, migrated with them across the territory that later became their common homeland. The process of formation of the nationality and its language continued on the Taimyr Peninsula during the mutual influence of various groups of Evenks, Yakuts, Russians and their languages. They were united by the same way of life (life, household), geographical location and, mainly, language, which by that time had become the main one in communication between them. Therefore, the modern Dolgan language, while remaining grammatically Yakut at its core, contains many elements of the languages ​​of those peoples who made up the new ethnic group. This was especially reflected in the vocabulary. Dolgan (Dulgaan) is the name of one of the Evenki clans that assimilated into the new ethnic group. This name is currently used in the Russian version to designate all representatives of this nationality. The self-name of the main group of Dolgans (Khatanga region) is haka (cf. Yakut. Sakha), as well as tya kichite, tyalar - a person from the tundra, tundra dwellers (western Dolgans). In this case, the Turkic word tya (tau, tuu, too, etc.) - “wooded mountain” in the Dolgan language acquired the meaning “tundra”. The number of Dolgans according to their censuses in the Taimyr Autonomous Okrug and the Anabar region of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) in 1959, 1970, 1979, 1989 and the preliminary results of the 2002 census in the Russian Federation is as follows: 3932 (updated data), 4877, 5053, 6929, 7000 people. The largest percentage of those who consider their national language to be their native language according to the 1979 census is 90 percent; in subsequent years there was a slight reduction in this indicator. At the same time, the number of Dolgans fluent in Russian is increasing. The Russian language is used in official business, in the press, in communication with people of other nationalities, and often in everyday life. Some Dolgans read books and magazines in the Yakut language, they can communicate and correspond, although they experience lexical, grammatical, and spelling difficulties.
If the independence of the Dolgans as a nationality is an indisputable fact, then determining the status of their language as independent or as a dialect of the Yakut language is still controversial. The Tunguska clans, due to the prevailing historical circumstances, switched to the language of the Yakuts, did not assimilate into their environment, but, having found themselves in special conditions, in the process of interaction with various ethnic groups, began to form as a new people. “Special conditions” were remoteness from the bulk of the Yakuts, a different way of life and other cultural and economic changes in the life of the Dolgans in Taimyr. The idea of ​​independence of the Dolgan language was first expressed in 1940 at the defense of E.I. Ubryatova’s Ph.D. thesis “The Language of the Norilsk Dolgans.” In recent years, this idea has been increasingly confirmed in the works of researchers of this language. We are talking about the isolation of the Dolgan language, which at a certain stage of its development and functioning was a dialect of the Yakut language, as a result of long-term isolated development, changes in the way of life of the people, as well as geographical and administrative separation. Subsequently, the Dolgan language became more and more distant from the literary Yakut language, which was based on the dialects of the central regions of Yakutia.
It is important to emphasize that the question of the independence of the Dolgan language, like other similar languages, cannot be resolved only from a linguistic point of view. When determining the linguistic affiliation of a dialect, it is not enough to appeal only to structural criteria - it is also necessary to turn to signs of a sociological order: the presence or absence of a common literary written language, mutual understanding between speakers, the ethnic self-awareness of the people (the appropriate assessment of their language by its speakers). The Dolgans do not consider themselves either Yakuts or Evenks and recognize their language as a separate, different language. This is motivated by difficulties in mutual understanding between the Yakuts and Dolgans and the impossibility of the latter using the Yakut literary language in cultural use; the creation of their own written language and the teaching of the Dolgan language in schools (the impossibility of using Yakut school literature); publishing fiction and other literature in the Dolgan language. It follows from this that the Dolgan language, even from a linguistic point of view, while remaining a dialect of the Yakut language, taking into account a complex of historical, socio-cultural, sociological factors, is an independent language. Writing in the Dolgan language was created only in the late 70s of the twentieth century. In 1978, the Cyrillic alphabet was approved, taking into account the peculiarities of the phonemic structure of the language, as well as Russian and Yakut graphics. Currently, this language is used mainly in everyday communication. The language begins to function in print and on the radio. The mother tongue is taught in primary schools. The Dolgan language is taught at the Russian State Pedagogical University named after A.I. Herzen to students - future teachers.
Of course, there are many problems in preserving and developing a language. First of all, this is teaching the native language to children at school. There is a question about the insufficient methodological equipment of teachers, about the small amount of literature in the Dolgan language. It is necessary to intensify the publication of newspapers and books in this language. It is of no small importance to raise children in the family in the spirit of respect for their people, traditions and native language.

Kumandins
Kumandins (Kumandivands, Kuvants, Kuvandyg/Kuvandykh) are one of the Turkic-speaking ethnic groups that make up the population of the Altai Republic.
The Kumandin language is a dialect of the Altai language or, according to a number of Turkologists, a separate language in the Khakass subgroup of the Uyghur-Oguz group of Turkic languages. The number of Kumandins according to the 1897 census was 4092 people, in 1926 - 6334 people, they were not taken into account in subsequent censuses; according to preliminary data from the 2002 census in the Russian Federation - 3,000 people. The Kumandins live most compactly within the Altai Territory, in the Kemerovo region. The ancient Samoyed, Ket and Turkic tribes took part in the ethnogenesis of the Kumandins, as well as other tribes living in Altai. The ancient influences of different Turkic dialects are still felt today, causing debate about the linguistic qualifications of the Kumandin language. The Kumandin language is similar in a number of phonetic features to the Shor language and partly to the Khakass language. It has also retained specific features that distinguish it among the Altai dialects and even as part of the Turkic languages. Kumandins of the middle and older generations use their native Kumandin language in colloquial speech; young people prefer the Russian language. Almost all Kumandins speak Russian, some consider it their native language. The writing system for the Altai language was developed on the basis of one of its southern dialects, Teleut, in the mid-19th century by missionaries of the Altai Spiritual Mission. In this form it was also widespread among the Kumandins. In the early 30s of the twentieth century, an attempt was made to educate the Kumandins in their native language. In 1933, the Kumandy Primer was published. However, that was all. In the early 90s, teaching in schools was in Russian. The Altai literary language was taught as a subject, which, being different in dialect base, is noticeably influenced by the local speech of the Kumandins.

