The Second World War was for England, as for most countries of the world, a great historical test. In the mortal battle with fascism, everything was tested - the positions of classes and parties, the viability of ideologies and political doctrines, economic structures, the social systems themselves.
War 1939-1945
It took place in an immeasurably more complex situation than the First World War. Subjectively, the ruling circles of England sought in this war only to defeat a dangerous competitor and to expand their world positions. But still it was a war against fascist states, against the most monstrous reaction that capitalism has ever generated. The contradiction between the liberation goals and the purely imperialist plans of the ruling circles of England, which was objectively generated by the very fact of the war against fascism, affected the entire duration of the war.
During the first year of hostilities, the reactionary maneuvers of the ruling elite clearly prevailed, and from the summer of 1941, when a military alliance between the USSR, England and the USA began to take shape, the war on the part of England finally acquired an anti-fascist liberation character.
When Hitler's troops invaded Poland (September 1, 1939), Chamberlain was still hesitant to declare war, despite the guarantees given in March and the mutual assistance pact concluded with Poland on August 24, 1939. The masses were so outraged by the government's inaction that even the Labor Party leadership strongly demanded an immediate declaration of war. As a result of pressure outside and inside the House, Chamberlain declared war on September 3. Following this, the dominions - Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa - declared war.
318 Kan Union. Chamberlain managed to “pacify” the opposition in the ranks of his own party by giving the portfolio of Minister of Navy to W. Churchill, and the Minister of Dominion Affairs to A. Eden.
The Munich people, who had a huge majority in the government, still dreamed of an actual alliance with Germany against the USSR even after the declaration of war on Germany. Poland was sacrificed to these plans, to which England did not provide any real assistance. A “strange war” began: England and France undertook almost no operations either on land or in the air; Only at sea there were several battles that did not affect the balance of forces: preparations for future battles with Germany proceeded extremely slowly. Some military measures were nevertheless taken - both for reinsurance and to calm public opinion. Slowly, military leaders mobilized and transferred expeditionary troops to France; arms production increased; arms purchases expanded in the United States, where the “neutrality law” was revised, and the evacuation of women and children from big cities began. But compared to the frantic pace of preparation of the German armies for operations in the West, all these measures were very insignificant.
Retribution soon came. On April 9, 1940, German troops occupied Denmark and began the occupation of Norway. This defeat was the fruit not only of Munich’s policy in the pre-war period, but also of Chamberlain’s policy during the “Phantom War”. But the war has already lost its “strange” character. It was no longer possible to leave power in the hands of people who had absolutely failed both in the days of peace and in the days of war.
The mood in the country also found a response in parliament. On May 7-8, 1940, the long-overdue explosion occurred. Labour, Liberals and even some Conservatives attacked the government, demanding its resignation. L. Emery, addressing Chamberlain, repeated the words that Cromwell had once spoken: “In the name of God, leave!” Lloyd George said that the prime minister's best contribution to victory would be "if he sacrificed the office he now occupies."
On May 10, Chamberley resigned. Labour's tactics, however, meant that power effectively remained in the hands of the Conservatives, although the new cabinet was a coalition one. Winston Churchill became the head of the government. Clement Attlee took over as his deputy. Many Munich residents remained in the new cabinet, including Chamberlain himself and Halifax. But the balance of power between them and the supporters of decisive resistance to the aggressor has now changed towards the latter.
At the same time that Churchill was selecting ministers for his government, Hitler's troops launched a gigantic offensive on the Western Front. Having invaded neutral Belgium, Holland and Luxembourg, the German army rushed to the coast and to the borders of France. The Dutch army has already capitulated
$31 May 14. On the same day, the Germans broke through the front at Sedan and in five days, having passed through the entire north of France, they reached the Atlantic Ocean. Thus, they cut off the French troops who were fighting in Belgium from Central and Southern France. The threat of defeat loomed over Belgium and over France itself.
The British command, violating the plan developed by the joint headquarters of the Allies to encircle the German group that had broken through to the sea, suddenly ordered its troops to retreat to the ports for evacuation to England. Not only French patriots, but also some English officers and soldiers, this decision was perceived as a betrayal. Nevertheless, the operation to withdraw English and some French units to the British Isles was accompanied by a long-unprecedented patriotic upsurge in England. The masses did not understand the intricacies of strategy; they knew that on the other side of the English Channel, in the Dunkirk area, hundreds of thousands of “our guys” could die or be captured, and they rushed to the rescue. A wide variety of watercraft were used in the operation - from large merchant fleet vessels to pleasure yachts and fishing schooners. The heroism of ordinary people shown during the days of evacuation (May 26 - June 4, 1940) is beyond doubt, but this does not give grounds to interpret the defeat of the English expeditionary force as a victory, and this is precisely the legend about Dunkirk that many English memoirists create and historians.
The new powerful offensive of the German armies, which began on June 5, ended with the surrender of France. England lost an ally, having acquired another enemy during this time: on June 10, fascist Italy entered the war. During the entire period of the Second World War, England did not experience a more tense and dangerous period than the summer and early autumn of 1940. German naval bases and airfields appeared in the immediate vicinity of the British Isles.
Dunkirk marked the beginning of a new stage in the anti-fascist rise. The English working class understood the need to repel the aggressor both before the war and at its early stage, when Chamberlain's government was still looking for ways to reconcile with Hitler. The slogan put forward by the CPV is “The Munich people must leave!” - was taken up by mass organizations of the working class. Although the hardships of the war fell specifically on the working class (12-hour working day with a 7-day working week, falling real wages, etc.), it did not even think about “peace without victory.” Thanks to the labor enthusiasm of the workers, military production grew rapidly: by July 1940 it had more than doubled compared to September 1939.
In preparation for the invasion, as well as for psychological pressure, Hitler ordered increased bombing of English cities. Massive German air raids began in August 1940 and caused enormous damage to London, Birmingham, Liverpool, and Glasgow. November 15, 500 German bombs
320 bardiers destroyed a large part of the small town of Coveptree. Despite the courageous resistance of British fighter aircraft, air superiority at this stage of the war was clearly on the side of Germany. But the psychological effect of the aerial “Battle of Britain” was exactly the opposite of what was expected in Berlin. Hatred of the Nazis, who killed women and children, only strengthened the will of the English people to resist.
The impending danger of freedom and the very existence of the nation naturally aroused a high intensity of civic feelings, and the drama of historical battles gave rise to a thirst for true art. The leading actors of the English stage - John Gielgud, Laurence Olivier, Sybille Thorndike and others - found their way to an audience they had never met before. On their own initiative and on the instructions of the Arts Council of Great Britain, created in early 1940, they traveled with small but artistically valuable troupes to industrial cities and mining villages, where they had never seen real theater. And now, before people whose spiritual needs had recently been tried to be satisfied by low-grade variety revues, Sybil Thorndike appeared in the roles of Medea and Lady Macbeth...
The Unity Theater was especially active, which did not stop working even during the most brutal bombings. In 1941, the theater staged a new play by Sean O'Casey, "The Star Turns Red" - a play, according to the author's definition, "about tomorrow or the day after tomorrow." The theme of the play is the future uprising of the working class, a direct clash between communists and fascists. Consonant with the whole spirit of the theater “Unity,” a work by a first-class playwright, made it possible to create a performance that became an event in the theatrical life of the capital.
In general, however, English drama, like the prose of the war period, did not satisfy the needs of viewers and readers for works saturated with the pathos of the anti-fascist struggle, posing the most pressing social and ethical problems of our time. Moreover, there was great interest in Soviet literature. The works of M. Sholokhov, A. Tolstoy, I. Ereiburg, K. Simonov were widely translated and published in England at the second stage of the war, when the anti-Hitler coalition took shape. "Unity" staged K. Simonov's play "Russian People", and in other theaters productions of plays from the Russian classical repertoire became more frequent.
The reaction was not averse to giving the patriotic upsurge a nationalistic character. Turning to history, bourgeois ideologists highlighted events in which purely military traditions were manifested. Let the people compare the fight against Hitler and the fight against Napoleon - despite all the senselessness of this analogy between the situations of the early 19th century. and the 40s of the XX century. there was some resemblance! The ongoing war was seen as another battle with a contender for the European hege- 11-127
321 monium, and not as a fight against fascist reaction. In essence, this is exactly how the upper bourgeoisie viewed the war.
This was understood by the famous film director and producer A. Korda back in the 30s. Having settled in Hollywood, he decided to make a film about Admiral Nelson, a national hero and winner of the Battle of Trafalgar. However, this was a very unique Nelson - a knight without fear or reproach, very little like the historical Nelson. The image of Emma Hamilton, an international intelligence officer and intriguer, turned by the screenwriter into a loving and virtuous woman, devoted to Nelson, and even more so to her homeland, was even less consistent with historical truth. This is how Korda’s pseudo-historical action movie “Lady Hamilton” arose, which was a huge success. At that time, the viewer was attracted by the shallow resonance with modern events. Of course, the sentimental love line that was brought to the fore also played a role. But the main advantage of this shallow film was determined by the names of the leading actors - Laurence Olivier and Vivien Leigh.
The leftward movement of the masses, expressed in the growth of anti-fascist demands, in the struggle against the remnants of the Munich policy, in the growing influence of the communists, caused considerable concern in the ruling circles of England. The emergency legislation carried out by the Churchill government was used not only to organize resistance to Germany, but also to attack the working class and limit its rights. Labor minister Ernst Bevin issued Regulation 1305, which effectively nullified the right to strike. The persecution of communists continued in the trade unions.
Despite these measures, the struggle of the English people against internal reaction continued. On the initiative of left-wing trade union and Labor leaders, as well as prominent representatives of the left-wing intelligentsia, including communists, the People's Convention met in London on January 12, 1941. The delegates to the convention represented 1,200 thousand workers. The main slogan was "the creation of a people's government truly representing the working class." The convention demanded the implementation of a consistent democratic policy within the country and in the colonies, as well as the establishment of friendly relations with the Soviet Union. The government responded to these decisions with new repressions. On January 21, 1941, the Daily Worker newspaper was closed by order of Home Secretary Herbert Morrison.
In the most difficult days, immediately after Dunkirk, Churchill declared in Parliament that England would continue to fight “until, in the time appointed by Providence, the New World, with all its strength and might, comes forward for the salvation and liberation of the Old.” Indeed, in September 1940, a special agreement was concluded under which the United States transferred to England 50 old destroyers necessary for convoying military and food cargo. In return, England granted the United States the right to create
322 to build naval and air bases on a number of British-owned islands: the American imperialists, taking advantage of the situation, strengthened their positions at the expense of England. And in March 1941, Roosevelt's supporters managed to pass a law in the US Congress, according to which American supplies were provided to England for rent or loan (Lend-Lease).
Making extensive use of the resources of the dominions and colonies, England achieved the creation of significant armed forces that conducted operations in Africa and other areas. The campaign in Africa (against Italy) went with varying degrees of success, but by the spring of 1941 the British managed not only to drive the Italians out of their colonies, but also to seize a number of Italian colonies and oust the Italians from Ethiopia. Only in North Africa, where Hitler sent the army of General Rommel to help the Italians, did the British troops retreat; the northwestern part of Egypt was occupied by the enemy.
But no matter how significant the colonial problems were from the point of view of the imperialist interests of England and its opponents, the African fronts, like the front in the Middle East, were of secondary importance. In Europe, Germany continued to strengthen. Completing preparations for the attack on the USSR, Hitler subjugated Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, and Greece. Now his plan was to achieve peace in the West and avoid a war on two fronts. For this purpose, Hitler's deputy for leadership of the Nazi Party, R. Hess, was sent to England. In correspondence with prominent Munich residents, he gradually prepared his secret visit to the most reactionary group of British politicians, hoping that they would help convince the government in one form or another to join the anti-Soviet campaign. We must not forget that the very parliament that voted for Munich was in power. But the impudent proposals of Hess, who demanded peace on the basis of freedom of hands for Germany in Europe (in exchange for freedom of hands of England... in the British Empire), were rejected. The English people, after Dunkirk and the “Battle of England,” would not have allowed anyone to make this shameful deal, and the government itself was well aware that in the event of the defeat of the USSR, England would not be able to withstand an even stronger fascist bloc.
