Alexander Morozov is a personality known not only in the Southern Urals. In the first post-Soviet years, he caused a lot of noise with his extravagant antics in the political arena and in.
Alexander Ivanovich Morozov was born in 1969 in Zlatoust in the family of a kindergarten teacher and a railway worker. After the eighth grade of high school, he entered the Zlatoust Metallurgical College, but never completed it.
Master of sports in boxing Alexander Morozov put together a group in his native Zlatoust back in the early 90s. The core of his brigade was made up of former and current athletes, as well as veterans of the war in Afghanistan.
They started, like other gangs, by seizing tents and small shops, the owners of which were forced to impose “security services” under threat of physical violence. By 1994, Morozov became the owner of most of the commercial kiosks in Zlatoust.
Quite quickly, Alexander Morozov’s group ousted its competitors from the city - purely criminal gangster groups.
The business that Morozov took up fit well into the business and everyday environment in the glorious city of Zlatoust. Vodka was available from the kiosks around the clock; at first, demand exceeded supply; there was enough room in the sun for everyone. Morozov bought grain, delivered it to distilleries, and the Ural Cossack plant paid with vodka. In Tyubuk, the distillery was managed by Dyatlov, who paid attention to a tenacious guy, and he, greedy and tenacious of the people he needed, put the Tyubuk director in his computer memory. Even then, people started talking about privatization, Morozov was listening to new concepts, Dyatlov was complaining that one guy was in the way... Soon this guy was hit by a car, and Dyatlov, talking about this, looked carefully at the grain supplier. They will be separated for several years, but at the right moment they will remember each other...
Cool morals
Having grown stronger and having replaced baseball bats with automatic weapons, the Morozovites decided to take control of the large enterprises of Zlatoust.
To this end, Alexander Morozov and his people began to “assault” the top managers of the Zlatoust Metallurgical Plant, which produces hundreds of grades of high-quality steel. The bandits kidnapped one of the leaders of the enterprise several times, bringing him to their leader, who, in turn, offered to share the profits. But nothing came of this venture. The directorate of the metallurgical plant complained to the FSB, and the counterintelligence officers clearly explained to the racketeer Morozov that he should moderate his appetite.
The Kazak Uralsky plant subsequently fell completely under the control of the Morozovites.
He was forced to go to the bottom for a while, and when counterintelligence lost interest in him, he decided to get into the vodka business. He already controlled several companies selling vodka, which was produced by the local state-owned enterprise “Cossack Uralsky”. But Alexander Morozov decided that they did not have to pay the supplier for alcohol. The traditional threats followed, and “Cossack Uralsky” began selling vodka to Morozov’s companies for free. As a result, the state-owned enterprise almost went bankrupt. There was a change of management, and the new general director Georgy Podshivalov, having learned that the debt of the distributors had reached several hundred billion rubles (non-denominated), ordered the sale of products only on prepayment.
At that time, three people ran the vodka trade in Zlatoust: Morozov, Mikhalchenko and Bykovsky. Bykovsky agreed to work with Morozov, and Mikhalchenko, a strong, strong man, answered the threat briefly: “I’ll rip your head off.” It was no longer possible to talk to Alexander Morozov in such a tone.
Bykovsky and Mikhalchenko traded on their own, and the time for loners has passed. For a long time, Morozov carefully studied young guys who had returned from service, staggering around with nothing to do. He gave the task to his younger brother, who brought the guy. “Boar,” he introduced him to Morozov. The nickname corresponded to both appearance and character. In Uncle Vasya's troops (Airborne Forces), they teach well, but you won't fit into civilian life right away. Paratrooper Mikhail Kobelev swore the oath for the second time and did not break his oath to Morozov. The group he created on Morozov's orders took Zlatoust without a fight.
Boris Mikhalchenko did not calculate his strength. He was killed on the street, near his house, in front of his neighbors. It’s even good that it’s visible: let everyone know who’s boss in the city. The vodka trade was completely transferred to Morozov. Kiosks operate on all streets. The plant increased its supply. Money was brought into the common fund in bags.
Morozovites do business in Moscow
If you don’t pay for the goods right away, you can use the plant’s money through banks. This is what the commercial director advises Morozov - his people contact the Russian Acceptance Bank, the April Bank. Both banks are controlled by Moscow groups - Oleg Malakhov, a bandit and at the same time a member of the board of directors in the acceptance bank. In the Moscow tavern "Likhobory" they shook hands, cashiers from Zlatoust fly to Moscow weekly, the amount of Morozov's deposit in the acceptance form makes him the actual owner of the bank, and the Moscow authority Malakhov likes the Zlatoust gang less and less. We'll have to fly to Moscow if someone there needs problems...