Soyots
Soyots are one of the small ethnic groups, whose representatives live compactly in the Okinsky district of the Republic of Buryatia. According to the 1989 census, their number ranged from 246 to 506 people.
By decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Buryatia dated April 13, 1993, the Soyot National Village Council was formed on the territory of the Okinsky district of the Republic of Buryatia. Due to the growth of national self-awareness, on the one hand, and the opportunity to obtain official legal status, on the other, the Soyots turned to the Russian parliament with a request to recognize them as an independent ethnic group, while more than 1,000 citizens submitted an application asking to change their nationality and identify them as Soyots . According to V.I. Rassadin, the Soyots of Buryatia (natives from the Khusugul region in Mongolia) about 350-400 years ago, according to legend, broke away from the Tsaatans, who had the same clans (Khaasuut, Onkhot, Irkit) as the Soyots. The Soyot language is part of the Sayan subgroup of Siberian Turkic languages, which unites the languages ​​of Russian Tuvans, Mongolian and Chinese Monchaks, Tsengel Tuvans (steppe group) and the languages ​​of the Tofalars, Tsaatans, Uyghur-Uriankhians, Soyts (taiga group). The Soyot language is unwritten, in its development it has experienced significant influence from the Mongolian language, and at the present stage - from Buryat and Russian. Nowadays the Soyots have almost completely lost their language: only representatives of the older generation remember it. The Soyot language has been studied very poorly.

Teleuts
Teleuts are an indigenous population living along the Sema River (Shebalinsky district of the Altai Republic), in the Chumyshsky district of the Altai Territory and along the Bolshoi and Maly Bachat rivers (Novosibirsk region). Their self-name - tele"ut/tele"et - goes back to an ancient ethnonym common among the inhabitants of Altai. Like other ethnic groups in the region, the Teleuts were formed on the basis of the Turkization of local tribes of Samoyed or Ket origin. The study of toponymy showed that, in addition to the indicated components, the territory was strongly influenced by Mongol-speaking tribes. However, the strongest layer belongs to the Turkic languages, and some of the Turkic names correlate with ancient Turkic, as well as with Kyrgyz, Tuvan, Kazakh and other neighboring Turkic languages. According to its linguistic characteristics, the Teleut language belongs to the Kyrgyz-Kypchak group of the eastern branch of the Turkic languages ​​(N.A. Baskakov), therefore it exhibits features that unite it with the Kyrgyz language. The Altai language has a relatively long history of recording and studying its dialects. Recordings of individual Altai words began from the moment the Russians entered Siberia. During the first academic expeditions (XVIII century), lexicons appeared and materials on the language were collected (D.-G. Messerschmidt, I. Fischer, G. Miller, P. Pallas, G. Gmelin). Academician V.V. Radlov made a great contribution to the study of the language, who traveled in Altai in 1863-1871 and collected texts that he published (1866) or used in his “Phonetics” (1882-1883), as well as in the “Dictionary of Turkic languages." The Teleut language also came to the attention of scientists and was described in the famous “Grammar of the Altai Language” (1869). It was with this dialect that the linguistic activities of the Altai spiritual mission, which opened in 1828, were connected. Its outstanding figures V.M. Verbitsky, S. Landyshev, M. Glukharev-Nevsky developed the first Altai alphabet on a Russian basis and created a written language based specifically on the Teleut dialect. The Altai grammar was one of the first and very successful examples of functionally oriented grammars of the Turkic languages; it has not lost its significance to this day. V.M. Verbitsky compiled the “Dictionary of the Altai and Aladag dialects of the Turkic language” (1884). The Teleut dialect was the first to acquire a written language developed by missionaries; it included letters of the Russian alphabet, supplemented with special characters for specific Altai phonemes. It is characteristic that with some minor changes this writing exists to this day. The modified missionary alphabet was used until 1931, when the Latinized alphabet was introduced. The latter was again replaced by writing on a Russian basis in 1938). In modern information conditions and under the influence of school, dialect differences are leveled out, retreating from the norms of the literary language. On the other hand, there is an advance in the Russian language, which the majority of Altaians speak. In 1989, 65.1 percent of Altaians indicated fluency in Russian, while only 1.9 percent of the total spoke the language of their nationality, but 84.3 percent considered Altai their native language (in the Altai Republic - 89.6 percent). The small Teleut population is subject to the same linguistic processes as the other indigenous population of the Altai Republic. Apparently, the sphere of use of the dialect form of the language will remain in family communication and in single-national production teams engaged in traditional methods of economic management.