The German attack on the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941 marked the beginning of a new stage of the Second World War. From that day until the final defeat of Germany, the center of world history was on the Soviet-German front; It was there that the outcome of the war was decided and the fate of humanity was determined.
Since the beginning of the Patriotic War, the situation in England has changed dramatically. Hitler's huge war machine was moving to the East, meeting heroic resistance, and the immediate danger of an invasion of the British Isles by German armies no longer hung over England. Air raids also fell sharply. But the main thing is that England was no longer alone in the war against Germany; she had an ally who took the brunt of U*
323 fight against a common enemy. While remaining an implacable enemy of socialism, Churchill considered it advantageous to choose the path of cooperation with the Soviet Union.
Already on June 22, 1941, Churchill made a statement about his readiness to provide “Russia and the Russian people with all the assistance that we are capable of.” In other words, the British government agreed to an alliance with the USSR, which was formalized by an agreement signed in Moscow on July 12, 1941. This was the beginning of the anti-Hitler coalition.
The English working class made great sacrifices to increase military output, especially in cases where Soviet orders were being carried out. The mood of the masses also influenced the trade union leadership. Even the leaders of the Trade Union Congress were forced to establish close ties with Soviet trade unions.
In wide circles of the English people, interest in life in the Soviet Union and the social conditions that fostered mass heroism, perseverance, and selflessness in the Soviet people has increased unusually. At the same time, interest in Russian and Soviet culture and the history of Russia increased. Books by Russian and Soviet writers published in England were sold out in great demand. War and Peace was read by all levels of society - from the worker or clerk snatching a free minute, to Mrs. Churchill.
From the very first days of the existence of the Anglo-Soviet union, the Soviet government raised the question of creating a second front in Europe before Churchill's cabinet. A large English landing in France, Belgium, and Holland would have pulled several dozen divisions from the Soviet-German front. This would be truly effective help to the Red Army in the most difficult period of the war. The ruling circles of England preferred to avoid this operation under any pretext, shifting the entire burden of the war onto the shoulders of the Soviet people.
The question of a second front not only took a central place in the relationship between members of the anti-Hitler coalition, but also became the subject of an acute internal political struggle in ENGLAND. Communists, left-wing Laborites, some liberals and even some conservatives openly demanded the creation of a second front in Europe. However, Churchill's government, true to the long-standing tradition of fighting by proxy, failed to fulfill its most important allied duty for three years.
The pressure of democratic forces on the issue of supplying the Soviet Union with weapons turned out to be more effective. England, and after it the United States, agreed to provide weapons on the basis of Lend-Lease and provide escort for transport ships by the British and American navies. In September - October 1941, a meeting of representatives of the three powers was held in Moscow, at which the scale of supplies of aircraft, tanks and other weapons, as well as strategic raw materials, was determined. At
324 In this case, the British and American representatives agreed to satisfy the Soviet demand only 50%, and for some requests - even 10%. Subsequently, supplies increased, but still the assistance with weapons was significantly lower than the needs of the Red Army and the capabilities of industry in England and, especially, the United States.
The war economy was brought under state control, which led to a sharp leap in the development of state-monopoly capitalism. Ministries created to manage various sectors of the economy - aviation industry, fuel and energy, food, supplies, etc. - became new links between the state and monopolies. Government control of the economy played a positive role in England's war effort, but at the same time it was exploited by monopolists, who either personally headed the new departments or sent their employees to them. By fettering to a certain extent the arbitrariness of individual monopolies, this system ensured the interests of monopoly capital as a whole.
During the war years, British industry produced 130 thousand aircraft, 25 thousand tanks and many other types of weapons and equipment. The Dominions and India produced 10% of all weapons available to the Imperial military. Dominions and colonies played an even greater role in mobilizing human resources. Of the 9.5 million people under the command of British generals and admirals during the war, over 4 million were part of the Indian, Australian, Canadian, New Zealand and South African divisions.
From the above data it is clear what enormous capabilities England had during the war and how little of it it used to help its Soviet ally. And yet, the very logic of joint struggle with the enemy, the efforts of Soviet foreign policy, and pressure from the British people led to the strengthening of the anti-Hitler coalition.
A new stage in the development of the Anglo-Soviet alliance and the entire anti-Hitler coalition began at the end of 1941. The victory of the Soviet armed forces in the Battle of Moscow unusually raised the international prestige of the Soviet Union. The positions of England and the United States were also significantly influenced by the attack on them by imperialist Japan (December 7, 1941) and the outbreak of the war in the Pacific Ocean. Now that a new front has emerged, the interest of England and the United States in an alliance with the USSR has increased even more.
Japan's attack on the United States led to the further formation of the Anglo-American bloc. Now that the United States has become a belligerent power, not only with Japan, but also with Germany and Italy, concrete coordination of military-strategic plans has become possible. This issue was considered at the Washington Conference, which lasted about a month - from December 22
323 1941 to January 14, 1942 England and the USA agreed on the creation of the Joint Chiefs of Staff of both countries.
Soviet-British negotiations continued, and in May 1942 England made a commitment, which was formulated in a communiqué as follows: “Full agreement has been reached regarding the urgent tasks of creating a second front in Europe in 1942.” There was similar wording in the communiqué on the Soviet-American negotiations. If the statement about the second front did not acquire practical significance, since it was not opened not only in 1942 but also in 1943, then the conclusion of the Anglo-Soviet “Treaty of Alliance in the War against Nazi Germany and its accomplices” was truly outstanding. in Europe and about cooperation and mutual assistance after the war."
However, immediately after the conclusion of the treaty and the solemn commitment to open a second front, Churchill began to prepare to abandon the plan to invade Europe. Instead of landing in France, the Anglo-American headquarters agreed to prepare for an invasion of North Africa. The talk was about conquering Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and in the future, the entire Mediterranean basin. In addition to the fact that this operation could be presented to the public as a “second front,” it suited England because it strengthened its position on the most important imperial communications.
In order to calm British public opinion and create the impression that the Soviet Union did not object to the strategy of the Western powers, Churchill went to Moscow in August 1942. He tried to prove to Soviet leaders that the operation in North Africa would be essential to the defeat of Hitler. At the same time, on behalf of England and the United States, a promise was made to open a second front in 1943. Most of all, Churchill wanted to make sure that the Soviet Union would continue the war under any circumstances. It is not for nothing that in a telegram sent from Moscow to the military cabinet, he considered it necessary to emphasize: “Throughout all the negotiations there was not a single, even the slightest hint that they could end the war.” And if so, then, according to Churchill’s logic, it was possible to continue to build up military power and conduct operations on fronts that were important for British imperialism, but of secondary importance for the overall course of the war.
Since the spring of 1941, when Italo-German troops invaded Egypt, there have been no significant operations in Africa. In May 1942, General Rommel's army went on the offensive and in June ousted the British from Libya. On June 21, 1942, Tobruk fell, the last stronghold in Libya covering the approaches to Egypt. Pursuing the rapidly retreating British, Rommel's army invaded Egypt and rushed to the Suez Canal.
Only on the defensive line south of El Alamein did British troops manage to stop the enemy - only 100 km from Cairo. The Suez Canal was under immediate threat. Rommel failed
326 in these days it was possible to build on the success and completely expel the British from Egypt only because a gigantic battle had already unfolded on the Soviet-German front and Hitler could not send even those relatively insignificant reinforcements to Africa that could solve the matter.
Having received a respite, the British command strengthened its troops in Egypt, fully provided them with weapons and equipment, and also reorganized the administration. All units were consolidated into the 8th Army under the command of General Montgomery. At the same time, preparations for the landing of Anglo-American troops in North-West Africa were completed. Having launched an offensive in the El Alamein area on October 23, the British reoccupied Tobruk on November 13. Over the next months, just at the time when the Red Army, having surrounded Paulus' 300,000-strong army, was waging offensive battles, British troops completely occupied Libya and approached (February 1943) the Tunisian border.
Successful operations in Northeast Africa were accompanied by active operations in Morocco and Algeria. On November 8, six American and one British division landed simultaneously in the ports of Algiers, Oran and Casablanca and launched an offensive to the east. Trying to maintain their positions in Africa, the Germans urgently transferred several divisions from Italy to Tunisia, and already in December 1942 they managed to stop the offensive from the West. The Anglo-American command had a huge superiority of forces, but it preferred to thoroughly prepare the decisive blow; this again made it possible for Hitler to transfer divisions to the Soviet-German front. Only in March - April 1943 did major battles break out in Tunisia. The 8th British Army - from the east, American divisions - from the south and west, broke through the defenses of the Italo-German troops, occupied the cities of Tunis and Bizerta, which were of great strategic importance, in early May, and on May 13 accepted the surrender of the 250,000-strong enemy army.
The great victory at Stalingrad, which marked the beginning of a radical change in the course of the war, created excellent preconditions for delivering decisive blows against the common enemy. The summer and autumn offensives of the Red Army in 1943, and then the access to the state border, finally sealed the turning point in the war and created a completely new situation. The victory in the Battle of Stalingrad gave a powerful impetus to the rise of the Resistance movement in the occupied countries, and this caused considerable concern among British and world reaction. During the Resistance, peoples fought not only against invaders. There was a mature understanding among the masses that after the war there should be no return to the old reactionary regimes, which were responsible for national catastrophes in France, Poland, Yugoslavia and a number of other countries. The authority of the communist parties, which acted during the war as selfless fighters for the national interests of the peoples of their countries, increased enormously.
327 This new situation significantly influenced relations within the anti-Hitler coalition, and in particular the policy of the British government. It became clear to Churchill and his advisers that the Soviet armed forces were powerful enough to achieve complete victory in the war and liberate Europe without any participation from Britain and the United States. In addition, the West was interested in the Soviet Union's help to defeat imperialist Japan.
At numerous meetings of British and American statesmen, diplomats and generals that took place during 1943, the question of a second front continued to occupy a central place. Hypocritically assuring the Soviet side that the opening of a second front would occur in 1943, Churchill and his American colleagues decided to postpone this operation to 1944. Under such conditions, the Moscow Conference of Foreign Ministers of the USSR, USA and England took place (October 1943), and a month later - Tehran Conference of Heads of Government - J.V. Stalin, F. Roosevelt and W. Churchill. Here, under the influence of the firm position of the USSR, an agreed decision was made on the invasion of Anglo-American troops into France in May 1944.
While preparing for the invasion of France, Anglo-American troops at the same time continued operations in the Mediterranean. The defeats of the Nazis on the Soviet-German front, where the 8th Italian Army was defeated, the growing internal crisis in Italy, and the dominance of the Anglo-American fleet in the Mediterranean Sea made the capture of the island relatively easy. Sicily.
The further Allied offensive in Italy took place with their absolute superiority, especially at sea and in the air. The powerful blows that the Red Army delivered in the winter and spring of 1944 distracted more and more enemy divisions. Hitler had to send a lot of troops against the partisan armies and formations that operated in the occupied countries. Nevertheless, in the spring of 1944, the Anglo-American troops moved forward extremely slowly. Only by the end of May did they manage to oust the enemy from Central Italy. On June 4, the Allies entered Rome, abandoned by the German command, without a fight.
And two days later, on June 6, 1944, the second front finally opened in Europe. The British and American command prepared this complex operation perfectly, and the soldiers of the allied armies, who had long been eager to fight the fascists, showed steadfastness and courage. England and the United States were able to superbly arm and train their armies solely due to the fact that for three years the Soviet Union, at the cost of the greatest effort and unprecedented sacrifices, withstood the full brunt of the war.
The invasion forces included 20 American divisions, 14 British, 3 Canadian, and one each French and Polish. The Allies had absolute superiority in naval
328 sky forces. American General D. Eisenhower was appointed commander-in-chief of the expeditionary forces, and British General B. Montgomery was appointed commander of the ground forces. The fleet and air force were also commanded by the British.
The Allies managed to create a bridgehead between Cherbourg and Le Havre. By the end of June, about a million soldiers and officers were already concentrated on the slowly expanding bridgehead. The German command transferred divisions from other regions of France, Belgium, and Holland to this area, but did not dare to withdraw troops from the Soviet-German front: just at this time the offensive of the Soviet armies began in Karelia and Belarus. The advance of expeditionary forces across French territory was ensured by the actions of combat detachments of the French Resistance, which not only disorganized the fascist rear, but also liberated cities and entire departments with their own forces. By August 24, the rebel Parisians liberated the capital of France with their own forces. By autumn, all of France, Belgium and part of Holland were almost completely liberated from the enemy. Anglo-American troops reached the German border.