Not only in Chelyabinsk, but also in the capital they now lived in grand style. They met their cars at the airport, their people set up a cottage, they drove along the Moscow streets in a column, just without flashing lights. Alexander Morozov was quick to make decisions, felt at home everywhere and did not look back at Moscow customs. At the April bank, as he predicted, someone was cheating him with money. The owner, who went by the nickname Schwartz, gave in immediately and offered a good apartment in compensation, which was registered in Morozov’s name that same day. The owner of the Scarlet Flower company, as Morozov was informed, continued to persist and refused to pay the fine of 30 thousand dollars imposed on him. “Is the grave ready?” - Morozov asked briefly. He didn't like to give orders twice, and his men tried not to do things he didn't like. Therefore, the grave was ready.
In the forest where the owner of the “Scarlet Flower” was taken, he was tied to a tree next to a freshly dug hole. “This is for you,” they told him and shot him on the legs to tickle him a little. In the forest near Moscow they behaved as at Chrysostom, without looking back, without hiding, without lowering their voices.
The world is a small place in Moscow, the owner of “Flower” was connected with Oleg Malakhov. We met again in “Likhobory”, where Malakhov gave money for the debtor, but could not contain his displeasure: they say, I don’t understand who is the boss here in Moscow now. “Of course you are,” Morozov assured him. Oleg Malakhov was killed under unclear circumstances, and who will find out: the police encourage inter-group squabbles. Well, everyone who wanted problems, everyone got them. Now home - to my father’s city of Zlatoust and its suburb, Chelyaba.
Murder of Podshivalov and change of leadership
Chelyab also has experts in creating problems. Podshivalov issues an order to stop releasing goods for sale to Morozov's companies. For debts that really amounted to a huge amount. Morozov goes to the general director of “Kazak”, but he is adamant: “No. I won’t let the Zlatoust boys waste my money.” He said this in vain, and Morozov patiently repeated his request. “Without prepayment, not a bottle,” said Podshivalov. “And while I’m the director here...” He emphasized this all the more in vain.
The fact is that human life is expensive only for its owner. In general, it is not the most expensive product in recent times, and there are people who will tell anyone exactly what its price is today. The disruption of the supply of vodka caused Morozov a loss of several million rubles, and rarely does a person cost so much. Morozov immediately assembled a commercial service and offered to issue an express analysis. The current losses were accurately determined. It was noted that the plant has long needed its own people, especially since it’s time to think about privatization. “Be more specific,” Morozov ordered, and his commercial director issued a unique financial and organizational verdict for a financial officer: “Fuck off.”
Morozov called Boar. A year ago, Podshivalov was beaten in the entrance, and Morozov decided to imitate a continuation of last year’s incident. But tightly. “Can you handle the bars?” - he asked Boar. He grinned.
At the base where they kept a vodka warehouse, they took three meter-long reinforcing bars. Morozov decided to control the matter and kept an eye on Kaban from the car. He waved the rod at him: don’t waste yourself, boss. Podshivalov came out of the entrance with a briefcase in his hand. He nodded to the woman who was walking her dog, and to another woman with a stroller. It was just February, the day had arrived, and Morozov saw everything well. The boar's first blow knocked out the case so that it would not cover him. The second blow to the head knocked him to the ground. The women screamed and ran. The boar hit him on the head two more times and heard a familiar crunch: he was good at using the means of combat at hand. “Okay, boss,” he said, getting into the car. They left. Podshivalov, without regaining consciousness, died in the hospital.
Still strange. One, two, three were killed before our eyes and did not hide, did not run headlong, but departed in cars, as if they were guests. No one goes as a witness, no one writes secretly. Fear? It's secondary. The root cause of silence is social. They kill each other, their own people, people like them. An ordinary man will not be given a fine of 30 thousand dollars. Ordinary people do not work as directors and do not run a vodka trade. The rich beat the rich. The rich do not share their joys with us, we do not share their sorrows. Of course, a butterfly will scream in fright, a passer-by will huddle in the entrance, and a curious neighbor’s eye will look through the window, through the crack, slightly touching the curtain, and see everything. Even a good neighbor will rejoice, looking at what just recently was a rich, loud, impudent reproach of his poverty, lethargy, and boredom.
Soon, a respectable businessman and promising young politician, Alexander Morozov, paid business visits to the leaders of the region. He is concerned about the situation with the production of vodka and recommends an experienced, serious specialist for the position of general director of the Kazak Uralsky plant. The then head of the regional legislative body met this specialist and asked for the opinion of the head of the agriculture department, to which the plant was subordinated at that time. Altynbaev ran for the State Duma, and, wow, it’s a small world again! - in the Zlatoust district, where you can’t miss Alexander Morozov. Therefore, the head of the department supported Morozov’s nominee, and he became the general director of Cossack. Have you forgotten Dyatlov from Tube? Alexander Morozov did not forget him either. Morozov sent two people from his group, excellent commercial specialists, to Dyatlov as deputies, and all four main accounting posts were occupied by Morozov’s relatives. Money flowed into Moscow banks like a river.