Tofalar
Tofalars (self-name - Tofa, obsolete name Karagasy) - a people living mainly on the territory of two village councils - Tofalarsky and Verkhnegutarsky, which are part of the Nizhneudinsky district of the Irkutsk region). Tofalaria, the area where the Tofalars live, is entirely located in mountains covered with larch and cedar. The historical ancestors of the Tofalars were the Keto-speaking Kott, Assan and Arin tribes and the Sayan Samoyeds who lived in the Eastern Sayan Mountains, with one of whom - the Kamasins - the Tofalars were in close contact until recently. The substratum of these tribes is evidenced by Samoyed and especially Keto-speaking toponymy, preserved in Tofalaria. The Ket substrate is also indicated by noticeable elements identified in the phonetics and vocabulary of the Tofalar language. The Turkization of the aboriginal population of the Sayans occurred in ancient Turkic times, as evidenced by the Oghuz and especially ancient Uyghur elements preserved in the modern language. Long and deep economic and cultural contacts with the medieval Mongols, and later with the Buryats, were also reflected in the Tofalar language. Since the 17th century, contacts with Russians began, especially intensifying after 1930 with the transfer of the Tofalars to a sedentary lifestyle. According to census data, there were 543 Tofalars in 1851, 456 in 1882, 426 in 1885, 417 in 1927, 586 in 1959, 620 in 1970, 620 in 1979 -m - 763 (476 people lived in Tofalaria itself at that time), in 1989 - 731 people; According to preliminary data from the 2002 census in the Russian Federation, the number of Tofalars is 1000 people. Until 1929-1930, the Tofalars led an exclusively nomadic lifestyle and did not have permanent settlements. Their traditional occupation has long been the breeding of domesticated reindeer, which are used for riding and transporting goods in packs. Other areas of economic activity were hunting for meat and fur-bearing animals, fishing, and procurement of wild edible plants. The Tofalars had not previously engaged in agriculture, but when they were already settled, they learned from the Russians how to grow potatoes and vegetables. Before settling down, they lived in a clan system. After 1930, the villages of Aligzher, Nerkha and Verkhnyaya Gutara were built on the territory of Tofalaria, in which Tofalars were settled, and Russians settled here; From then on, the position of the Russian language strengthened among the Tofalars. The Tofalar language is part of the Sayan group of Turkic languages, which includes the Tuvan language, the languages ​​of the Mongolian Uighur-Khuryankhians and Tsaatans, as well as the Monchaks of Mongolia and China. A comparison in general Turkic terms shows that the Tofalar language, sometimes alone, sometimes together with other Turkic languages ​​of the Sayan-Altai and Yakut, retains a number of archaic features, some of them comparable to the ancient Uyghur language. The study of phonetics, morphology and vocabulary of the Tofalar language showed that this language is an independent Turkic language, having both specific features and characteristics that unite it either with all Turkic languages ​​or with their individual groups.
The Tofalar language has always been unwritten. However, it was recorded in scientific transcription in the middle of the 19th century by the famous scientist M.A. Castren, and at the end of the 19th century by N.F. Kaftanov. Writing was created only in 1989 on a Russian graphic basis. Since 1990, teaching of the Tofalar language began in primary grades of Tofalar schools. An ABC book and a reading book have been compiled (1st and 2nd grades)... During their nomadic life, the Tofalars had active linguistic ties only with the Kamasins, Tuvinians-Todzhas, Lower Sudin and Oka Buryats living next door to them. At that time, their linguistic situation was characterized by monolingualism for the vast majority of the population and Tofalar-Russian-Buryat trilingualism among a separate part of the adult population. With the beginning of settled life, the Russian language began to become firmly established in the daily life of the Tofalars. School education was conducted in Tofalaria only in Russian. The native language was gradually pushed into the sphere of home communication, and only between older people. In 1989, 43 percent of the total number of Tofalars named Tofalar as their native language, and only 14 people (1.9 percent) spoke it fluently. After the creation of writing and the beginning of teaching the Tofalar language in primary schools, that is, after receiving state support, writes Tofalar language researcher V.I. Rassadin, interest in the Tofalar language and Tofalar culture among the population began to increase. Not only Tofalar children, but also students of other nationalities began to learn the language at school. People began to talk more among themselves in their native language. Thus, the preservation and development of the Tofalar language currently depends on the degree of state support, the provision of schools with educational and visual aids in the native language, the financial security of publications in the Tofalar language and the training of teachers of the native language, as well as on the level of development of customary forms of economic management in places of residence Tofalars.

Tuvans-Todzhas
Tuvinians-Todzha are one of the small ethnic groups that make up the modern Tuvan nation; They live compactly in the Todzha region of the Republic of Tuva, whose name sounds “todyu”. The Todzha people call themselves Ty'va/Tu'ga/Tu'ha, an ethnonym that dates back to ancient times.
The language of the Tojin Tuvans is a dialect of the Tuvan language in the Uyghur-Tyukyu subgroup of the Uyghur-Oguz group of Turkic languages. Located in North-Eastern Tuva, Todzha occupies an area of ​​4.5 thousand square kilometers; these are powerful mountain ranges in the Eastern Sayan Mountains, overgrown with taiga, and the intermountain areas are swampy; rivers originating in the mountain spurs flow through the wooded Todzha basin. The flora and fauna of this region is rich and diverse. Living in the mountains isolated the Todzha people from the rest of the inhabitants of Tuva, and this could not but affect the peculiarities of the language. Samoyeds, Kets, Mongols and Turks took part in the ethnogenesis of the Tuvinians-Todzha, as evidenced by the tribal names preserved by modern residents of Todzha, and ethnonyms common to these peoples; local toponymy also provides rich material. The Turkic ethnic component turned out to be decisive and, as various sources indicate, by the 19th century the population of Toja was Turkified. However, in the material and spiritual culture of the Tuvan-Todzha people, elements are preserved that go back to the cultures of the indicated ethnic groups-substrates.
At the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, Russian peasants moved to Toji. Their descendants continue to live next to the Todzha people; representatives of the older generation often speak the Tuvan language. The new wave of Russians is associated with the development of natural resources, most of them are specialists - engineers, agronomists, livestock specialists, and doctors. In 1931, according to the census, there were 2,115 indigenous people (568 households) in the Todzhinsky district. In 1994, D.M. Nasilov, a researcher of the language and culture of the Tuvan-Todzha people, claimed that there were about 6,000 of them. According to preliminary data from the 2002 census, there are 36,000 Tuvan-Todzha people in the Russian Federation (!). The Todzha language is subject to active pressure from the literary language, the norms of which penetrate through the school (the Tuvan language is taught in school from preparatory to 11th grade inclusive), the media, and fiction. In Tuva, up to 99 percent of Tuvans consider their language to be their native language, this is one of the highest indicators in the Russian Federation of preserving the national language as their native language. However, on the other hand, the preservation of dialect features in Toja is also facilitated by the sustainability of traditional forms of economic activity in the region: breeding deer and livestock, hunting fur-bearing animals, fishing, that is, communication in the conditions of a familiar economic environment, and here young people are actively involved in work activities , which ensures linguistic continuity. Thus, the linguistic situation of the Tuvan-Todzha people should be assessed as one of the most prosperous among other small ethnic groups in the Siberian region. Famous figures of Tuvan culture emerged from among the Todzha Tuvans. The works of the writer Stepan Saryg-ool reflected not only the life of the Todzha people, but also the peculiarities of the language of the latter.