In December 1944, Hitler's command launched an offensive in the Ardennes, where he managed to secretly concentrate large forces. On a relatively narrow front, the Germans threw into battle 25 of the 39 divisions they had at their disposal on the Western Front. Having broken through the Allied defenses, by the beginning of January they advanced 90 km, trying to cut off the northern group of the Allied armies. There were English troops here, and the threat of a “second Dunkirk” loomed over them. The reinforcements sent by Eisenhower slowed down the German offensive, but they failed to push back the armies that had broken through. On January 6, 1945, Churchill asked the Soviet government to launch “a major Russian offensive on the Vistula front or somewhere else,” as “very heavy fighting is taking place in the West.” The Red Army, which in bloody battles in the fall of 1944 brought liberation to the peoples of Bulgaria, Romania, Yugoslavia, and Hungary, was preparing for a new offensive, but it was planned a little later. However, given the position of the Allies, the Supreme High Command accelerated preparations, and on January 12, the Soviet Armed Forces went on the offensive on a huge front from the Danube to the Baltic Sea. This dramatically improved the position of the Anglo-American troops, who managed to force the Germans to retreat by the end of January. In this situation, a new meeting of heads of government was required to resolve urgent military issues and especially post-war problems that had become urgent.
In Berlin they were already fully aware that the war was lost. The only hope that remained for Hitler was connected with plans for a separate peace in the West.
The Yalta Conference of the Heads of Government of the USSR, USA and England, held on February 4-11, 1945, convincingly promoted democracy.
329 demonstrated the entire groundlessness of Hitler’s calculations. Churchill had long been making plans for the post-war encirclement of the Soviet Union with a new “cordon sanitaire”, planned the restoration of Germany as a potential ally in the fight against the USSR, ordered his troops to suppress democratic forces on the continent, but neither Churchill would have allowed him to enter into an open conspiracy with the Hitler regime , nor to any other statesman, the English working class, the entire English people.Western delegations also could not help but take into account the real balance of forces in Europe, as well as the role that the Soviet Union had to play in the defeat of Japanese imperialism.
The war in the Pacific was approaching its decisive stage. During its first months, Japan, thanks to surprise attacks and the slow deployment of Anglo-American forces, achieved dominance in the Western Pacific and Indian Ocean. Having destroyed the main forces of the American Pacific squadron in the harbor of Pearl Harbor (Hawaii Islands) with a treacherous strike and sank the English battleship Prince of Wales, the Japanese captured the most important American possessions in the Pacific Ocean, including Philippine, and at the same time attacked British bases and colonies. Soon the most important strongholds of British imperialism in the Far East - Hong Kong and Singapore - fell. Malaya and Burma were almost completely in enemy hands. By entering the borders of India, Japan threatened this “jewel of the British crown.” Therefore, the British command concentrated a large group of troops in the northeastern part of India under the command of Admiral L. Mountbatten. For more than two years it was inactive, and only in the summer of 1944, when the military-political position of Japan was greatly shaken due to the approaching collapse of German fascism and the successes of the American armed forces in the Pacific, Mountbatten invaded Burma and by the spring of 1945 cleared it of Japanese troops .
In addition to the agreed decisions on the final operations in the European war and in the war with Japan, the Yalta Conference adopted a detailed program for the destruction of “German militarism and Nazism”; it was a truly democratic program corresponding to the interests of all peoples of the world, including the German people.
Protecting the independence of the liberated peoples of Europe and their right "to establish democratic institutions of their own choice" was declared one of the goals of the three powers. Only the enormous power and authority of the Soviet Union, only the mighty rise of democratic forces throughout the world could force the imperialist governments of England and the United States to sign documents establishing the just, liberating nature of the war.
At the final stage of the war in Europe, as at all its stages, the Soviet Armed Forces delivered the main blows to the enemy.
330 Strength. Breaking the resistance of Nazi troops, Soviet troops reached the last line before the assault on Berlin. Under these conditions, the offensive of the Anglo-American troops was not associated with great difficulties, especially since Hitler deliberately opened the front in the West, still hoping that a clash between the USSR and the Western powers would occur on German territory. Anglo-American troops, having launched an offensive on February 8, 1945, crossed the Rhine only at the end of March. The offensive was accompanied by massive air raids on German cities.
On May 2, Berlin was captured by Soviet troops, and on May 8, Germany capitulated. This was a great historical victory of peoples over fascism, in which the Soviet Union played a decisive role*
The victory of the Soviet Union undermined the forces of world reaction, destroyed its strike force, and defeated its main headquarters. In the anti-fascist Resistance in the countries of Europe and Asia, the unity of the working class and democratic forces took shape. The communist and workers' parties grew into a powerful force, accumulated vast experience and called the people to radical social and political changes. In the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe, liberated by the Soviet Armed Forces, people's democratic revolutions had already begun. The crisis of the world system of capitalism entered its second stage, and through all the variety of processes taking place in various countries, the contours of the future world system of socialism were already visible.
The English people did not experience the horrors of the German occupation during the war, but they also suffered considerable hardships. The class struggle in England did not acquire such severity as in the continental continent. No matter how insidious the plans of the British reaction were, ~ no matter how indignant the unjustified passivity of the English command caused, England nevertheless fought as part of the anti-Hitler coalition and the English bourgeoisie did not compromise itself in the eyes of the people by direct collaboration with fascism, as was the case in the countries of the continent . But a serious shift in the alignment of class and political forces also occurred in England.
Throughout the war, the British working class put pressure on the government, demanding stronger cooperation with the Soviet Union and effective operations against the fascist states. While making a major contribution to the victory over the main centers of reaction on a world scale, the advanced workers of England did not forget about their own internal reaction.
It is not surprising that in this situation the authority of the CPV increased sharply. By the end of 1942, the party consisted of 60 thousand people - more than 3 times more than on the eve of the war. The party's position in trade unions has strengthened. Communists were often elected to the executive committees of trade unions and secretaries of local organizations. At the Trade Union Congress of 1944, a prominent figure in the trade union movement, communist A. Papworth, was elected to the General Council.
The masses of the working class forced the government to cancel the
331 decisions of the CPV body - the Daily Worker newspaper; in August 1942, publication of this popular newspaper resumed.
The struggle of currents within the Labor Party has intensified, and its left wing has strengthened. The anti-communists in the party leadership were defeated. But they took revenge when discussing the old issue of admitting the CPV into the Labor Party. Twice the CPV made a corresponding request, and in 1943 it was supported by such mass organizations as the British Coal Miners Federation, the Builders' Union, etc. But the more influential the CPV became, the more right-wing Labor leaders feared the role it could play in the Labor Party , - the role of ideological leader and center of gravity of all leftist forces. The Executive Committee therefore rejected the Communists' proposal and thereby once again damaged the cause of working class unity.
The most pressing issues in the internal party struggle were issues of a programmatic nature. What social changes should victory in the anti-fascist war bring? What tasks should a party that calls itself socialist set for itself? What plan of change should voters be offered when the war is over? On all these problems, the positions of the right-wing Labor leadership and the left wing of the party diverged throughout the years of the war, but especially during its last stage.
The matter was complicated by the fact that even at the top of the bourgeois political hierarchy they thought a lot about complex issues related to the transition from war to peace. The main idea that Conservative leaders wanted to instill in the masses was that social change was not needed in England, even within the narrow framework of Labor “socialism.” The government itself intends to carry out a “reconstruction” that will supposedly satisfy all segments of society. To study the problems of reconstruction, a committee was created back in 1941, headed by the Labor minister A. Greywood; this appointment was supposed to give reconstruction plans a bipartisan, coalition character. In 1943, Churchill's government adopted the Beveridge Plan, a liberal reformer who proposed a radical overhaul of the entire social security system. This plan did not touch the foundations of the capitalist system, but it could form the basis of truly progressive reform. It is no coincidence that the CPV and other progressive forces spoke out for the implementation of the “Beveridge Plan”. The law on public education adopted in 1944 and some other measures were progressive in nature.
The Labor Party Executive Committee, for its part, also put forward various reconstruction projects. His plans involved maintaining the state control over the economy that had developed during the war. The Labor right did not intend to include the nationalization of industry in its post-war reconstruction program - a policy provision that has appeared in the party charter since 1918. When in December 1944
332 the executive committee presented a detailed resolution to the party conference; the concept of “socialization of the means of production” or “nationalization” was absent from it1. It was only about “control over the economy.” In other words, Labor leaders once again came to the defense of the capitalist system.
In England, which was approaching the end of the war in the camp of the winners, there was no immediate revolutionary situation. But here objective prerequisites have arisen for carrying out such fundamental changes that could undermine the omnipotence of the monopolies. Taking this into account, the Communist Party adopted at its XVII Congress in October 1944 the “Victory, Peace, Security” program, which, along with foreign policy objectives, indicated the paths of social progress: the nationalization of leading sectors of the economy and the participation of the working class in their management. The masses of the working class, the trade unions, in which the influence of the communists was great, achieved the inclusion of the demand for nationalization in the decisions of the trade union congress of 1944. Relying on this mass support, the left-wing Laborites at the party conference fought against the resolution of the executive committee. They managed to pass an amendment to “transfer into public ownership land, large construction companies, heavy industry and all banks, transport and the entire fuel and energy industry.”
The Labor leadership was defeated and, in the atmosphere of the rise of democratic forces in England and throughout the world, did not dare to completely ignore the will of the masses. At a conference in April 1945, when things were already heading towards parliamentary elections, the “Facing the Future” program proposed by the executive committee was adopted. After general declarations about the socialist character of the party, voters were promised the nationalization of those industries that were “ripe for transfer to public ownership.”
After the victory over Germany, on May 18, 1945, Churchill proposed that Labor maintain the coalition at least until the victory over Japan, but mass protests thwarted this plan. Now Churchill preferred to rush through the elections, hoping to use his popularity as a military leader.
During the election campaign, Labor strongly emphasized the “socialist” nature of its program, and this made a considerable impression on the masses who sincerely strived for socialism. The people did not want a return to the past, to the reactionary Conservative government. Churchill’s personal popularity was still very great, but, as his English biographer figuratively writes, the Conservatives had nothing in their arsenal during the election campaign “except Churchill’s photo card.”
The elections took place on July 5 and brought a brutal defeat to the Conservative Party. She lost about half of her parliamentary seats; now she had only 209 mandates, while
333 Labor won an absolute and solid majority; they had 393 seats - 146 more than all other parties combined. 2 seats were received by the communists - W. Gallagher and F. Piretin.
The election results stunned the Labor leaders themselves as much as the Conservatives. Considering that Labour's election campaign was carried out under "socialist" slogans, the voting results could be seen as a decisive verdict on the capitalist system, pronounced by the majority of the English people. Now the right-wing Laborites saw their task as gradually real and imaginary concessions, pseudo-socialist reforms, propaganda of anti-communism, etc. - to change the public mood, save capitalism, and suppress leftist forces.
Party leader Clement Attlee, having become head of government, appointed Herbert Morrison as his deputy, Ernst Bevin as foreign minister, and equally well-known right-wing politicians to other posts. The bourgeois press welcomed the new composition of the government - it served as a reliable guarantee of the preservation of bourgeois rule.
The new cabinet had to take its first steps in the field of foreign policy. From July 17 to August 2, a conference of heads of government of the USSR, USA and England was held in Potsdam. Although the conference began after the elections in England, the counting of votes was not yet completed. The British delegation was headed by Churchill, who prudently invited Attlee with him as a potential prime minister in the event of a Conservative defeat in the elections. For two days - July 26-27 - the conference took a break, since it was on these days that the cabinet was changed in London. Having left for his capital, Churchill never returned to Potsdam; Attlee became the head of the delegation.
Both Churchill and Eden, and Attlee and Bevin, in contact with the American delegation, tried to use the Potsdam Conference to undermine the position of the Soviet Union in Europe, as well as to interfere in the internal affairs of the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe in order to disrupt the process of democratic transformation in these countries .