His large farm worked with colossal efficiency, cared for by his people. He channeled huge vodka profits into the legal tourism business, real estate in Moscow and abroad. Morozov generously paid his comrades-in-arms, spared no money on the militants, and gradually the Morozovites became the idols of the Zlatoust youth. Power and money worked for the authority of the group and for the owner himself.
Morozov treats Chechen militants
Over time, Mr. Morozov, who apparently was quite tired of all this criminality, became involved in politics and charity. He organized the Terek Foundation, which managed to come to an agreement with a number of enterprises in the Chelyabinsk region to allocate money (or products) for the rehabilitation of war veterans in Chechnya and the ransom of captured soldiers from militants. The foundation even has a branch in Grozny.
Later it turned out that most of the minutes of the founding meetings of the foundation and its branches were forged, despite the fact that the lists of participants included guys who actually served in military service in Chechnya. And in fact, Terek was led by 27-year-old businessman Alexander Morozov, who had not fought in Chechnya for a single day. On behalf of the fund, signed by D. Mukhitdinov and then other chairmen, letters were sent to enterprises in Chelyabinsk, Magnitogorsk, Zlatoust, Satka and other cities with convincing requests to provide charitable assistance to Terek. In response, some enterprises allocated their products, others transferred sums of money to Terek’s account. Morozov’s associates unanimously claim that their leader did not earn a penny at Terek. On the contrary, he spent about 200 thousand dollars of his money. These funds were used to purchase food packages and gifts, which were sent to all participants in the Chechen war without exception, and charity concerts were organized.
Salman Raduev - 1996
South Ural enterprises allocated money to Terek, of course, not for the idea, but specifically for the personality of Morozov. He knew how to persuade. Having once gathered many Zlatoust businessmen at a restaurant for a gala dinner, Morozov managed to extract a billion rubles from them in one night (in old money, of course).
In 1996, representatives of the fund, in the presence of numerous journalists, donated 100 million rubles to the Zlatoust riot policemen who distinguished themselves in the war. for the purchase of apartments. The money was gratefully accepted, but upon returning from a business trip, the head of the local police immediately ordered all funds to be returned to the fund. “I don’t want to deal with people like Morozov,” he said.
Offended by the police “misunderstanding,” the Terek leader sent a courier with a bag of money to Moscow, supposedly to get medicine for the “Chechens.” Before reaching the capital, he got stuck at one of the tourist centers near Moscow. The Moscow police were running wild, looking for the “Zlatoust billionaire,” and he was having fun in the company of friends. Finally, the whereabouts of the “Terek resident” were discovered and a raid was launched at the camp site. Several hours of a thorough search yielded absolutely no results - the money disappeared into thin air.
The head of the operational group apologized to the Zlatoust man through gritted teeth, and his subordinates saluted as they sadly left the base. And then the last of those leaving decided to drink cold mineral water. The policeman reached into the refrigerator after her, barely opened the door when a waterfall of money “gushed” at him. Without explanation, the money was confiscated, and, despite Terek’s threats to go to court, not a penny was returned to Zlatoust.
Veterans say that the fund saved more than a dozen military personnel, but it all ended in scandal.
And after some time, intelligence officers received information that Terek was organizing treatment not only for Russian soldiers, but also for militants from Salman Raduev’s detachment. Moreover, much more money was spent on Chechens than on Russians.
It is known that Morozov had joint financial projects with a relative of the head of one of Zlatoust’s law enforcement agencies. repeatedly provided financial assistance to the department for combating organized crime. He had connections in the capital's financial and criminal circles.
Veterans of Chechnya want to see him as mayor of Zlatoust. Sweet and alarming is the call of power. The young leader is passionate and ambitious. But in the fight for money, he is used to playing hard. You can’t make a mistake; a freshly dug hole is always ready. No, he is a smart player, and for the umpteenth time the cards have been dealt brilliantly, and he takes away a good jackpot with the wrong hands. You don't have to be the mayor yourself. We need to elect our own mayor.
Big politics
In Zlatoust in 1996, a branch of the “Honor and Motherland” movement was opened, headed by Vladimir Maksimov. Morozov offered him the position of mayor, promising support for the city's youth and, more importantly, financial support for the election campaign. “Honor and Motherland” is associated with General Lebed. The year 1996 was the general’s finest hour; the people believed in no one more than in him, and officers and veterans of Afghanistan and Chechnya marched under the banner of the Swan. Morozov's choice was justified; Maksimov was gaining supporters. Chrysostom, not spoiled by pop stars, flocked to the concerts of Aziza and Kikabidze, they sounded sincerely and powerfully, uniting the stage and the hall: “Honor!”, “Motherland!”, “Swan!” Morozov, who had long known the taste of money and power, for the first time felt the taste of power over the human heart and human soul.