Chelkans
Chelkans are one of the Turkic-speaking ethnic groups that make up the population of the Altai Republic, also known under the outdated name Lebedinsky or Lebedinsky Tatars. The language of the Chelkans belongs to the Khakass subgroup of the Uyghur-Oguz group of Turkic languages. The Chelkans are the indigenous population of the Altai Mountains, living along the Swan River and its tributary Baigol. Their self-name is Chalkandu/Shalkandu, as well as Kuu-Kizhi (Kuu - “swan”, which is where the ethnonym “Swans” translated from Turkic and the hydronym Swan River came from). Tribes of Samoyed and Kett origin, as well as Turkic tribes, whose Turkic language finally defeated foreign language components, took part in the formation of the Chelkans, as well as other ethnic groups of modern Altaians. The mass migration of Turks to Altai occurred in ancient Turkic times.
Chelkans are a small ethnic group, influenced by Altai ethnic groups, as well as a significant Russian-speaking population living around them. The Chelkans are settled in the villages of Kurmach-Baygol, Suranash, Maly Chibechen and Itkuch. In the scientific literature of the mid-90s of the twentieth century it was stated that there are about 2,000 Chelkans; According to preliminary data from the 2002 census, there are 900 of them in the Russian Federation.
The first recording of the language of the Chelkans (Lebedins) belongs to academician V.V. Radlov, who was in Altai in 1869-1871. In our time, N.A. Baskakov made a great contribution to the study of the Altai language and its dialects. In his works, he used his own expeditionary materials, as well as all previously recorded texts and materials on these dialects. The toponymy of the region of residence of the Chelkans and Altaians is generally described in the fundamental work of O.T. Molchanova “Structural types of Turkic toponyms of the Altai Mountains” (Saratov, 1982) and in the “Toponymic Dictionary of the Altai Mountains” (Gorno-Altaisk, 1979; more than 5,400 dictionary entries). All Chelkan residents are bilingual and have a good command of the Russian language, which has already become native to many. Therefore, the Chelkan dialect, narrowing the scope of its functioning, remains alive only in family communication and in small production teams engaged in traditional types of economic activity.

Chulym people
The Chulym people are an indigenous population living in the taiga area in the Chulym River basin, along its middle and lower reaches, within the Tomsk region and the Krasnoyarsk Territory. Chulym language (Chulym-Turkic) is the language of the Khakass subgroup of the Uyghur-Oguz group of languages, closely related to the Khakass and Shor languages; This is the language of a small Turkic ethnic group, known under the outdated names of the Chulym/Meletsky/Meletsky Tatars, it is now represented by two dialects. The entry of the Chulym language into the Turkic-speaking area of ​​Siberia indicates the genetic connections of the ancestors of its speakers, who participated in the Turkization of the aboriginal population of the Chulym River basin, with tribes speaking Turkic languages ​​throughout the Sayan-Altai. Since 1946, the systematic study of the Chulym language by A.P. Dulzon, a prominent Tomsk linguist, began: he visited all Chulym villages and described the phonetic, morphological and lexical system of this language and gave characteristics of its dialects, primarily Lower Chulym. A.P. Dulzon’s research was continued by his student R.M. Biryukovich, who collected voluminous new factual material, gave a detailed monographic description of the structure of the Chulym language with special attention to the Middle Chulym dialect and showed its place among other languages ​​of the Turkic-speaking areas of Siberia. According to preliminary data from the 2002 census, there are 700 Chulyms in the Russian Federation. The Chulyms came into contact with the Russians starting from the 17th century, early Russian lexical borrowings were adapted according to the laws of Turkic phonetics: porota - gate, agrat - vegetable garden, puska - beads, but now all Chulyms are fluent in Russian. The Chulym language contains a certain number of common Turkic words that have preserved their ancient sound form and semantics; there are relatively few Mongolian borrowings in it. The terms of kinship and the system of counting time, toponymic names are unique. Factors favorable to the language of the Chulym people are their well-known isolation and the preservation of their usual forms of economic management.