The British and American delegates in Potsdam were inspired by the first successful test of the atomic bomb, which was carried out in the United States the day before the opening of the conference. Churchill even said that the bomb would help “straighten the balance of power with Russia.” But the very first attempts at disguised blackmail were decisively suppressed by the Soviet delegation. The decisions taken in Potsdam were generally consistent with the objectives of a democratic solution to post-war problems. In the spirit of the Yalta decisions, detailed resolutions were developed on the governance of Germany, on preparations for concluding peace treaties with its former satellites, on the status of Berlin, and on the trial of the main military
334 criminals. The Soviet delegation rejected attempts by England and the United States to interfere in the internal affairs of Bulgaria and Romania. The Soviet Union confirmed its intention to enter the war against Japan. Under these conditions, for the final victory over Japan there was no need at all to use the atomic bomb. Nevertheless, on August 6, by order of US President Henry Truman, an atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima, and on August 9, on Nagasaki. The calculation of the American imperialists was simple: to intimidate the people with weapons of unprecedented power, to prepare the ground for “nuclear diplomacy” towards the Soviet Union, to take a step towards achieving US world domination. Although British scientists also participated in the production of the atomic bomb, the emergence of new weapons made England even more dependent on the United States.
However, Japan, despite the death of almost 250 thousand people, was not going to capitulate. Only a powerful blow by the Soviet Army against the Japanese armed forces in Manchuria (against the Kwaptung Army) and their complete defeat forced Japan to capitulate. On September 2, 1945, the Second World War ended. Like other countries, England entered a new period in its history.
Usually, when talking about preparations for World War II, they focus on events in Europe, but this is not entirely true. It all started with the “Far East Munich Policy” - in September 1931, the Japanese army invaded Manchuria, and the government of Zhang Xueliang was overthrown. The creation of the Japanese vassal state of Manchukuo was proclaimed. Lord Lytton's commission of the League of Nations, which investigated the event, concluded that the Japanese actions were unprovoked aggression. But the world community did not take steps aimed at “punishing” the Japanese Empire.
No one broke off diplomatic or business relations with Tokyo or imposed sanctions; on the contrary, Western countries immediately recognized the new state. Although the same United States in the early 1920s made great efforts to drive the Japanese out of the Russian Far East and Manchuria, since they did not need competitors there. In the 1930s, the situation was different; the United States was Japan's strategic trading partner, supplying it with oil. And the USSR was different, Washington is trying to repeat the scenario of the early 20th century, when it managed to pit the Japanese Empire and the Russian Empire against each other. Therefore, the Western world will continue to turn a blind eye to Japan’s aggressive actions towards China.
In Europe, at this time, Washington and London had already chosen a person in Germany who would become their instrument in implementing the most global plans. Although Hitler imagined himself to be a great genius and believed that he was playing his Game, he was only a figure in capable hands. And his plans for uniting Europe to attack the USSR completely coincided with the plans of the “financial international”. But in order to mislead the European elites (Polish, French, Czechoslovak, etc.), who were not aware of the whole scenario, more serious Players were misled - the need to strengthen Germany was motivated by the desire for a “march to the East”, the fight against "Marxism". Thus, already on March 2, 1933, Adolf Hitler stated the following: “I set myself a period of six to eight years to completely destroy Marxism. Then the army will be able to conduct an active foreign policy, and the goal of expansion of the German people will be achieved by armed force. This target will probably be the East.”
Already in 1933, Hitler’s associates, Goering, Schacht, Rosenberg and others, negotiated in London about the likelihood of joint action in the USSR if unrest began there due to famine. On July 4, military intelligence reported to K. Voroshilov about them: “A special project provides for the division of the Russian market.” During the same period, an anti-Soviet campaign was launched in the German press. At the same time, Soviet-German military-technical projects were curtailed, and joint training centers were closed. Although trade continued, Germany needed it, as did the USSR.
In the field of diplomacy, the ideas of the Soviet Union about a system of “collective security” in Europe seemed to be supported; with the assistance of Paris, non-aggression pacts were concluded between the USSR and Poland and Romania. Treaties of mutual assistance with France and Czechoslovakia. But, at the same time, Hitler was also encouraged - in 1933, he withdrew Germany from the League of Nations and created the Ministry of Aviation (which was prohibited by the Versailles agreements). Hitler demands that the League of Nations abolish all restrictive articles of the Treaty of Versailles. In 1934, with the help of London and Paris, Berlin concluded a non-aggression pact with Poland; from that time on, the Polish military-political elite began to be told that Poland, together with Germany, would strike the USSR. Even during the “Night of the Long Knives,” when more than a thousand top assault troops were destroyed in Germany, the West was not indignant. Hitler at this time was the most popular personality in the West, he was praised in every possible way. Even the “Jewish question” was not blamed on Hitler at that time; when the racial Nuremberg Laws were adopted in 1935, Berlin was not accused of “anti-Semitism.”
Further more: on March 1, 1935, following the results of a plebiscite, the Saar region, which had been transferred to the international administration of the League of Nations for 15 years, was reunited with Germany; On March 10, Hitler announced the creation of the Air Force, and on March 16, the introduction of universal conscription. All this was allowed, although it could be nipped in the bud; for this it was not even necessary to create a coalition of countries, only French troops were enough. On March 7, 1936, Berlin sent troops into the Rhineland demilitarized zone, a guarantee of French security; only 30-35 thousand soldiers took part in the operation without aircraft or armored vehicles. Therefore, the commanders received an order that if the French advanced troops to immediately retreat and not engage in battle. But they let that down too. In 1936, the first concentration camps were already operating in the Reich, dissidents were persecuted, but this did not bother anyone and the Olympic Games were held in Berlin. In 1937, the German delegation was warmly received at the World Exhibition in Paris.
There was lending to Germany by British, Austrian and American bankers. Standard Oil is building an oil refinery in Hamburg and transferring special additives for the production of jet fuel to IG Farbenindustry. General Motors cooperates with Opel and IG Farbenindustry. Morgan finances the construction and modernization of aircraft factories. It is absolutely correct that Schacht will say during the Nuremberg trials: “If you Americans want to indict the industrialists who helped arm Germany, then you must indict yourself.” Moreover, the cooperation of American business with the Reich continued even during the Second World War.
Paris was also confused during this period; on the one hand, the revival of German power crossed out the fruits of the victory of 1918 and the dreams of French leadership in Europe. On the other hand, Paris was frightened by the threat of “communist” Germany, if it was pushed away and not helped in development. In addition, Paris, in tandem with London, was mainly a follower.
This danger was seen quite clearly in Moscow, so when meeting with Lord Eden in Moscow in 1935, Stalin said: “I think that the situation now is worse than in 1913,” since then there was one source of military danger, and now there are two – Germany and Japan. In Moscow they understand that they are simply being set up. This was evidenced by the policy of “appeasement” of Hitler, the reluctance of Paris and London to take concrete steps to prevent the outbreak of a major war in Europe, together with Moscow.
Thus, one must understand that the aggression of Japan and Germany was prepared not only in Berlin and Tokyo, but also in the offices of the USA and Great Britain. It is the USA and Great Britain who are the real instigators of the war, its organizers, who have not yet been punished for their crimes of global significance, for organizing a massacre in which tens of millions of people died, and very specific people of the “financial” received profits in the form of enterprises, gold, capital International" and their people in the power structures of England and the USA.
Sources:
Bezymensky L. Solved mysteries of the Third Reich. 1940-1945
Kremlev S. Russia and Germany: The Path to a Pact. Corridors of discord and the pact of hope. Historical research. M., 2004.
Martirosyan A. Who brought the war to the USSR? M., 2007.
Mukhin Yu. Who really started the Second World War? M., 2010.
Poltorak A.I. Nuremberg epilogue. M., 1969.
Smirnov L.N., Zaitsev E.B. Court in Tokyo. M., 1978.
Starikov N. Who forced Hitler to attack Stalin. Hitler's fatal mistake. St. Petersburg, 2009.
We continue the discussion on the 70th anniversary of the start of World War II and offer an article by Faina Mastinskaya-CAUSES and PREPARATION FOR THE SECOND WORLD WAR
The Second World War was generated by a whole complex of various complex reasons. The discovery in the 90s of historical, military, diplomatic, and intelligence archives in many countries of the world that participated in this war caused the emergence of a huge flow of literature, some of which reveals the reasons for the preparation and beginning of the Second World War and the course of world events in the pre-war years. But the causes of the war are still the subject of controversy and debate in many countries around the world.
One of the causes of the Second World War (hereinafter referred to as WWII) was the territorial disputes and claims that arose after the First World War as a result of the Treaty of Versailles. The Treaty of Versailles, signed on June 28, 1919, ended the First World War. It was signed on the one hand by the victorious countries - Britain, France, USA, Italy, Japan, Belgium, on the other hand - by defeated Germany. Germany returned Alsace and Lorraine to France, large territories were taken from Germany and returned to Poland, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, German and Ottoman colonies were divided between the victorious countries. As a result of this war, the Austro-Hungarian, Ottoman and Russian empires collapsed, and on their ruins 9 new states with disputed borders arose - Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, the future Yugoslavia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, Poland. The country that lost its territories wanted to return them, and the countries that received these territories wanted to preserve them. The desire for a new redistribution and seizure of European territories, and at the same time the plunder of other countries - this is one of the reasons for WWII.
The next reason for WWII matured and took shape in Germany itself. Since the time of the King of Prussia and the German Emperor Wilhelm II in Germany, the views of pan-Germanism, the superior race - the Aryans, views of other peoples as inferior, as manure for German culture, have been instilled among the German elite and ordinary Germans. Therefore, the bitterness of defeat after the First World War, national despair and humiliation, the desire to come to the aid of those compatriots who remained in other countries after the division were very acute, inciting in the Germans hatred and desire for revenge, revenge, psychological readiness for war, as well as desire find a “scapegoat” for your misfortunes and blame the bitterness of failure on him.
According to the Treaty of Versailles, Germany had to pay huge reparations, could have a small army of volunteers of 100 thousand people, armed with light weapons, could not have tanks, military aircraft, or heavy artillery. Universal conscription was abolished, the German navy was captured and sunk by the victors, the building of warships and the establishment of a General Staff was prohibited.
However, on April 16, 1922, Germany and the USSR signed the Treaty of Rapallo, according to which Germany could restore its military power on Soviet territory.
German tank crews trained in Kazan, German pilots in Lipetsk, the German concern Junkers designed military aircraft in Fili, and German factories for the production of heavy artillery and chemical weapons were built in Central Asia. This allowed Germany to quickly restore its military production in subsequent years.
In 1924, under the Dawes Plan, Germany was able to obtain loans from the United States to pay off reparations, and then, due to the crisis, received a deferment in the payment of reparations. This allowed Germany to restore its military-industrial potential by 1927, and then by the beginning of the 30s to overtake the victorious countries. In the wake of revanchist sentiments, the National Socialist Party began to gain increasing popularity among the German public, and Nazi leader A. Hitler attracted the attention of Germans from top to bottom with his aggressive slogans. Hitler’s main slogans were the idea of a “superior race”, which gave the average person a feeling of superiority over other peoples, atoned for the bitterness of defeat and romanticized, allowed brutal violence and militarism, the idea of the need for “living space” for the Germans, and also called the cause of all problems for the Germans - Versailles system, communists and Jews within the country.
At the beginning of 1933, Hitler was appointed head of the German government - chancellor, and after that - brazenly, contrary to the Treaty of Versailles, completely ignoring it, universal conscription was introduced in the country, aviation, tank, artillery and other factories were built. The corresponding military units are created and the armed forces and economy of Germany are surpassing the victorious countries. By September 1939 Germany has an army of 4.6 million people, France - 2.67 million, Great Britain - 1.27 million, USSR - 5.3 million. Preparations for World War II are in full swing in Germany.