It won't be long before the elections when Morozov learns about his candidate's double game. “I’ll become mayor,” Maksimov carelessly said somewhere, “I’ll see if we need Morozov.” His closest associates were unanimous: death. But a politician, and Morozov was already a politician! — a politician must be able to count. A corpse smells bad on the eve of elections, that's for sure. The corpse will not return the money spent, two. A living corpse is much more useful. Morozov, holding Maksimov in the belief that he did not hear his careless words (a politician needs restraint!), unexpectedly puts forward his candidacy for the post of mayor. Maximov’s amazement is understandable: why, Alexander Ivanovich? Morozov smiled cheerfully:
- Only for insurance. Imagine, you went to Chelyabinsk, and on the way something happened to you. This is where I fit in.
Sometimes his jokes chilled the blood. Morozov called Maksimov the day before the elections, at night: “I want to meet with you.” - "When?" - "Now". The conversation was brief like an officer: “Go to the election commission in the morning. Then to television. Withdraw your candidacy."
A month later, Maksimov received a piece of paper with no words, but simply an amount that was inflated by about five times: expenses for the election campaign. He rushed about, trying to explain himself, to delay, to convince. At night, gasoline was thrown into his office - the office, property, and the deaf-mute boy employee were burned. Morozov called in the morning: “Well, have you had enough of politics?” - and hung up.
Morozov abandoned the Terek Foundation and thoroughly moved into politics. He simultaneously decided to run for deputies of the regional legislative assembly and mayor of Zlatoust. He led the campaign under the slogan “Brave, determined, worthy.” The methods of campaigning were very unusual. Thus, Mr. Morozov’s brigade seized the city hall building for several hours three days before the elections. And when the mayor of the city, Vasily Maltsev, came to work, the candidate who took his seat said: “The power has changed!”
By that time, Morozov had strong ties with regional authorities. He was often seen with the first deputy head of the governor’s administration, Zhakslyk Altynbaev. Then it was believed that the bandit almost “hand-fed” the high-ranking official and his boss Vadim Solovyov. Morozov ruined relations with them when he supported Kostromin in the gubernatorial elections.
One day there was a loud public conflict. The bandit, at his own expense, built and renovated the premises of the Emergency Care Center in Chelyabinsk. Soloviev, who arrived at the opening, began to say that the regional authorities did this. Morozov became so angry that a scuffle and shooting began, and riot police had to be called. And he got away with it. “Show me a prosecutor who will handcuff me!” - Morozov spoke defiantly at a press conference then.
1996 - Alexander Morozov rushes into Vasily Maltsev’s office
But he failed to retain power - Mr. Morozov did not become mayor. But he managed to get elected to the regional legislative assembly. He appointed ten of his closest accomplices as assistants to the ZSO deputy. He made another of his own deputy head of the city for youth affairs. Morozov's support made regional official Altynbaev a deputy of the State Duma. In gratitude, he accepted Morozov’s friend into the Department of Agriculture as a curator of the wine and vodka industry. “Ural Cossack” finally came under the control of Alexander Morozov’s group. Commodity-money-commodity, Marx’s formula was replaced in our conditions by money-politics-money, which quite suited the politician Morozov himself, his financiers, and the guys from the Kaban combat unit, who knew how to instill in their fellow countrymen a convincing formula of real power in Zlatoust.
At the end of 1996, speaking on the television program “Moment of Truth,” Governor Vadim Solovyov called Morozov the man who controls the region’s vodka mafia.
“They call us the mafia,” Morozov later said, “This is beneficial for the current government. But what is the mafia? The mafia is an organization that has the levers of power in its hands. There is a government that cares about its people who work for it, and there is a government that doesn’t care about its people.”
They asked him: “Some are afraid to vote for you, they think that you are a mafia... Where does so much money come from in the Terek fund?” You give away so many of them!
— We made money from tourism. We started three years ago and made a lot of money. And we are ready to invest them. But for this we need power. Then we will invest this money in Russia.We have money to give people jobs, and factories - working capital. And then they will earn money. We will be able to pay salaries and pensions - we guarantee this.
Having become a deputy, Morozov automatically received immunity under the regional law in force at that time. And then he headed the committee for the rehabilitation of victims in Chechnya, and then announced that he was creating a regional commission to combat corruption.
In those days, Morozov shouted at the mayor when something was not to his liking, but he remained silent, like a schoolboy in front of the director. He himself entered the office of the general on the Cossack, and the meeting was interrupted, and he angrily reprimanded if something was wrong. And in the corridors of the Legislative Assembly, his strong, broad-shouldered assistants talked loudly, without hiding, as they talked in the forest near Moscow or on the streets of their father’s city.
Regional leaders, administrators and legislators communicated with Morozov as an equal, a person in their circle, one of the most promising young politicians in the region. Perhaps his very large money played a role. Big money, no matter how embarrassed we turn away, inspires respect. Maybe they were secretly afraid of him. The leaders of the region, administrators and politicians knew that he killed many people, but in such cases it is better to pretend that you do not know about it. But when they shook his hand, they were afraid. Morozov knew this secret fear of him, and it suited him - like an ace bought to a ten.