Shors
The Shors are a small Turkic-speaking ethnic group living in the northern foothills of Altai, in the upper reaches of the Tom River and along its tributaries - Kondoma and Mrassu, within the Kemerovo region. Self-name - shor; in ethnographic literature they are also known as Kuznetsk Tatars, Chernevye Tatars, Mrastsy and Kondomtsy or Mrassky and Kondomsky Tatars, Maturtsy, Abalar or Abintsy. The term “blinders” and, accordingly, “Shor language” was introduced into scientific circulation by academician V.V. Radlov at the end of the 19th century; he united under this name the clan groups of the “Kuznetsk Tatars”, distinguishing them from the linguistically related neighboring Teleuts, Kumandins, Chelkans and Abakan Tatars, but the term “Shor language” was finally established only in the 30s of the twentieth century. The Shor language is the language of the Khakass subgroup of the Uyghur-Oguz group of Turkic languages, which indicates its relative proximity to other languages ​​of this subgroup - Khakass, Chulym-Turkic and northern dialects of the Altai language. The ethnogenesis of modern Shors involved ancient Ob-Ugric (Samoyed) tribes, later Turkified, and groups of ancient Tyukyu and Tele Turks. The ethnic heterogeneity of the Shors and the influence of a number of substrate languages ​​have determined the presence of noticeable dialect differences in the Shor language and the difficulty of forming a single spoken language. From 1926 to 1939, on the territory of the current Tashtagol, Novokuznetsk, Mezhdurechensky districts, Myskovsky, Osinnikovsky and part of Novokuznetsk city councils, the Gorno-Shorsky national district existed. By the time the national region was created, the Shors lived here compactly and made up about 70 percent of its population. In 1939, national autonomy was eliminated and a new administrative-territorial division was carried out. Recently, due to the intensive industrial development of Mountain Shoria and the influx of foreign-speaking population, the density of the indigenous population has decreased catastrophically: for example, in the city of Tashtagol there are 5 percent Shors, in Mezhdurechensk - 1.5 percent, in Myski - 3.4, with the majority of Shors living in cities and towns - 73.5 percent, in rural areas - 26.5 percent. The total number of Shors, according to the 1959-1989 censuses, increased slightly: 1959 - 15,274 people, 1970 - 16,494, 1979 - 16,033, 1989 - 16,652 (of which on the territory of the Russian Federation - 15,745). According to preliminary data from the 2002 census, there are 14 thousand Shors in Russia. In recent decades, the number of people fluent in their native Shor language has also decreased: in 1989 there were only 998 people - 6 percent. About 42 percent of Shors called Russian their native language, 52.7 percent speak it fluently, that is, about 95 percent of modern ethnic Shors speak Russian either as a mother tongue or as a second language: the absolute majority have become bilingual. In the Kemerovo region, the number of Shor language speakers in the total population was about 0.4 percent. The Russian language has an increasing influence on Shor: lexical borrowings are increasing, the phonetic system and syntactic structure are changing. By the time of the first fixation in the middle of the 19th century, the language of the Shors (Kuznetsk Tatars) was a conglomerate of Turkic dialects and dialects, but dialect differences were not entirely surmountable in the oral communication of the Shors. The prerequisites for the creation of a national Shor language arose during the organization of the Gorno-Shorsky national region when national statehood appeared on a single ethnic territory with compact settlement and economic integrity. The literary language was formed on the basis of the Lower Rassi city of the Mras dialect. It published textbooks, works of original literature, translations from Russian, and a newspaper. The Shor language was studied in primary and secondary schools. In 1936, for example, out of 100 primary schools, 33 were national, out of 14 secondary schools - 2, by 1939, out of 209 schools in the region, 41 were national. In the village of Kuzedeevo, a pedagogical college was opened with 300 places, 70 of them were allocated to Shors. A local intelligentsia was created - teachers, writers, cultural workers, and the Shor national identity was strengthened. In 1941, the first large scientific grammar of the Shor language, written by N.P. Dyrenkova, was published; she had previously published the volume “Shor Folklore” (1940). After the abolition of the Gorno-Shorsky national district, the pedagogical college and the editorial office of the national newspaper were closed, rural clubs, teaching in schools and office work began to be conducted only in Russian; The development of the literary Shor language was thus interrupted, as was its impact on local dialects. The history of writing the Shor language goes back more than 100 years: in 1883, the first book in the Shor language, “Sacred History,” was published in Cyrillic; in 1885, the first primer was compiled. Until 1929, writing was based on Russian graphics with the addition of signs for specific Turkic phonemes. From 1929 to 1938, a Latin-based alphabet was used. After 1938 they returned again to Russian graphics. Now textbooks and reading books for primary schools, textbooks for grades 3-5 have been published, Shor-Russian and Russian-Shor dictionaries are being prepared, works of art are being created, and folklore texts are being printed. A department of Shor language and literature was opened at the Novokuznetsk Pedagogical Institute (the first intake was in 1989). However, parents do not strive to teach their children their native language. Folklore ensembles have been created in a number of villages, the main task of which is to preserve song creativity and revive folk dances. Public national movements (Association of the Shor People, the Shoriya Society and others) raised the issue of reviving traditional types of economic activity, restoring national autonomy, solving social problems, especially for residents of taiga villages, and creating ecological zones.

The Russian Empire was a multinational state. The language policy of the Russian Empire was colonial in relation to other peoples and assumed the dominant role of the Russian language. Russian was the language of the majority of the population and, therefore, the official language of the empire. Russian was the language of administration, court, army and interethnic communication. The Bolsheviks' coming to power meant a turn in language policy. It was based on the need to satisfy the needs of everyone to use their mother language and master the heights of world culture in it. The policy of equal rights for all languages ​​found wide support among the non-Russian population of the outskirts, whose ethnic self-awareness grew significantly during the years of revolutions and civil war. However, the implementation of the new language policy, begun in the twenties and also called language construction, was hampered by the insufficient development of many languages. Few of the languages ​​of the peoples of the USSR then had a literary norm and writing. As a result of the national delimitation of 1924, based on the “right of nations to self-determination” proclaimed by the Bolsheviks, autonomous national formations of the Turkic peoples appeared. The creation of national-territorial boundaries was accompanied by a reform of the traditional Arabic script of Muslim peoples. IN

Linguistically, traditional Arabic writing is inconvenient for Turkic languages, since short vowels are not indicated when writing. The reform of the Arabic script easily solved this problem. In 1924, a modified version of Arabic was developed for the Kyrgyz language. However, even the reformed Arabic woman had a number of shortcomings, and most importantly, she preserved the isolation of the Muslims of the USSR from the rest of the world and thereby contradicted the idea of ​​world revolution and internationalism. Under these conditions, a decision was made on the gradual Latinization of all Turkic languages, as a result of which in 1928 a translation into the Turkic-Latin alphabet was carried out. In the second half of the thirties, a departure from previously proclaimed principles in language policy was planned and the active introduction of the Russian language into all spheres of linguistic life began. In 1938, compulsory study of the Russian language was introduced in national schools of the union republics. And in 1937-1940. The writing of the Turkic peoples is translated from Latin to Cyrillic. The change in the language course, first of all, was due to the fact that the real language situation in the twenties and thirties contradicted the current language policy. The need for mutual understanding in a single state required a single state language, which could only be Russian. In addition, the Russian language had high social prestige among the peoples of the USSR. Mastering the Russian language facilitated access to information and knowledge and contributed to further growth and career. And the translation of the languages ​​of the peoples of the USSR from Latin to Cyrillic certainly facilitated the study of the Russian language. Moreover, by the end of the thirties, mass expectations of a world revolution were replaced by the ideology of building socialism in one country. The ideology of internationalism gave way to the politics of nationalism

In general, the consequences of Soviet language policy on the development of Turkic languages ​​were quite contradictory. On the one hand, the creation of literary Turkic languages, the significant expansion of their functions and the strengthening of their status in society, achieved in Soviet times, can hardly be overestimated. On the other hand, the processes of linguistic unification, and later Russification, contributed to the weakening of the role of Turkic languages ​​in socio-political life. Thus, the language reform of 1924 led to the breakdown of the Muslim tradition, which nourished ethnicity, language, and culture based on Arabic script. Reform1937-1940 protected the Turkic peoples from the growing ethnopolitical and sociocultural influence of Turkey and thereby contributed to cultural unification and assimilation. The policy of Russification was carried out until the early nineties. However, the real language situation was much more complex. The Russian language dominated in the management system, large-scale industry, technology, and natural sciences, that is, where non-indigenous ethnic groups predominated. As for most Turkic languages, their functioning extended to agriculture, secondary education, humanities, fiction and the media.