One of the reasons for the worldwide nature of this war was Japan's aggressive policy. The fact is that in 1910 - 30. China was in a state of fragmentation. The Japanese Empire, which had scarce natural resources, wanted to take advantage of China's weakness to gain control over its richest resources and markets, and therefore pursued aggressive policies, conflicts, and military campaigns there. In November 1936, Germany and Japan concluded the Anti-Comintern Pact, which Italy joined a year later. By the end of the 1930s, the Japanese army occupied the entire northeast of China, and in 1937. a full-scale Japanese-Chinese war began, which from 1939 became part of the Second World War and lasted until 1945. At the same time, on April 13, 1941, a neutrality agreement was signed between Japan and the USSR in Moscow for a period of 5 years.
England and the United States applied economic sanctions to Japan in order to force it to withdraw its troops from China, and this pushed Japan to declare war on the United States and England. In December 1941, Japan launched a war against the United States with a surprise attack on the US naval base on the Hawaiian Islands of Pearl Harbor, and Japanese aircraft disabled the main forces, a large number of ships of the American Pacific Fleet. Thus, the Second World War also unfolded in Asia and ended for the first time in August 1945. the use of nuclear weapons by the United States against Japan, when two bombs completely destroyed the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
A short article cannot examine all the reasons for the preparation, prehistory and beginning of the Second World War; for this, historians write monographs and multi-volume studies; debates about its causes have been going on in world science for more than 60 years. These days the whole world is celebrating the 70th anniversary of the start of World War II, which brought untold suffering to humanity, the death of tens of millions of people, the destruction of tens of thousands of cities and villages, and irreparable damage to peoples and countries.
The main question remains unanswered: has humanity drawn its conclusions from this terrible massacre? Or will he begin preparations for the next war with renewed vigor?
Plan: 1. The causes of the Second World War. 2. Preparing the imperialist states for a new war; growth of armaments. 3. The aggressive foreign policy of capitalist states and the ideological preparation of new wars by imperialism. 4. The establishment of fascist regimes in individual European countries and the transformation of the Third Reich into a war state. 5. Formation of hotbeds of a new world war. 6. The struggle of the USSR and the progressive forces of the planet to preserve peace and prepare to repel aggressors. 7. Local wars and military conflicts. 8. The world on the eve of the war: Anschluss of Austria; partition and occupation of Czechoslovakia by Germany; Soviet-German pact.
1. The 20th century, its first half, was marked by two greatest and most brutal wars in the history of mankind: the first (1914-1918) and the second (1939-1945). Both in terms of human and material losses suffered by the conflicting countries, these wars have no equal.
Since the peaceful interval between the end of the first and the beginning of the second world war is just under 21 years, this suggests that the cause of the second world war may lie in the results of the first, or more precisely, in the dissatisfaction of some of the participating countries with them. The conditions of the Versailles Peace Treaty, as well as subsequent international peace conferences (in particular, Washington) significantly modified the political maps of the world and Europe. Significant territorial losses were suffered not only by the defeated countries (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey), but also by the victorious countries from the Entente bloc (Russia, Italy, Japan). In addition, reparations were imposed on the countries that lost the war, and also unilaterally assigned moral responsibility for starting the war and, in connection with the latter, they were also limited in the field of weapons development and the size (number) of armed forces, with the aim, allegedly preventing their new aggressive aspirations.
The militarization of the economy, which occurred during the First World War not only in the warring countries, but even in neutral countries, needed to be transferred to a peaceful footing, which was in the interests of both capitalist owners (expenses) and workers (job reductions - unemployment). (The situation in Germany that arose in connection with these conditions is perfectly shown in E.M. Remarque’s novel “The Return”). The unfavorable economic situation was also aggravated by frequently alternating crises (1921 - 1923, 1929 - 1933 and 1937 - 1919).
So, obviously, there is tension not only in relations between countries that were former opponents and even in the camp of the victorious states, but also within each of the countries that participated in the First World War.
But it should be borne in mind that in general the political balance of power in the world has changed: if the conflict before the First World War was caused by contradictions between the imperialist countries that arose due to their uneven development, then after 1917, in addition to the imperialist countries competing with each other, there also existed socialist states antagonistic to them (USSR and Mongolian People's Republic), the presence of which not only demonstrated to the whole world that Marxist theories are not utopias and fantasies, but also showed workers and peasants that their struggle could actually be crowned with success. Under the direct influence of events in Russia. Revolutionary uprisings took place in Hungary and Germany, and the labor and national liberation (anti-colonial: India, Morocco) movements intensified in a number of countries. In these new conditions, the imperialists, in order to counteract the impending revolutions, considered it best to rely on totalitarian regimes and allow extremely reactionary fascist parties to power, especially since the nascent fascism openly capitalized on anti-Sovietism, and the “democratic” states hoped to crush the Soviet Union with its help, or significantly weaken it in the fight against fascism. By the way, the rulers of capitalist states underestimated the danger of fascism, naively believing that its aggression would be directed to the East and that for a long time Nazi Germany would be busy developing the territories conquered from the USSR, and would have no time for Western countries.
2. The rulers and politicians of capitalist countries saw two ways to solve the problem of the USSR: 1st - armed aggression (but the experience of the unsuccessful intervention of 1919-20); 2nd – restoration of capitalism by the method of ideological penetration and economic intervention. In any case, it was considered desirable or obligatory to involve Germany in this matter, as W. Churchill openly wrote about.
But as a result of the difficult conditions of the Versailles Peace and crises, Germany was not economically and materially prepared to fulfill the mission that the largest Western powers would like to entrust to it. In order to bring Germany to a level corresponding to their goals, the United States, in accordance with the Dawes Plan, began to actively invest in German monopolies, primarily in heavy industry and the military-industrial complex, and England was preparing a political and legal justification for decisions to lift restrictive sanctions against Germany. As a result, Germany mitigated the consequences of economic crises even in comparison with the victorious powers, in 5-6 years it revived the power of the military industry, created a number of companies with representation of American capital (Opel, Hugo Stiness, Steel Trust, IG Farbenindustri "and others. According to the German financier Schacht, he "financed the rearmament of Germany with money owned by foreigners." The United States also supplied German industry with the raw materials necessary for the production of military products. And soon the economic and military potential of Germany ceased to correspond to the place that the country occupied in world politics .
Another means of influencing the USSR was to be an international organization created at the initiative of the United States - the League of Nations, supposedly designed to take care of maintaining peace and non-violent resolution of international problems and conflicts. But, as the bourgeois press wrote: “The League of Nations, when it is created, will have to deal with Russia and restore order.” (EveningStar/ 1919, January, 16).
However, the conflict of the period was not limited only to contradictions between imperialist and socialist countries, or victors and vanquished: 1) the United States successfully competed in the Pacific region with Japan, sought to subordinate Canada, Australia and Brazil, dependent on England, to its influence; 2). The rivalry between France and England led to a rapprochement between the latter and Italy, and between Italy and Bulgaria and Romania. Counting on the support of England, Italy laid claim to part of the Austrian lands, which Germany considered its sphere of interests. These contradictions indicate that the Second World War was brewing within the capitalist world, which, however, did not exclude the possibility of temporary consolidation of the imperialist countries for a joint struggle against the USSR. This political situation led to the growth of militarism in the internal life, ideology and politics of capitalist countries. During the interwar period, militarism manifested itself in the growth of armaments, aggressiveness of foreign policy and ideological preparation for a new war.
The growth of armaments in capitalist states. Although after the end of the First World War there was a significant reduction in armies, the growth of armaments did not decrease, but rather increased. This happened against the backdrop of discussions in the League of Nations about arms reduction and disarmament. But it is significant that disarmament projects were drawn up by general staffs, usually involved in developing war plans. The purpose of such demagoguery is simple - to lull the vigilance of a potential enemy and persuade him to reduce the armed forces and military production and reserves. In fact, all the major capitalist powers intensively increased items in their budgets for military expenditures and added to them funds allocated from civilian ministries and departments (in Germany, such “subsidies” to the military department amounted to 35-74 million marks annually). Intensive technical re-equipment of armies and navies was carried out. In Japan, from the end of 1925 to March 1927, more than 900 million yen were allocated for emergency military budgets. A similar picture was observed in the capitalist countries of the non-fascist bloc. Even the global economic crises did not stop the arms race. Despite talk about small, highly professional shock armies, doctrines in which the decisive role in the war was assigned to technical troops (aviation, tanks), the size of the armies was constantly growing. In Germany, still limited by the articles of the Treaty of Versailles, the problem was solved by training reservists (4 million people), early retirement of officers, transferring part of the military industry abroad and training its personnel in foreign centers. Although the production of a number of types of weapons in Germany was prohibited (aviation, tanks, warships, heavy artillery), the country financed the design development of new weapons and, in fact, during this period almost all types of weapons with which Germany entered the second war were developed. Certain types of weapons were still manufactured by companies that transferred their production abroad, as a rule, to neutral countries. The situation with militarization changed for the better for Germany in 1926, when, on the initiative of England and the United States, the Allied Military Control Commission ceased to exist. Thanks to ready-made projects, Germany not only quickly provided its army and navy with weapons, but also soon became one of the largest importers of weapons.
3. The aggressive foreign policy course of capitalist states was largely due to the growth of militarism (the economy, the growth of armies - the dramatic law of the gun on the wall in the first act of the play). Immediately after the end of the First World War, the Entente countries intervened in Soviet Russia and other Soviet republics. Then there was the war of Greece against Turkey, which overthrew the power of the Sultan. In 1919 England's war against Afghanistan, which declared national independence. The United States has repeatedly invaded Haiti, Guatemala, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Panama, and waged a war against Nicaragua. Spain and France fought with Morocco in 1921-1926, and in 1920-1926. France waged war against Syria. In 1927, the Anglo-American intervention in China began. During the same period, the imperialist countries supported all sorts of armed attacks against the USSR (Petliurists, Bulak-Bulakhists, Basmachi, Finns and White Chinese (conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway in 1929).
All these actions, biding their time, were closely watched by German politicians and the military. Back in 1918, without waiting for the end of the First World War, they held meetings at which they outlined the goals of the future war - the “liberation” of territories in the East. Preparations for this aggression were masked by the spread of the myth of the “Soviet threat.” The anti-Soviet course of foreign policy of the imperialist states was consolidated at a conference held in Locarno (Switzerland) in October 1925 with the participation of England, Belgium, Germany, Italy, Poland, France, and Czechoslovakia, where a new course towards Germany was also considered. Documents were signed guaranteeing the inviolability of borders between Germany, France and the Benelux countries. They also decided that in the event of a war between the West and the USSR, Germany would act on the side of the West. Czechoslovakia and Poland did not receive such guarantees, to which the Western powers promised assistance against Germany in the event of the unprovoked use of weapons against these countries. Conflict problems between these countries and Germany were supposed to be resolved through conciliation commissions with the involvement of third countries (planned Munich). This was done in order to ensure the passage of the German armed forces to the borders of the Soviet Union. Thus, Western “democracies” openly pushed Germany towards war in the East. But German politicians did not want to be drawn into a premature conflict with the USSR. Therefore, in 1927, when after the assassination of the Soviet ambassador Voikov in Warsaw and the attack in London on the office of ARCOS (Anglo-Russian Cooperative Trade Society) and the conflict could well have escalated into an armed confrontation, Germany refused England’s request to send the British army through its territory . In an effort to destroy the USSR, the West generously provided loans for military needs to limitrophe states: Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Romania.
Western politicians understood perfectly well that Germany was striving to revive its former power, return its colonies, change borders with Poland and annex Austria, but they were ready to turn a blind eye to this, provided that this program was complemented by a war against the USSR.