Seizing power at City Hall
It was possible to oust Morozov’s henchmen from “Cossack” only in the mid-90s. Meanwhile, the gang, which had accumulated more than $35 million in its accounts in foreign banks, was already closely involved in the tourism business and the trade in fuel and lubricants.
Law enforcement agencies of the Chelyabinsk region, which all this time had been investigating the activities of deputy Morozov, had already decided that they would never be able to bring him to justice, but chance helped them. In May 1997, the deputy, as usual, was racing in a jeep around Chelyabinsk. Traffic police inspectors on duty on the road tried to stop him, as a result of which Alexander Morozov hit a traffic police officer and fled the scene of the incident. They managed to detain the deputy, and in addition they found a pistol on Morozov. It was these circumstances that made it possible to bring him to trial, which gave deputy Morozov three years in prison.
The ex-deputy Morozov, who ended up in prison, was given every possible support by many well-known politicians: Telman Gdlyan, Lev Rokhlin... And Joseph Kobzon, who more than once called Morozov a comrade, gave him his autographed book in the pre-trial detention center: “Sasha, hold on, we will help you out!”
In 1999, Morozov was about to be released when the regional prosecutor's office transferred a new criminal case to court, in which the former deputy and his associates (they had been arrested by that time) were accused of much more serious crimes: murder, kidnapping, extortion, possession of weapons, rape. But the most serious one, of course, was the charge of organizing a criminal community.
Trial of authority
There was no cage in which all the defendants could be placed in the Chelyabinsk regional court, and four were handcuffed to the bars from the outside. Morozov behaved quite cheerfully. He talked about politics and violations committed by the investigation.
“During the trial, all the accusations against me were completely refuted,” he said at one of the meetings. “Although many of my friends were beaten, and one was generally made a fool. Mikhail Kobelev opened his veins six times, and Albert Khazhin was generally beaten right during the trial, which was closed to the press.”
The journalists who were allowed into the last meeting tried to get from the defendant Morozov the degree of veracity of the information received from the authorities: allegedly one of the defendants, who was under subscription, did not live to see the end of the trial, as he began to testify against the former deputy. After listening to numerous questions on this matter, Morozov calmly replied: “In fact, he wanted to tell the truth - that I am innocent.”
The judge read the verdict for two days. It turned out that not all members of the Morozov gang were arrested. For example, its active participant, known under the nickname Yeltsin, is still at large. He took part in several episodes related to extortion, and when the scandalous mayoral elections were held in Zlatoust, he forced one of the contenders to withdraw his candidacy.
The rest of the bandits could not escape imprisonment. The convicted Morozov received the longest sentence - 20 years in prison with confiscation of property. Moreover, he must spend ten years in prison and pay 300 thousand rubles. victims. The remaining bandits suffered a total of 171 years in prison and camps.
After hearing the verdict, the main convict said that he wanted to appeal right away, but the judge asked him to think it over carefully and not write anything in the courtroom.
Alexander Morozov and his accomplices faced another trial: the economic side of the activities of the criminal community was separated by the prosecutor's office of the Chelyabinsk region into a separate proceeding.
Already behind bars and under investigation, Alexander Morozov took part in the elections to the State Duma of Russia in the Aginsko-Buryat constituency (Chita region). And he took second place. Among two candidates. And Morozov’s only rival, People’s Artist of Russia Joseph Kobzon, received a deputy mandate.
In 2005, the uncovered fraud increased the crime boss’s sentence to 21 years.
Morozov's authority sentence was increased for a fight in prison
The last article under which the disgraced deputy again ended up in the dock is 321 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation - disorganization of the activities of institutions that ensure isolation from society. Or more precisely, the use of non-life-threatening violence against a convicted person out of revenge for his assistance to the colony staff. The investigation established that Morozov, who at that time was serving a sentence in penal colony No. 2 of maximum security, got into a fight with the orderly Semenko.
The showdown took place in the sleeping section of Detachment No. 12 around nine in the evening. According to the testimony of Semenko, who actively collaborated with the administration of the penal colony, when Morozov arrived at the detachment after the punishment cell, he went into the bedroom without taking off his slippers. A reprimand was made to him because there was carpet in the room. Morozov took off his slippers almost at the bedside, while swearing obscenely at the victim.
“Semenko went to him to find out the reason for the rudeness,” says the protocol of the victim’s interview. “Morozov tried to punch him in the face, but hit him in the shoulder. Then he hit me in the body several times,”
The raging prisoner was stopped by witnesses of the fight - convicts Livadny and Askarov. Then a guard came and took Morozov away, shouting that he hated people like Semenko. Later in court, another witness to the brawl, Fattakhov, a former friend of Morozov, will tell that he was actually arrogant towards the rest of the prisoners. In response to Semenko’s remark to take off his slippers, Morozov replied: “And you, sheep, shut your mouth,” says Fattakhov. It would seem that there are enough witnesses, there is nothing to argue with. But the scandalous prisoner’s defense believes otherwise.