TURKIC LANGUAGES

Turkic languages ​​are a family of languages ​​spoken by numerous peoples and nationalities of the USSR, Turkey, part of the population of Iran, Afghanistan, Mongolia, China, Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and Albania. The question of the genetic relationship of these languages ​​to the Altai languages ​​is at the level of a hypothesis, which involves the unification of the Turkic, Tungus-Manchu and Mongolian languages. According to a number of scientists (E.D. Polivanov, G.Y. Ramstedt, etc.), the scope of this family is expanded to include the Korean and Japanese languages. There is also the Ural-Altaic hypothesis (M.A. Kastren, O. Betlingk, G. Winkler, O. Donner, Z. Gombots, etc.), according to which the Turkic languages, as well as other Altaic languages, constitute, together with the Finno-Ugric languages Ural-Altai macrofamily. In Altaic literature, the typological similarity of the Turkic, Mongolian and Tungus-Manchu languages ​​is sometimes mistaken for genetic kinship. The contradictions of the Altai hypothesis are associated, firstly, with the unclear use of the comparative historical method in the reconstruction of the Altai archetype and, secondly, with the lack of precise methods and criteria for differentiating original and borrowed roots.

The formation of individual Turkic languages ​​was preceded by numerous and complex migrations of their speakers. In the 5th century the movement of Gur tribes from Asia to the Kama region began; from 5-6 centuries Turkic tribes from Central Asia (Oguz, etc.) began to move into Central Asia; in the 10th-12th centuries. the range of settlement of the ancient Uyghur and Oghuz tribes expanded (from Central Asia to East Turkestan, Central and Asia Minor); the consolidation of the ancestors of the Tuvinians, Khakassians, and Mountain Altaians took place; at the beginning of the 2nd millennium, Kyrgyz tribes moved from the Yenisei to the current territory of Kyrgyzstan; in the 15th century Kazakh tribes consolidated.

According to the modern geography of distribution, the Turkic languages ​​of the following areas are distinguished: Central and Southeast Asia, Southern and Western Siberia, Volga-Kama, Northern Caucasus, Transcaucasia and the Black Sea region. There are several classification schemes in Turkology. V.A. Bogoroditsky divided the Turkic languages ​​into 7 groups: northeastern (Yakut, Karagas and Tuvan languages); Khakass (Abakan), which included the Sagai, Beltir, Koibal, Kachin and Kyzyl dialects of the Khakass population of the region; Altai with a southern branch (Altai and Teleut languages) and a northern branch (dialects of the so-called Chernev Tatars and some others); West Siberian, which includes all dialects of the Siberian Tatars; Volga-Ural (Tatar and Bashkir languages); Central Asian (Uyghur, Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Uzbek, Karakalpak languages); southwestern (Turkmen, Azerbaijani, Kumyk, Gagauz and Turkish languages). The linguistic criteria of this classification were not sufficiently complete and convincing, as well as the purely phonetic features that formed the basis for V.V.’s classification. Radlov, who distinguished 4 groups: eastern (languages ​​and dialects of the Altai, Ob, Yenisei Turks and Chulym Tatars, Karagas, Khakass, Shor and Tuvan languages); Western (the dialects of the Tatars of Western Siberia, Kyrgyz, Kazakh, Bashkir, Tatar and, conditionally, Karakalpak languages); Central Asian (Uighur and Uzbek languages) and southern (Turkmen, Azerbaijani, Turkish languages, some southern coastal dialects of the Crimean Tatar language); Radlov especially singled out the Yakut language. F.E. Korsh, who was the first to use morphological characteristics as a basis for classification, assumed that the Turkic languages ​​were initially divided into northern and southern groups; later the southern group split into eastern and western. In the refined scheme proposed by A.N. Samoilovich (1922), the Turkic languages ​​are divided into 6 groups: p-group, or Bulgar (it also included the Chuvash language); d-group, or Uyghur, otherwise northeastern (in addition to ancient Uyghur, it included Tuvan, Tofalar, Yakut, Khakass languages), tau group, or Kipchak, otherwise northwestern (Tatar, Bashkir, Kazakh, Kyrgyz languages, Altai language and its dialects, Karachay-Balkar, Kumyk, Crimean Tatar languages), Tag-lyk group, or Chagatai, otherwise southeastern (modern Uyghur language, Uzbek language without its Kipchak dialects); tag-ly group, or Kipchak-Turkmen (intermediate dialects - Khiva-Uzbek and Khiva-Sart, which have lost their independent meaning); ol-group, otherwise southwestern, or Oghuz (Turkish, Azerbaijani, Turkmen, south-coast Crimean Tatar dialects).

Subsequently, new schemes were proposed, each of them attempted to clarify the distribution of languages ​​into groups, as well as to include ancient Turkic languages. For example, Ramstedt identifies 6 main groups: the Chuvash language, the Yakut language, the northern group (according to A.M.O. Ryasyanen - northeastern), which includes all the Turkic languages ​​and dialects of Altai and surrounding areas; Western group (according to Räsänen - northwestern) - Kyrgyz, Kazakh, Karakalpak, Nogai, Kumyk, Karachay, Balkar, Karaite, Tatar and Bashkir languages, the dead Cuman and Kipchak languages ​​are also included in this group; eastern group (according to Räsänen - southeastern) - New Uyghur and Uzbek languages; southern group (according to Räsänen - southwestern) - Turkmen, Azerbaijani, Turkish and Gagauz languages. Some variations of this type of scheme are represented by the classification proposed by I. Benzing and K.G. Menges. The classification is based on S.E. Malov is based on a chronological principle: all languages ​​are divided into “old”, “new” and “newest”.

The classification of N.A. is fundamentally different from the previous ones. Baskakova; according to his principles, the classification of Turkic languages ​​is nothing more than a periodization of the history of the development of Turkic peoples and languages ​​in all the diversity of small clan associations of the primitive system that emerged and collapsed, and then large tribal associations, which, having the same origin, created communities with different tribal compositions , and consequently, the composition of tribal languages.