Ideological preparation by imperialism for new wars . In it, the imperialists relied on historical experience, while also taking into account new realities. At one time, the bourgeoisie came to power under the slogans of freedom, equality and fraternity, but very quickly it began the unscrupulous and cruel exploitation of the working masses. As a result of the First World War, it was the working people who suffered the greatest losses, therefore, during the intervention against Soviet Russia, the Entente troops were propagandized by the Bolsheviks and, not wanting to fight against the workers and peasants, returned home, often under red banners. And, since the bourgeoisie felt the decline of its ideological influence on the masses, it turned to the most shameless lies and slander. Ideologists paid by the bourgeoisie argued that war is the natural state of humanity, which spent most of its history in wars. The German philosopher Spengler argued that the true raison d'être of a state is to wage war, and that militarism made Prussia and Germany large and strong. The cult of war also permeated the “bible” of the National Socialists, Mein Kampf. In Japan, the slogan “war is the father of creation and the mother of culture” was implanted. The Italians were taught that they were the heirs of the greatness of ancient Rome, which had once conquered the Mediterranean, and the task of the heirs was to turn the Mediterranean Sea into the inland sea of Italy. W. Churchill argued that “war is the calling of the human race, that with the exception of short and occasional breaks there has never been peace on the planet. That even in prehistoric times, murder and bloody repression dominated the earth.” An important direction in the ideological preparation for the war was the incitement of nationalism, chauvinism and racism. This was not a difficult task, since their intensity was already quite high during the First World War. This matter was particularly widespread in Germany. The following was drilled into the heads of all students from rural schools to universities: “All the greatest military feats are Prussian, the most famous and significant works of art are German, the most outstanding inventions and scientists are German, the most powerful athletes in the world are German, the best industry in the world – German, and the most capable, talented workers are Germans.” The Japanese were not far behind the Germans. In their textbooks they called the emperor a god, the Japanese godmen, and other peoples worms. And states are ephemeral. Propaganda of similar content was carried out in non-fascist countries - the USA, England, France. Already during the ideological preparation for war, the so-called geopolitics, from which grew Hitler’s idea of Germany’s conquest of living space, which underlay the ideological preparation of aggression.
But militarization and ideological indoctrination of the population alone were not enough to start a war. It was necessary to ensure reliable protection of the interests of the powerful groups and strata, to maintain “order” in the country both before and during the war. As Reichsführer SS G. Himler later noted: “In a future war we will have not only a land front on the ground, a sea front on the water, an air front in the sky, we will also have a fourth theater of war inside Germany.” To ensure order and prevent disturbances, a totalitarian regime became necessary. The most suitable for this, in the opinion of the rulers and owners of the aggressor countries, was the fascist regime - open and shameless lawlessness, inhumane reprisals against opponents of the regime and against supporters of maintaining peace. Everywhere, fascism was based on nationalism, chauvinism, racism and revanchism. As early as March 1, 1920, a fascist regime was established in Hungary under the rule of Admiral Horthy; On October 29, 1922, the fascist leader B. Mussolini came to power in Italy; On June 9, 1923, a fascist coup took place in Bulgaria; in September 1923 and July 1926, respectively, fascist regimes were established in Spain (General Primo de Rivero) and Portugal; On May 12-14, 1926, a sanitation regime began to be implemented in Poland, which was also essentially fascist; On January 30, 1933, the fascist National Socialist Workers' Party came to power in Germany.
There were also fascist and pro-fascist parties and organizations in England, the USA and France; in the latter two they tried to break through to power, but, thanks to the active opposition of the people and the authorities, they could not. It is not true that fascism is the dictatorship of shopkeepers and the petty bourgeoisie over the workers and big bourgeoisie; in essence, it is the dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie and landowners.
Italian and German fascism, through social demagoguery, created for themselves a wide mass base; they were also characterized by “Führerism” - the personification in the dictator of supreme, categorical power, not limited by laws. In other countries, dictators and fascist leaders did not become Fuhrers; there the dictatorship acquired a monarcho-fascist form and was based on the supreme power of the king, czar, or emperor.
5. All varieties of fascism are characterized by aggressiveness. The three main instigators of the new world war (Germany, Italy and Japan) sought domination over the entire planet or over a significant part of it. That. the aggressiveness of fascism is a precondition for inciting a new world war.
The formation of hotbeds of world war. Italy and Germany, after the establishment of fascist regimes in them, turned into hotbeds of war in Europe and the West. Another hotbed of war arose in the East: Japan, which, in order to avoid war with the United States, made concessions to the colonies at the Washington Conference, wanted to return what was lost, as well as take over Korea, part of China and the USSR (up to Baikal, or to the Urals), Having occupied Manjuria, the Japanese created in it the puppet state of Manzhou-Kuo with Emperor Pu Yi. The actions of the Japanese in China were facilitated by confrontation (to the level of civil war between the Communists and the Kuomintang led by Chai Kang Shi. After Hitler came to power, Germany begins to establish cooperation with Japan and in June 1935 considers the issue of German-Japanese military cooperation against the USSR The creation of a second source of war in the East forced the Soviet Union to build up its forces there, strengthen the army and the Pacific Fleet.
Even before the Nazis came to power, in 1929–1930. German monopolists became close to Hitler, made contributions to his party treasury and even transferred interest from their profits to the NSDPA, which allowed the Nazis to create an extensive party apparatus, organize their media, increase the military and terrorist organizations of the SA and SS, increasing the number of the former to 300 thousand. In the struggle for power, the Nazis made extensive use of bourgeois-democratic freedoms, including parliamentarism; in the elections to the Reichstag on September 14, 1930, they collected 6.41 million votes, almost 8 times more than in 1928. In October 1931 Hitler enlisted the support of the largest industrialists and monopolists, the aristocracy and the military. In order not to scare them away, Hitler made some changes to his party program, in particular, he removed the requirement for the nationalization of monopolies and introduced a clause on the inviolability of private property. Already in mid-December 1931, the East Prussian nobility demanded that German President Hindenburg transfer power to Hitler. Why did big business support Nazism? Because Nazism is war, and this means orders for tanks, planes, ships and other military equipment, rising prices, which increases profits. And yet, Hitler did not have popular support: for example, in the presidential elections of March 1932, he received only 11.3 million votes, while Hindenburg received 18.6 million. However, under pressure from the imperialists, President Hindenburg on January 28 1933 dismissed the Schleicher government, appointed Hitler as chancellor and entrusted him with the formation of a new government. The fascists’ coming to power, contrary to the assertions of some Western authors, was not a “victory of the legal opposition”; it was a real coup d’etat.
The Nazis in Germany actively collaborated with monopolists, appointing them to government posts and assigning high ranks in the SS, or appointing them as governors of individual provinces, mainly those where their production was located. To limit the labor movement and the rights of workers, in 1934 the law “On the streamlining of national labor” was adopted, according to which workers must remain loyal to the Fuhrer of production - its owner. In the summer of 1935, the law “On Labor Service” was adopted. The alliance of Nazism and monopolies was further strengthened by the fact that many of the Nazi elite became owners or co-owners of concerns and syndicates (Goering) and millionaires. Under the Nazis in Germany, the interweaving of the financial oligarchy with state power reached its apogee, and state-monopoly capitalism developed.
Could the states of “Western democracies” stop the development of Nazism in Germany and prevent a new war? Perhaps if they stopped their financial assistance. But their governments hoped that Hitler was preparing Germany for war against the USSR, and that Nazi Germany (the Third Reich) would, like a boa constrictor, digest the territory of the USSR piece by piece and, therefore, it would have no time for the West. They were assured of this by the speeches of Hitler, who declared: “The conquest of new markets... and, perhaps, this is the best thing - the seizure of new living space in the East and its merciless Germanization.” It was argued that there was very little living space for the German people and that a radical change in the situation was necessary.
The Third Reich feverishly prepared for war, investment in the military-industrial complex increased significantly, the Wehrmacht, Kriegmarine and especially the Luftwaffe were strengthened. In the Junkers concern alone, annual financial turnover increased 9 times, and the number of divisions more than tripled. Although according to the state program by 1935 there should have been 1,610 combat aircraft, 2,500 of them were built. The significant predominance of bombers (50%) over fighters (12%) in the Luftwaffe indicates that this was attack aircraft, not defense. All military construction was carried out in accordance with the Law “On the Defense of the Reich” of May 21, 1935. Providing ideological preparation for the upcoming war, Nazi propaganda asserted: “The war of the future will be total, not only in terms of the intensity of all forces, but also in its consequences; according to the internal logic of a total war, the same victory corresponds to it. Total victory means the complete destruction of the defeated people, its complete and final disappearance from the stage of history.” It was also argued that the war would be lightning fast and ruthless, without respect for international law and morality.
The foreign policy of the Third Reich was designed to ensure its aggressive aspirations and, first of all, to prevent the creation of a system of collective security and coalitions that could resist the fascist bloc. This task was made easier by the policy of Western states, which sought to isolate the USSR in the international arena, and after Hitler came to power, Germany was also involved for this purpose. An example of such a course is the “Pact of Four”, developed by B. Mussolini and supported by the governments of England and the USA. The pact was signed in Rome on July 15, 1933. It talked about maintaining peace, but in reality it provided for the dictatorship of the four powers in Europe. Germany was recognized as having equal rights in matters of weapons and colonies. In essence, it was a conspiracy between the governments of England and France, who hoped to turn Hitler’s war machine east, with the fascist governments of Italy and Germany. The pact strengthened Germany's position in the international arena. At the same time, the pact undermined the system of French alliances and agreements in Europe. The establishment of the fascist regime in Germany was welcomed by the Vatican in the person of Cardinal Pacelli, later by Pope Pius XII. The pact also gave Hitler a free hand in solving problems with Poland regarding Upper Silesia, Gdansk-Danzig and the “Polish corridor”, difficult problems, since Poland was supported in this by England, France and the USA. Having lost the support of the leading powers, Poland was forced to move closer to Germany on the principles of anti-Sovietism, thereby destroying the Franco-Polish alliance. Germany offered the Poles the territory of Soviet Ukraine for participation in a joint war against the USSR under the overall command of Marshal Pilsudski. In the spring of 1933, at the next disarmament conference, the British government carried out the “Macdonald Plan,” which allowed Germany to increase its armed forces from 100 to 200 thousand people with an 8-month service life. Sensing weakness, Hitler increased his claims, and when they were not satisfied, Germany in October 1933 generally announced its withdrawal from the League of Nations and withdrawal from the disarmament conference. In fact, with their demarches, Hitler and his politicians achieved, if not sanctions, then tacit consent from the largest powers in the West for the development of weapons in Germany. The leadership of the USSR correctly assessed the balance of power on the world stage. So, in March 1935 I.V. Stalin, speaking to Lord Privy of the British Press Eden, said: “The situation is worse now than in 1913.” Eden: "Why?" --"Because in 1913 there was one source of military danger - Germany, and now there are two centers of military danger - Germany and Japan."
Conclusion: as the factors leading to war matured, shifts occurred in the socio-political system of the imperialist states: democratic freedoms were eliminated, military-democratic regimes strengthened, and the bases of militarism and the military were strengthened. In short, there is a clearly visible tendency towards an increase in political reaction.
And at this time, fascism appears on the political foreground - a weapon of the most reactionary and militant circles of monopoly capital. Fascism became the main counter-revolutionary and anti-democratic force that threatened humanity with a new world war.
Ministry of Education of the Republic of Khakassia AGOU SPO Sayanogorsk Polytechnic College.
Subject : Preparing Germany for World War II
and its beginning.
Completed:
Dramkov Nikolay
Gennadievich. Group 060ze. Checked: Chernyavskaya Ksenia Sergeevna.
Sayanogrsk 2010
Introduction. 3
I.Armament of Germany………………………………………………………..41.Technique…………………………………………………………………………………..42.Armed forces………………………………………………………………………………63.Normalization of relations with the USSR……………………………………………………6
II. Last week of peace……………………………………………………………..7
1. Polish-German crisis………………………………………….7
2. PositionItaly 10
3. 11
4. Pretext for attack on Poland 15
5. Mussolini Initiative 16
III. The first days of the war 16
1. Policy of England and France in relation to the war 17
2. Presentation of an ultimatum 18
Conclusion 20
References 21
Introduction:
The danger of World War II arose immediately after the end of World War I, from which Germany, having withstood pressure from almost the entire world, emerged embittered and with a desire to take revenge. The Versailles system could not be effective because its direct or indirect victims were the two largest powers on the continent - Germany and Soviet Russia. Mutual understanding between these two powers would lead to the collapse of the Versailles system, which happened in the Italian city of Rapallo, where representatives of Soviet Russia normalized relations with Germany. Another factor that led to the outbreak of World War II was the rise to power of the National Socialists in Germany. The Nazis isolated the country, rallied the collective will, and supported national fanaticism. They instilled in the Germans the idea of the unconditional superiority of the German race and declared it the task of the German people to avenge the defeat in the First World War. National Socialism was also strengthened by the fact that the countries that won the First World War in 1034–39 more or less preferred compromise with the aggressor to forceful confrontation.