“From the materials of the criminal case, it is obvious that the authorities are persecuting Morozov for his activities aimed at combating corruption in government agencies,” said the public defender of the convicted person, who, by the way, in court called himself the “legally unregistered son” of the ex-deputy. “And they do not disdain anything, even using convicted criminal activists. There was clearly a provocation on the part of the IC administration. But judges usually turn a blind eye to such facts. There was no motive for revenge in Alexander Ivanovich’s actions. He was just defending himself. We intend to appeal the decision of the cassation board in the supervisory court.
Lawyer Denis Kulikov, assigned to the defendant (Alexander Morozov refused the services of a paid lawyer, believing that he did not need such services), said that the defenders insisted on reclassifying Article 321, which the defendant is charged with, to a lighter one. Again, based on the fact that there was no retaliation. There were personal animosities and self-defense.
“I defended my rights at the institution, demanded that the employees address me as “you”, asked that they not use obscene words in my presence,” Alexander Morozov said in court. “Because of this, I was deprived of correspondence, recognized as a persistent offender, and put in a pre-trial detention center. Semenko struck first to the head, and then to the solar plexus.
Morozov claims that when a fight broke out, other prisoners began shouting to the guard on duty that he, Morozov, was beating Semenko. And the testimony of three cellmates against him alone is a lost cause from the very beginning.
Friends of Alexander Ivanovich, his aunt (his mother died in a car accident), believe that they simply decided to keep their Sasha behind bars for the rest of his life - they are afraid to let him out. And the law looks at the illegality of the ex-deputy’s actions and evaluates them fairly.
Morozov is suing his former partners from prison
In July 2014, the court met 16 times regarding his claims with different compositions of judges. The plaintiff constantly challenges the actions of the Russian Post, or opposes the qualification board of judges of the Moscow region, or complains about unlawful actions or inaction of officials of the Rosreestr Office in the Moscow region.
One of the claims that Mr. Morozov has already filed several times is against Valery Uldanov. The essence of a civil dispute can be seen in court decisions. As you can understand, the litigation is connected with the Libel LLC enterprise, which still operates on 1st Nizhne-Zavodskaya Street. Once upon a time, the prisoner confesses, he was engaged in criminal activities and legal business. Dirty money was earned, as Morozov himself admits, as a result of fraud with the products of the Ural Cossack. The income received had to be invested somewhere. And for these purposes I chose the “pocket” company “Libel”. Alexander Ivanovich reports that he sent funds there in order to then legalize them and invest them in companies controlled by him and members of the group.
The subtlety of the moment lies in the fact that Morozov claims: in addition to the criminally acquired money, he contributed his personal money to Libel, which he earned in a completely legal way. How exactly is not specified. Now Alexander Morozov is demanding over 500 million rubles.
He says that until March 2013, Valery Uldanov did not refuse his obligations and was ready to repay his debts at the first request of the ex-companion’s representatives. As one can conclude, they are represented by certain K.D. and O.V. Bykovsky - a man and a woman. According to Alexander Morozov, Bykovskaya and Uldanov entered into an agreement in favor of the former, and a little later - an addition to it. It followed from the agreement that, at Morozov’s request, the property of a certain LLC should be transferred to his right hand, or the share in this enterprise would be purchased from Bykovskaya. Mr. Uldanov could not change the terms of these agreements, since then he would run into fines and the need to pay lost profits.
But all agreements collapsed. If you believe the plaintiff, Valery Borisovich nevertheless liquidated the company, but “forgot” to pay. The prisoner even considered that this brought him moral and physical suffering, and therefore asked to be compensated for with a financial equivalent.
As compensation for moral damage, he announced an amount of more than a billion rubles. This judicial story lasted for a long time. The first lawsuit was filed a year and a half ago, but all authorities refused to satisfy his demands. The judges considered: the plaintiff did not provide any evidence that Mr. Uldanov agreed with anyone or anything at all. In addition, Valery Borisovich has not stained himself in any way with criminal punishment, they said in court, which means that no one has yet proven that he was involved in criminal schemes, for example, in the same “Libel”.
While Alexander Morozov is behind bars, many details of the past remain with him, only occasionally breaking through to the light in separate lawsuits. It is possible that when the famous crime boss is released, society will have to learn a lot more new and breathtaking things about the history of the city of Zlatoust, which managed to go back not so far ago.
An authority figure released from prison
In August 2016, crime boss Alexander Morozov was released from IK-6 in Omsk. According to the latest known data, the authority is planning to return to his hometown. He spent 19 years in prison, where he became a religious figure. He intends to create the Monastic Order “Brotherhood of Chrysostom”, and is also going to help the victims of his crimes.
But first, as the authority puts it, it is necessary to return your property, which was appropriated by Valery Uldanov, Zlatoust’s businessman. Uldanov practically owns the shopping centers “Katrin”, “Nastenka” and others. Morozov is convinced that the businessman fraudulently obtained the assets of these companies. Now they need to be handed over to the rightful hands. But most likely it will be in six months.