The considered classifications, with all their shortcomings, helped to identify groups of Turkic languages ​​that are most closely genetically related. The special allocation of the Chuvash and Yakut languages ​​is justified. To develop a more accurate classification, it is necessary to expand the set of differential features, taking into account the extremely complex dialect division of the Turkic languages. The most generally accepted classification scheme for describing individual Turkic languages ​​remains the scheme proposed by Samoilovich.

Typologically, Turkic languages ​​belong to agglutinative languages. The root (base) of the word, without being burdened with class indicators (there is no class division of nouns in the Turkic languages), in them. n. can appear in its pure form, due to which it becomes the organizing center of the entire paradigm of declension. The axial structure of the paradigm, i.e. one, which is based on one structural core, influenced the nature of phonetic processes (the tendency to maintain clear boundaries between morphemes, an obstacle to deformation of the very axis of the paradigm, to deformation of the base of the word, etc.). A companion to agglutination in Turkic languages ​​is synharmonism.

The presence of vowel harmony and the associated opposition of front-lingual consonants to back-lingual ones, the absence in native Turkic words of combinations of several consonants at the beginning of a word, at the junctions of morphemes or in the absolute outcome of a word, the special typology of syllables determine the relative simplicity of the distributional relations of phonemes in the Turkic languages.

Harmony on the basis of palatality - non-palatality, cf., manifests itself more consistently in the Turkic languages. tour. ev-ler-in-de "in their houses", Karachay-Balk. bar-ai-ym “I’ll go,” etc. Labial synharmonism in different Turkic languages ​​is developed to varying degrees.

There is a hypothesis about the presence of 8 vowel phonemes for the early common Turkic state, which could be short and long: a, ê (reduced), o, u, ö, ÿ, ы, и. It is controversial whether there was a closed /e/ in the Turkic languages. A characteristic feature of further changes in ancient Turkic vocalism is the loss of long vowels, which affected most Turkic languages. They are mainly preserved in the Yakut, Turkmen, Khalaj languages; in other Turkic languages ​​only their individual relics have been preserved.

In the Tatar, Bashkir and Old Chuvash languages ​​there was a transition of /a/ in the first syllables of many words to labialized, pushed back /å/, cf. *kara “black”, ancient Turkic, Kazakh. punishment, but tat. kåra; *åt "horse", ancient Turkic, Turkish, Azerbaijani, Kazakh. at, but tat., bashk. Etc. etc. There was also a transition from /a/ to labialized /o/, typical for the Uzbek language, cf. *bash "head", Uzbek. Bosch There is an umlaut /a/ under the influence of /i/ of the next syllable in the Uyghur language (eti “his horse” instead of ata); the short ê has been preserved in the Azerbaijani and New Uyghur languages ​​(cf. *kêl- “come”, Azerbaijani gêl “-, Uyghur. kêl-, etc.). The Tatar, Bashkir, Khakass and partly Chuvash languages ​​are characterized by the transition ê > and, cf. *êt "meat", Tat. It. In the Kazakh, Karakalpak, Nogai and Karachay-Balkar languages, diphthongoid pronunciation of some vowels at the beginning of a word is noted, in the Tuvan and Tofalar languages ​​- the presence of pharyngealized vowels.

The consonantism of the Turkic languages ​​can be presented in the form of a table:

T.N. Oghuz languages ​​allow voiced stops in anlaut; Kipchak languages ​​allow stops in this position, but voiceless stops predominate.

In the process of changing consonants in Turkic languages, sounds with more or less complex articulation were simplified or turned into sounds of a different quality: bilateral /l/ and interdental /z/ disappeared; velar /q/ in a number of languages ​​has turned into the usual middle language /k/ or /x/ (cf. *qara “black”, Orkhon kara, Kazakh, Karakalp., Karachay-Balk., Uyghur qara, but Turkish kara, Chuvash .khura). There are common cases of voicing of consonants in the intervocalic position (characteristic of the Chuvash language and especially the Turkic languages ​​of Siberia), numerous assimilation of consonants, especially in affixes, the transition to > ch and t > ch before front vowels (cf. dialects of Azerbaijani, Tur. , Uyghur languages: Chim< ким "кто"). Наблюдаемое во многих тюркских языках изменение начального й- в аффрикату также объясняется внутренними закономерностями развития тюркских языков. Ср. *йêр "земля", азерб. йêр, кирг. жер (где /ж/ обозначает звонкую аффрикату, хакас. чир, тув. чер. В других случаях изменения звуков могут возникать под воздействием соседних неродственных языков: таковы радикальные изменения тюркского консонантизма в якутском, а также в известной мере в чувашском, появление придыхательных смычных в некоторых тюркских языках Кавказа и Сибири.

The category of name in all Turkic languages, except Yakut, has 6 cases. Them. n. not marked, gen. item is formalized with the indicators -yn/-in, wine. p. -ы/-и, -н/-н, in some languages ​​there are affkisy gender. p. and wine n. with initial -n, dat.-direct. p. -ka/-gê -a/-ê, local p. -ta/-tê, -da/-dê, original p. -tan/-tên, -dan/-dên; in languages ​​where assimilation processes are developed, there are variants of the gender affix. p. -tyn/-dyn, affix wine. p. -ty/-dy, etc. In the Chuvash language, as a result of rhotacism -з- in the intervocalic position, variants of the initial and local cases -ra and -ran arose; dat.-vin. p. in this language is combined in one indicator -a/-e, -na/-ne.

In all Turkic languages, the plural is expressed using the affix -lar/-lêr, with the exception of the Chuvash language, where the affix -sem has this function. The category of belonging is conveyed using a system of personal affixes attached to the stem.

Numerals include lexical units for denoting numbers of the first ten, for numbers twenty, thirty, forty, fifty, one hundred, thousand; for the numbers sixty, seventy, eighty and ninety, compound words are used, the first part of which represents phonetically modified names of the corresponding units of the first ten. In some Turkic languages, a different system of designating tens was formed according to the scheme “the name of the unit of the first ten + it is “ten”, cf. Khakass. Alt-on “sixty”, Yakut. Törtÿon “forty”.

Demonstrative pronouns in Turkic languages ​​reflect 3 plans for the arrangement of objects in space: closest to the speaker (for example, Tur. bu, Chuvash. ku "this"), more distant (Turkish su, Kyrgyz oshol "that one"), the most distant (Turkish o, Kyrgyz al "that").