I . Armament of Germany.
Technique.
Treaty of Versailles -the treaty that ended World War I, signed at Versailles on June 28, 1919 by the victorious powers: the USA, the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan, etc. on the one hand and defeated Germany on the other -determined the amount of reparations imposed on Germany - $31.5 billion. Weimar leaders made efforts to pay them, but quickly came to the conclusion that this was not realistic. The entire system of pre-war trade in Germany was destroyed. Rich Germans, avoiding taxes, left the country. Germany's military strength was reduced to a minimum. The Reichswehr had no right to exceed the number of 100 thousand people. Germany was not allowed to have military aircraft or submarines. The navy was limited to six battleships, six light cruisers, twelve torpedo boats and twelve destroyers. Part of German territory went to France, Belgium, and Poland. She lost all her colonies. The production and import of weapons was prohibited. Any violation of these conditions was considered as a declaration of war.
But after the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany was still one of the most powerful powers in Europe. Its population was 30 million greater than that of Britain. Even under conditions of constant supervision and control by the victorious countries, the idea of revenge in Germany did not die, and secret preparations were made for a new war. In these days - the days of national humiliation - the basis for the future rise was created - a public and secret alliance of military and industrialists. The main thing for the Germans at this stage was to preserve the Krupp empire - a metallurgical and engineering concern, the main manufacturer of weapons in Germany. To this end, many demonstrative gestures were made, such as the destruction of giant cannon presses in 1920. In fact, all production facilities were transferred abroad - to Holland, Sweden and Denmark. The best Krupp engineers crossed the border of Holland to work in new conditions. The generals and engineers of Germany, placed in harsh conditions, tried to preserve the most important thing: promising models and the equipment that belonged to the future, primarily aviation. The victorious countries allowed the Germans to have only 140 aircraft for commercial purposes. Most firms switched to civilian products. The largest company, Fokker, began producing canoes. But in parallel there was a process similar to the fate of the Krupp factories. The last product, the F-2 bomber, was moved to Holland. A sixth of all production capacity was also moved abroad. The starting point for the development of the navy was for Germany the six old battleships, six cruisers, twelve destroyers and twelve torpedo boats allowed to it. Already in 1922, workshops for the production of submarines and torpedo boats were created outside Germany. The centers of this production were mainly located in the Netherlands, Finland and Spain. The main office, specializing in the development of army weapons, was located in Berlin. It appeared in 1918 under the name “Koch and Kienzle” and was officially a company producing agricultural machinery. The Koch and Kienzle company designed a whole series of tanks, eight types of heavy artillery pieces, howitzers, and machine guns. Oddly enough, Germany found itself in an advantageous position compared to its opponents: they were very reluctant to part with thousands of tanks of older models, while Germany replaced one experimental model after another, introducing the latest technical improvements into them.
2. Armed forces.
The Treaty of Versailles prohibited Germany from having a Reichswehr of more than 100 thousand people. In this situation, Colonel General Hans von Seeckt carefully selected the composition of the authorized officer corps, where no less than seven candidates applied for each place. Half of the officers of this corps consisted of hereditary military men. The question of the general staff was critical. The Treaty of Versailles prohibited the existence of such in any form. Von Seeckt managed to find a way out of the situation: he created the Troop Service, which was supposed to ostensibly determine the military tasks of the Reichswehr. The service had four departments: T-1 solved operational problems, T-2 was responsible for the organizational structure of the armed forces, T-3 analyzed the combat effectiveness and weapons of foreign armies, T-4 headed the analysis of troop training. The officers who later headed the revived general staff were trained here. One of the main areas of activity of the Reichswehr was the continuation of external espionage. The intelligence department was called the Defense Department of the Troop Service. He collected intelligence on the progress of the Soviet-Polish war, and then switched to France.
3. Normalization of relations with the USSR.
In the spring of 1922, German Foreign Minister Walter Rathenau secretly met with the Soviet delegation in the city of Rapallo. Both sides abandoned wartime claims and normalized their relations. In Russia, Germany found safe training centers. Disarmed Germany was under the control of the victors until 1926. The leaders of the Weimar Republic were looking for a way out of isolation. Such an opportunity for military personnel, for example, an air force school in Lipetsk, a chemical warfare school near Saratov, a tank school near Kazan. In the period 1925–1930, there were approximately 200 German specialists in the USSR, later their number increased to 300.
In December 1926, the French and British decided to curtail their control activities in Germany. The end of the control commission in 1927 weakened the secrecy of German military preparations. The Koch and Kienzle company returned to the main Krupp factories. Since that time, the production of self-propelled guns, installations for launching torpedoes, instruments for naval guns, and periscopes began. Subsequently, in one of the German documents one could read: “Of all the guns used in 1931 - 1941, the most valuable were already fully created in 1933.”
II . Last week of the world. 1.. Polish-German crisis.
In the conditions of an obvious German-Polish crisis, the British decided: firstly, to send a personal letter from Chamberlain to Hitler; secondly, to encourage Mussolini “not to cease his restraining influence.” Thus, the bet was placed on the so-called “new Munich”. On August 23, Hitler received a personal message from the British Prime Minister. Having recalled England's obligations towards Poland, Chamberlain devoted most of the letter to attempts to convince the Fuhrer that the issue of his claims to Warsaw could be resolved peacefully. Chamberlain further proposed direct German-Polish negotiations and announced the British government’s readiness to mediate in them. But Hitler again expressed his claims to England for guarantees to Poland, and Germany continued preparing for an attack on Poland.
Her battleship Schleswig-Holstein arrived in Danzig on the morning of August 25 - in accordance with the preparation schedule for the invasion of Poland, which was supposed to begin at dawn on August 26. The artillerymen needed several hours of daylight to identify targets of fire and set sights. At first it was planned to organize a “friendly visit” to Danzig at the end of July of two pocket battleships, two cruisers and a group of auxiliary ships. But on the advice of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it was decided to limit the shipment of Schleswig-Holstein less than a day before the start of the invasion.
Back on August 22, 1939, in his speech at a meeting of generals, Hitler justified his position as follows: “Relations with Poland have become unbearable... My proposals to Poland were thwarted by the intervention of England. It is impossible to allow the initiative to pass into the wrong hands. Now the moment is more favorable than it will be in 2 -3 years. In addition, the political situation is favorable: rivalry between Italy, France and Great Britain in the Mediterranean, strained Japanese-British relations, tension in the Middle East. In reality, England is not going to support Poland. France does not want to get involved in this adventure." Considering the countermeasures that the Western powers might take, Hitler stated that a blockade of Germany would be ineffective. An offensive in the west of the Maginot Line was generally regarded as impossible. And from here he concludes that “such favorable circumstances will no longer exist in 2-3 years. Therefore, let the collision happen now.”
As one can judge from one of the recordings of Hitler’s speech (5 of them have survived), as proof of the reluctance of England and France to help Poland, he referred to their position during the Moscow negotiations. Then Hitler defined the objectives of the operation at the meeting: “The destruction of Poland is in the foreground. The goal is the extermination of manpower, and not the achievement of a certain line. The destruction of Poland remains the first task, even if a war breaks out in the West. Considering the time of year, decisive success should be achieved quickly "The order to proceed will be given shortly, probably on Saturday morning." Thus, the invasion deadline set back on August 14 remained in force.
The final preparations for war were being made. Less than a day remained before the invasion of Poland. The final order was to be confirmed on the afternoon of 25 August. Hitler sends a letter to Mussolini, asking him to confirm that if war breaks out, Italy, in accordance with the Pact of Steel, will take the side of Germany. On the afternoon of August 25, Hitler summons the British Ambassador Neville Henderson and informs him that “the provocations of the Poles have become completely intolerable.” Germany is determined to eliminate this “Macedonian situation” under any conditions. Danzig's problems must and will be resolved. He is ready not only to guarantee the existence of the British Empire, but also, under appropriate conditions, to provide it with the help of the Reich, no matter where it is needed. As for the western direction, he does not pursue any goals there and even agrees to agree to a “reasonable” arms reduction. Hitler's plan was that when it became known about the German invasion of Poland, this new assurance of his desire for “friendship” would simultaneously appear on Chamberlain’s desk. Essentially this was a response to the British government's proposal to conclude a "defensive alliance with the Reich." When London faced the question of fulfilling the “guarantees,” Hitler hoped, such a piece of paper would make it possible to delay the decision, and in the meantime the Wehrmacht would have time to strangle Poland.
Henderson, after meeting Hitler, was under the impression that he wanted to “avoid a world war”; the ambassador recommended that the British cabinet take the proposal “in the most serious manner.”
Meanwhile, on August 25, 15:02. Hitler declares to his envoy: “White plan!” He instantly understands: the order to invade Poland the next morning has been confirmed! He quickly conveys the order to the high command. A huge war machine is put into action. There is an unimaginable bustle in the General Staff, orders are flying all over the place. Telephone communications with foreign missions have been interrupted, and civil aviation has ceased flights. German citizens living in England, France, Belgium and Poland have been instructed to immediately return to their homeland.
At 17.30 the Reich Chancellor receives the French Ambassador Coulondre. He gives him a personal message to pass on to Daladier. The Reich has no hostile intentions towards France, the Fuhrer writes, the very thought of the possibility of a conflict between the two countries is painful for him. But this no longer depends on him: Germany can no longer tolerate “provocations from Poland. If a new incident arises, he will be forced to act. I wish to avoid conflict with your country. I will not attack France, but if she enters into conflict , then I will do anything."
2. Italy's position.
Now Hitler is only waiting for a response from Rome. The answer from Mussolini comes only in the evening. He hands the Reich Chancellor a personal letter from Mussolini: “...Unfortunately, I am forced to inform you that Italy, not having the necessary types of raw materials and weapons, cannot enter the war.” In the official response, Italy's position is stated as follows: "If Germany attacks Poland and the conflict remains localized, Italy will provide Germany with political and economic assistance in the form in which it is needed. If Germany attacks Poland and its allies counterattack Germany, then our intervention, however, could be carried out immediately, provided that Germany immediately provides us with the military equipment and raw materials we need to resist the attack of the French and British, which they will undoubtedly undertake primarily against us."
This is a refusal. The “Pact of Steel” did not work. Moreover, when Hitler talked with the Italian ambassador, he was told by telephone the contents of the Anglo-Polish treaty of mutual assistance, signed in London today at 17.35.
Two such unpleasant news at once knocked Hitler out of the saddle. He perceived the signing of the treaty with Poland by England (completely mistakenly) as evidence of the failure of the diplomatic demarche he had undertaken in the morning of the same day through Henderson. (In fact, Henderson’s telegram, containing Hitler’s proposal for the “defense of the British Empire,” arrived in London only half an hour later, at 18:25 on August 25). The Fuhrer immediately demanded Brauchitsch to call off the invasion.
You can try to stop the troops at the very border,” Brauchitsch replied.
Then cancel the order immediately!
There is panic at the General Staff of the Ground Forces. Call off the offensive when the final order has been received and the entire army is on the move!
3. Latest attempts at negotiations.
What did Hitler expect by postponing the invasion? He just needed time to negotiate. The Fuhrer had the goal, Churchill writes in his memoirs, “to enable His Majesty’s government to evade fulfillment of guarantees.” The British government has already decided to do this. And Hitler wanted to make sure once again that this was exactly the case.
During those same days, secret negotiations between Germany and England were conducted through an intermediary, the Swedish industrialist Dahlerus. Dahlerus hurried to London with Goering's proposals, where he was received by Halifax immediately after the signing of the Anglo-Polish treaty - at 18:15 - a fact indicating the importance the Foreign Office attached to negotiations through a Swedish intermediary. Halifax already knew about the Fuehrer's proposal made four hours earlier and conveyed by Henderson by telephone. Halifax told Dahlerus that he now viewed the situation more optimistically. Everything seemed to be going according to last year’s Munich scenario. Dahlerus flies between Berlin and London. Finally, after series of mutual mistrust, Goering defined the specific points of Germany's demands.
The end result was the following program. In the first place is the conclusion of an alliance with England, which, according to Hitler, will ensure a peaceful resolution of all political and economic issues in relations between the two countries. Next, Germany demands the transfer of Danzig, in return promising to “guarantee” new Polish borders. And in addition, Germany undertakes to defend England in the event of an attack on it.