Cornet Govorukhin has been drinking for three weeks now. I drank from the very day when I learned that Colonel Nazarov had reappeared in the reeds near Elizavetinskaya.
“The three-wire devil has swum out,” muttered the cornet upon hearing this news.
And again he remembered the August night when he and the colonel sailed across the fast Manych River.
This happened about a year ago. The landing force, abandoned on Wrangel's orders from the Crimea near Taganrog, ended ingloriously. The landing force was commanded by Colonel Nazarov. Half of the landing party died right there on the deserted Azov coast. Nazarov managed to take the second half to the north.
They walked along the right bank of the Don for a month. They carried out reprisals against the Soviets, against small detachments of Reds. But at the village of Konstantinovskaya, the Reds threw regular units at them.
The battle lasted for two days, and the cornet still cannot understand how he and Colonel Nazarov managed to escape. Near Manych itself, near a small farm, some detachment overtook them. The horses were shot, and the colonel was wounded in the shoulder. Still, they left, lay in the woods until evening, and at night sailed through Manych. The cornet took the colonel's weapon for himself. We had already reached the halfway point when the colonel began to drown...
The cornet will never forget how a slippery and cold hand grabbed him by the shoulder and dragged him under the water. The cornet turned away, pushed the colonel away with his foot and, unconscious of himself, tensed to the point of cramping, swam ashore. I lay on the sand for an hour. There was no one…
Then he returned to the Don. Here he was found by a representative of the underground headquarters of the ORA from Rostov.
At that time, many white armies and detachments were hiding in the Don reeds. Little by little, two hundred desperate people, who had nothing to lose, came to him in the winter. The Rostov organization provided me with money and promised to give me high ranks. And most importantly, Govorukhin learned in great secrecy that an English landing from the Black Sea was expected in mid-summer and the independence of the Don would be proclaimed.
By spring, the cornet managed to place a total of one and a half thousand sabers under his command. He had his own people both in the village Soviets and in the military departments. Of course, he did not keep all his strength together: some in the reeds, some in the farmsteads. However, if necessary, he could gather everyone in a few hours.
It was hinted to Govorukhin that Baron Wrangel himself was informed of his efforts. In his dreams, the cornet saw himself wearing colonel's shoulder straps, and even... who knows...
And suddenly Nazarov. It was as if a tub of cold water had been poured on Govorukhin. That's where he started drinking.
Govorukhin was sitting in the hut with the commander of the first hundred, Borovkov. On the table, among the bottles and bowls of snacks, a gramophone sparkled with a red bell:
Bloody William dances the tango
Although he was defeated both from the rear and from the flank...
Here you are, Thaddeus Ivanovich,” Borovkov said, “you were in Germany. I heard there was a revolution there too. Well, here, I understand, the Germans carried out a revolution. But who do the Germans have?
They didn't have a revolution! - said Govorukhin, drawing out his words in a drunken way. - It wasn’t and couldn’t be. The Germans, brother, are neat people!
What? - Govorukhin asked and, looking up, saw his orderly and a stranger in a tunic without shoulder straps at the door.
Who it? I told you not to...
Allow me to report, your honor,” the orderly reported, “they are from their honor, Colonel Nazarov.
As if frightened by something, the gramophone fell silent, only the needle continued to scrape the record with a hiss. Govorukhin hit it with his fist. The hundred-year-old Borovkov, sensing something was wrong, stood up.
Who it? - Govorukhin asked gloomily, looking at the guest.
Lieutenant Remizov, with a special assignment from Mr. Colonel.
From the colonel? - he finally asked. -What is the colonel's name?
“Ivan Semyonovich,” the lieutenant shrugged in surprise.
The cornet, staggering, stood up and suddenly yelled wildly at Borovkov and the orderly:
What are you staring at? Get out of here! And so that not a single soul!…
The lieutenant, without waiting for an invitation, sat down. Govorukhin poured moonshine into two glasses. The neck of the bottle clinked loudly against the edge.
“Drink, lieutenant,” he said.
Maybe let's talk about business first?
Welcome,” Govorukhin replied, throwing the glass down his throat.
Remizov took a sip from his glass and winced in disgust.
Govorukhin took a pickled cucumber from the table.
Did Ivan Semyonovich tell you anything about me?
N-no,” under Govorukhin’s steady, drunken gaze, the lieutenant seemed to feel awkward. - I have orders to make an appointment with you.
Why do I need this? - Govorukhin poured moonshine again, but this time only for himself.
This is the directive from Rostov.
Only one thought sat like a nail in Govorukhin’s poisoned brain: does Colonel Mangch remember? It happens that people forget, or maybe he lost consciousness then?
Okay, he said. - I'll meet with the colonel. Only face to face. Well, let's say at seven in the evening. Mill near the Surchinsky farm.
Can I hope that Mr. Cornet will not forget tomorrow?
Govorukhin’s red face turned even more purple.
Listen,” he said suddenly quietly, “what if I spank you now?”