The paradigm of personal pronouns includes three-person singular forms. and many more h., with their declension in a number of languages, changes occur in the vowel of the base in the dat.-direction. p.un. h., Wed. tour. ben "I", but: bana "me", Kyrgyzstan. men "I", but magician "me", etc.

There are 2 bases of the interrogative pronoun: cf. Uzbek, Nogai kim "who", kimlar "who" (in relation to persons), nima "what", nimalar "what", Nogai not "what" (in relation to objects).

Reflexive pronouns are based on independent nouns. Eg. öz “inside”, “core” (in most languages), Azerbaijani, Kyrgyz. özÿm “I myself”; in Shor., Khakass., Tuv., Alt. and tofalar. languages, the word “body” is used accordingly, cf. shor. pozym, tuv. bodum, alt. bojym "I myself", in Yakut. language - the word beeeee "body", cf. Yakut. beayem "I myself", on tour. and Gagauz. languages ​​- the word kendi, cf. tour. kendim "I myself", etc.

In the verb conjugation system, 2 types of personal endings are updated. The first type - phonetically modified personal pronouns - appear when conjugating a verb in the present and future tense, as well as in the perfect and plusquaperfect. The second type of endings, associated with possessive affixes, is used in the past tense in -dy and the conditional mood.

The most common form of the present tense is -a, which sometimes also has the meaning of the future tense (in Tat., Bashk., Kumyk., Crimean languages, in the Turkic languages ​​of Central Asia, dialects of the Tatars of Siberia). All Turkic languages ​​have a present-future form in -ar/-yr. The Turkish language is characterized by the present tense form in -yor, and the Turkmen language in -yar. The form of the present tense of a given moment in -makta/-makhta/-mokda is found in Turkic, Azerbaijani, Uzbian, Crimean, Turkic, Uyghur, Karakalpian. languages. In Turkic languages, there is a tendency to create special forms of the present tense of a given moment, formed according to the model of “gerund participle in -a or -yp + present tense form of a certain group of auxiliary verbs.”

The common Turkic form of the past tense na -dy is distinguished by its semantic capacity and aspectual neutrality. In the development of the Turkic languages, there was a constant tendency to create the past tense with aspectual meanings, especially denoting a long-term action in the past (cf. the indefinite imperfect type Karaite alyr eat "I took"). In many Turkic languages ​​(mainly Kipchak) there is a perfect formed by attaching personal endings of the first type (phonetically modified personal pronouns) to participles in -kan/-gan. An etymologically related form in -an exists in the Turkmen language and in -ny in the Chuvash language. In the languages ​​of the Oguz group, the perfect in -mysh is common, and in the Yakut language there is an etymologically related form in -byt. The plusquaperfect has the same stem as the perfect, combined with the past tense stem forms of the auxiliary verb "to be".

In all Turkic languages, except the Chuvash language, for the future tense (present-future) there is an indicator -yr/-ar. The Oghuz languages ​​are characterized by the form of the future categorical tense in -ajak/-achak; it is also common in some languages ​​of the southern area (Uzbek, Uyghur).

In addition to the indicative, the Turkic languages ​​have a desirable mood with the most common indicators -gai (for Kipchak languages), -a (for Oguz languages), imperative with its own paradigm, where the pure stem of the verb expresses a command addressed to 2 liters. units h., conditional, having 3 models of education with special indicators: -sa (for most languages), -sar (in Orkhon, other Uyghur monuments, as well as in Turkic texts of the 10-13th centuries from East Turkestan, from modern languages ​​in a phonetically transformed form was preserved only in Yakut), -san (in the Chuvash language); The obligatory mood is found primarily in the languages ​​of the Oghuz group.

Turkic languages ​​have active (coinciding with the stem), passive (indicator -l, attached to the stem), reciprocal (indicator -sh) and compulsory (indicators are varied, the most common are -dyr/-tyr, -t, -yz, -gyz) pledges.

The verb stem in Turkic languages ​​is indifferent to the expression of aspect. Aspectual shades can have separate tense forms, as well as special complex verbs, the aspectual characteristics of which are given by auxiliary verbs.

Negation in Turkic languages ​​has different indicators for the verb (affix -ma< -ба) и имени (слово дейил "нет", "не имеется" для огузских языков, эмес - в том же значении для кыпчакских языков).

The models for the formation of the main types of word combinations - both attributive and predicative - are the same in the Turkic languages; the dependent member precedes the principal member. A characteristic syntactic category in the Turkic languages ​​is izafet: this type of relationship between two names permeates the entire structure of the Turkic languages.

The nominal or verbal type of sentence in Turkic languages ​​is determined by the nature of the grammatical expression of the predicate. The model of a simple nominal sentence, in which predicativity is expressed by analogues of the copula (predicate affixes, personal pronouns, various predicative words), is common Turkic. The number of types of verbal sentences with a morphological supporting member uniting Turkic languages ​​is relatively small (past tense form in -dy, present-future tense in -a); Most types of verbal sentences developed in zonal communities (cf. the type of verbal sentence with the formative member in -gan, which was assigned to the Kipchak area, or the type with the formative member in -mysh, characteristic of the Oguz area, etc.). The simple sentence is the predominant syntactic structure in Turkic languages; it strives to include such substitutes for subordinate clauses, the structure of which would not contradict the rules of its construction. Various subordinating relations are conveyed by participial, participial, and verbal-nominal constructions.

The structure of the Turkic languages ​​also laid down the conditions for the development of union proposals. The influence of Arabic and Persian languages ​​played a certain role in the development of complex sentences of the conjunction type. Constant contact of speakers of Turkic languages ​​with Russians also contributed to the development of allied means (for example, in the Tatar language).

In the word formation of Turkic languages, affixation predominates. There are also methods of analytical word formation: paired names, reduplication, compound verbs, etc.

The oldest monuments of the Turkic languages ​​date back to the 7th century. The writing of all Turkic languages ​​of the USSR from the late 30s - early 40s. based on Russian graphics. The Turkish language uses a Latin-based alphabet.

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