In London, it seemed that the way was opening for "saving the world" by concluding an agreement with Germany. But in a complex diplomatic game, England had to give Poland “guarantees” and it is now unclear what to do with them.
On August 27, 1939, Dahlerus announced the decision of the British government: England basically agrees to conclude an agreement with Germany, read the answer to the first point of Hitler’s proposals. As for the claims not to Danzig and the corridor, British diplomacy considered it possible to resolve the issue through direct negotiations with Poland.
What goal did the British pursue in relation to Poland? The true goals of diplomacy conducted by London towards Poland are also recognized by the famous English historian J. Toland. He emphasizes that the signing of the Anglo-Polish treaty precisely in those days, “a few hours after Hitler made his “last” offer to England, was not accidental. This guarantee of military assistance could create such a strong false sense of security among the Poles, that they will refuse negotiations with Germany."
Regarding the English answer, Hitler expressed only one conclusion: “England must persuade Poland to immediately agree to negotiations with Germany, and it is extremely desirable that the answer that will be delivered by Henderson should reflect this commitment to convince Poland.”
The result of these secret negotiations was a conversation between Henderson and Hitler, where Henderson did not exclude an alliance between Germany and England, and Hitler demanded, in addition to Danzig, the correction of the border in the Silesian region.
As for the French guarantees to Poland, in furtherance of the 1921 treaty that existed between the two countries, on May 19, 1939, a protocol was signed in Paris. It provided for specific forms and timing of assistance: French aviation would immediately begin military operations against Germany. On the third day of mobilization, France would open military action against Germany on a limited scale; starting from the 15th day of mobilization, these actions will be carried out by the main forces of the French army.
But the French managed to turn this commitment into an empty piece of paper, declaring that it would come into force only after the signing of an additional political agreement, which they had no intention of signing.
Hitler's diplomatic game yielded results. Thus, by delaying the attack, Hitler received a double benefit. The first impression from the British government's response is a general willingness to negotiate, with no unacceptable demands. The ruling circles of France generally seemed indifferent; the only thing they demanded from Hitler was “assurances of a desire for peace.” Everything is going as planned. Now all that is needed to attack Poland is a pretext. At about 7 pm on August 29, Hitler handed Henderson his answer, which illuminated the state of German-Polish relations in gloomy colors. The “barbaric” treatment of people of German origin in Poland is no longer tolerable, the Fuehrer wrote. The Reich government is skeptical about the possibility of resolving the issue through direct German-Polish negotiations proposed by England. Hitler is prepared to accept Britain's offer of good offices and expects a Polish representative with the necessary powers to arrive the next day, August 30th. Giving such a short period of time was like an ultimatum.
Henderson asked what terms were being offered to Poland. Hitler replied that this was a complete revision of the Treaty of Versailles. In addition, the return of Danzig to the Reich and the adoption of measures to ensure the safety of the German population in Poland. According to the meaning of the assumed functions of a mediator, the British government should have outlined the content of Hitler’s demands to Poland, because Germany did not bring them to the attention of Warsaw. During August 30, the situation worsened from hour to hour. Berlin was "expecting" the Polish representative. Warsaw asked London to inform it as soon as possible about the content of German demands. Halifax gave instructions to carry out a demarche in Warsaw only after receiving a message from Henderson that he had agreed to meet with Ribbentrop. Thus, the possibility of a Polish representative appearing in Berlin on the date appointed by Hitler was completely excluded. Knowing that Hitler was looking for a pretext for aggression against Poland, British diplomacy actually presented him with such a gift.
At the end of Ribbentrop's conversation with Henderson, the former read out a document in German on several typewritten pages, which outlined Hitler's new "magnanimous" proposals regarding Poland. They consisted of 16 points. Hoping that the document would be handed to him in accordance with diplomatic rules, Henderson, as he later explained, did not bother to remember them. When, at the end of the conversation, he asked for the text of these proposals, Ribbentrop said that they were already out of date, since the Polish representative had not appeared.
This was the diplomatic move of the Nazis. The "16 points" were intended to create the impression that the Reich was striving to resolve the conflict in a more or less "democratic" form. However, the text of the conditions was not communicated to either Poland or Henderson.
The Nazis feared that the Polish government might agree to begin negotiations on their basis. And the order to the troops had already been given - less than 30 hours remained before the invasion.
On August 31 at 12.40 Hitler called Keitel and gave instructions for the entry into force of Directive No. 1 on the conduct of war. The day of the offensive was September 1, 1939. The beginning of the offensive is 4 hours 45 minutes. The directive ordered strict adherence to defensive tactics in the West.
On the afternoon of August 31, 1939, at the request of the Polish Ambassador Lipski, he was received by Ribbentrop. Lipski said that Warsaw was “studying in a favorable spirit” the proposal for negotiations with the Reich and would provide an official response a few hours later. But the instructions contained one more - strictly secret - paragraph: “Under no circumstances allow yourself to be drawn into negotiations on practical issues. If the Reich government communicates its proposals to you verbally or in writing, you must declare that you have absolutely no authority to do so.” to agree with them or discuss them." But it was all the same. The order to begin the offensive was given. This telegram was the last brick in the wall of the created pretext.
4. The pretext for attacking Poland.
The plan of provocation on the border was developed by Heydrich. According to his calculations it should look like this. Several Poles hijack a radio station in Gleiwitz for just a few minutes, broadcast a pre-prepared text, and the radio station is "accidentally" connected to the German broadcast network. The next day, newspapers will publish photos of those killed in the shootout, only 1-2 corpses in Polish uniform.
In reality, this is almost exactly what happened. At the appointed time, the SS men, led by Alfred Naujoks, burst into the radio station and broadcast a text with harsh anti-German statements. That same evening, all German radio stations broadcast a message from the chief of police in Gleiwitz: “At about 20 o’clock the radio transmission point in Gleiwitz was attacked and temporarily captured by a group of armed Poles. The raiders were repulsed by the German border police. During the shootout, one of them was mortally wounded.” . This was the first casualty of the Second World War.
At 21:00 German radio broadcast an official statement. It stated that, having little faith in the intention of the Polish government to reach an agreement, the Reich government nevertheless agreed to negotiations. Given the urgency of the issue and the desire to avoid disaster, it stated that it was ready to receive before the August 30 deadline a Polish representative authorized to negotiate and conclude an agreement. In response to the “benevolent” position of the Reich, Warsaw announced mobilization
5. Mussolini Initiative.
Meanwhile, Mussolini unexpectedly develops unusual activity, taking into his own hands the initiative for a peaceful settlement. The English and French ambassadors were invited to the Chigi Palace at about one o'clock in the afternoon on August 31st. They are informed of the Duce’s proposal to convene a conference on September 5 with the participation of England, France, Germany and, of course, Italy to revise the Treaty of Versailles, which is “the cause of real complications”... Mussolini is ready to approach Hitler with this project, but subject to prior consent England and France. So, a new Munich is proposed.
III. The first days of the war.
4 hours 45 minutes. Without a formal declaration of war, the Third Reich launched an invasion of Poland along the entire border. That same morning, Hitler spoke in the Reichstag. In his speech, he stated that he no longer saw any desire on the part of the Polish government to negotiate, and, therefore, intended to speak with him in the language of war. But he assured that the border with France was inviolable for him, and offered England friendship and cooperation.
1. The policy of England and France in relation to the war.
Late in the evening of September 1, the British and French ambassadors in Berlin presented Ribbentrop with identical notes. Stating the fact of the invasion of German troops into Polish territory, the governments of both countries stated: It “seems” to them that the created conditions require the fulfillment of their obligations regarding Poland. If the German government does not provide “satisfactory assurances” that it has stopped aggression, England and France will provide assistance to the Poles.
The meaning of the notes was an ultimatum. However, this was a very strange ultimatum for diplomatic practice: it did not indicate a deadline for Germany to fulfill the conditions put forward. England and France are in no hurry to fulfill their obligations. Their parliaments are just about to meet on September 2.
The belief in a new Munich is so strong that France is putting pressure on Mussolini to insist on convening his proposed conference. Since Mussolini showed obvious interest in the conference, he instructed the Italian ambassador in Berlin to convey the following message: “Italy has the opportunity to obtain the consent of England, France and Poland to the following conditions:
1. The armies will remain where they are currently.
2. Convening a conference within 2-3 days.
3. Resolution of the Polish-German conflict, which, given the state of affairs today, will certainly be favorable for Germany."
Ribbentrop said that the Duce's proposal was late, since the British and French ambassadors had already presented their notes yesterday.
On September 2, 1939, the British cabinet met, but, despite long negotiations with the French government and heated debates within the cabinet itself, the text and duration of the ultimatum was never discussed.
On the evening of September 2, Ribbentrop unexpectedly proposed the following: “The Fuhrer is ready to withdraw troops from Poland and offer compensation for losses, provided that we get Danzig, and England agrees to be a mediator. You are authorized to convey this proposal to the British cabinet and immediately begin negotiations.” But at the same time as this proposal, Wilson received news that Chamberlain would issue an ultimatum separately from France. This was the only result of the work of the British cabinet on September 2.
2. Presentation of an ultimatum.
On the night of September 2–3, the British cabinet decided to deliver an ultimatum at 9 a.m. on September 3, expiring at 11 a.m. At 9 a.m. Henderson read out the English ultimatum. Despite the fact that more than 24 hours have passed since the delivery of the British government's note dated September 1, the document said, there has been no response yet; The German attack on Poland continues. If Great Britain does not receive satisfactory assurances by 11 o'clock on September 3, then from that hour it will consider itself in a state of war with Germany.
The Germans made their last attempt to use Dahlerus on September 3. At 10 am he called the Foreign Office and stated that it was impossible to agree on the withdrawal of troops. But if reciprocity of benefits and concessions is ensured, Germany agrees to convening a conference; it does not intend to violate the vital interests of Poland. If a conference could be convened, the opportunity would open for securing peace, and by calling at 10.50 (that is, 10 minutes before the expiration of the English ultimatum), he announced that the German government had already sent its response, although it could not be guaranteed that it would be in time by 11 o'clock. As a "last resort" he suggested that Goering fly to London immediately to discuss the problem.
Halifax's reply stated that the British government could not expect further negotiations with Goering. The French ultimatum was presented on September 3 at 12 noon. His term expired at 17.00. From that moment on, France was at war with Germany. Following England and France, the British dominions - Australia, New Zealand, the Union of South Africa and Canada, as well as India, which was then a colony, declared a state of war with Germany. From that moment on, the world war, the specter of which had been hovering over Europe in recent months, became a reality.
Conclusion:
The Second World War is one of the most instructive pages in world history. Any war is actually a continuation of the previous one. This happened with the first and second world wars. One of the reasons for the Second World War is the conditions that Germany had to comply with after the First World War. The victorious countries of the First World War first forced Germany to sign a humiliating treaty, and then turned a blind eye to how it, bypassing this treaty, rearmed itself and formed a new army. European countries had many opportunities to prevent the Second World War, but they did not take advantage of them. They believed that the war would pass them by. After the entry of German troops into the demilitarized Rhineland, the USSR Ambassador to London I. Maisky said: “There are people who believe that the war can be localized. This is the greatest self-deception... The world is indivisible.” In the end, everyone who hopes to be pardoned by the aggressor because they sacrificed their neighbors for him will sooner or later find themselves in the place of these neighbors. For example, the USSR, which signed with Germany
There are no countries that can live separately, independently of their neighbors or even at the expense of them, and therefore
Churchill, the most perspicacious politician in Europe at that time, adhered to the same position, but they did not want to listen to his opinion.
Bibliography:
History of international relations. Textbook. M., 1990.
The Great Patriotic War 1941-1945: Dictionary-reference book M., 1988.
D. Melnikov, L. Chernaya. Criminal number 1: the Nazi regime and its Fuhrer, M., News, 1991.
A. Utkin. Russia above the abyss: 1918 - December 1941 Smolensk, 2000.
K. Hippelskikh. History of the Second World War volume 1, St. Petersburg, 1994.
G.-A. Jacobsen, A. Taylor World War II: two views, M., 1995.
7. http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_World_War.