You will be responsible to ORA headquarters! - the lieutenant answered calmly, and something in his tone told the cornet that his six-month freedom was over.
Okay, get out of here! - he said.
The next day, with ten reliable Cossacks, Govorukhin galloped to the Surchinsky farm. The detachment walked openly, because everyone had documents certifying that the riders belonged to the police, which was confirmed by a signature and a seal.
About five o'clock two horsemen appeared on the road emerging from the ravine. They conferred about something in full view of the Govorukhin detachment. Then one moved towards the windmill, and the second at a leisurely trot towards the grove where the Cossacks stood.
The Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation plans to reward citizens who assisted in solving crimes, this is stated in more detail in the department’s order No. 356 dated June 6, 2018, for comments, the Orekhovo-Zuevsky news agency correspondent Marina Otradnaya turned to the head of the Orekhovo-Zuevsky MU of the Russian Federation “Orekhovo-Zuevskoye” Alexander Morozov
— Alexander Vladimirovich, what is the innovation?
— A similar practice existed before. Citizens who assist law enforcement officers in searching for and apprehending especially dangerous criminals are rewarded with certificates and valuable gifts. The main and significant innovation is that there is now an official document - order No. 356, which determines who exactly can receive a monetary reward for what merits.
-Who is it entitled to?
— Monetary rewards are awarded to people who provide police with reliable information that helps solve the crime and apprehend the perpetrators. But here you need to understand that the matter is not limited to one message. It is important that the information is truly useful. And even in this case, the informant will receive a monetary “thank you” only after the criminal is detained.
— Given the financial interest, there is a fear that you will receive false messages.
- We are not immune from this. Therefore, I want to immediately clarify: a sum of money is given for assistance in solving only that crime for which the Ministry of Internal Affairs has officially appointed a reward in advance. As a rule, these are “high-profile” cases that have a public resonance. If the source provided false information or it was not useful to the police, you should not count on payment.
— In Orekhovo-Zuyevo, were there cases when ordinary residents helped solve crimes?
- Of course. And there are many such cases. For example, several years ago a series of murders were committed in the Orekhovo-Zuevsky district. The victims were elderly people. We toured the entire municipality and talked with residents. Everyone tried to remember some details, the smallest details that could point to the alleged killer. In the end, with our joint efforts we managed to identify the culprit.
But there is another category of citizens who adhere to the principle: “My house is on the edge.” We knock on a house on the outskirts of the village. The owners greet us with these words: “We don’t know anything. And in general - leave us alone. Otherwise, if you say anything, you’ll be dragged through the courts”... It seems that even the announced monetary reward will not play a role in this case. Unfortunately, such “activity” does occur.
In conclusion, Alexander Morozov recalled a crime committed not so long ago in Orekhovo-Zuevo: an elderly woman was killed in the entrance of a house on Madonskaya Street. This tragic event was immediately “promoted” on local social networks, and false information appeared about the alleged murderer-robber.
“I would like to appeal to all residents of Orekhovo-Zuevo: this information is unreliable. There is no need to cause panic. As well as looking for “similar” in the crowd. The identity of the perpetrator has not yet been established. There is reason to believe that the murder was committed by a citizen who had been living in the attic or basement of the house for several days,” concluded the chief police officer of the urban districts of Orekhovo-Zuevo and Likino-Dulevo.
— Alexander Vladimirovich, what is the innovation?
— A similar practice existed before. Citizens who assist law enforcement officers in searching for and apprehending especially dangerous criminals are rewarded with certificates and valuable gifts. The main and significant innovation is that there is now an official document - order No. 356, which determines who exactly can receive a monetary reward for what merits.
-Who is it entitled to?
— Monetary rewards are awarded to people who provide police with reliable information that helps solve the crime and apprehend the perpetrators. But here you need to understand that the matter is not limited to one message. It is important that the information is truly useful. And even in this case, the informant will receive a monetary “thank you” only after the criminal is detained.
— Given the financial interest, there is a fear that you will receive false messages.
- We are not immune from this. Therefore, I want to immediately clarify: a sum of money is given for assistance in solving only that crime for which the Ministry of Internal Affairs has officially appointed a reward in advance. As a rule, these are “high-profile” cases that have a public resonance. If the source provided false information or it was not useful to the police, you should not count on payment.
— In Orekhovo-Zuyevo, were there cases when ordinary residents helped solve crimes?
- Of course. And there are many such cases. For example, several years ago a series of murders were committed in the Orekhovo-Zuevsky district. The victims were elderly people. We toured the entire municipality and talked with residents. Everyone tried to remember some details, the smallest details that could point to the alleged killer. In the end, with our joint efforts we managed to identify the culprit.
But there is another category of citizens who adhere to the principle: “My house is on the edge.” We knock on a house on the outskirts of the village. The owners greet us with these words: “We don’t know anything. And in general - leave us alone. Otherwise, if you say anything, you’ll be dragged through the courts”... It seems that even the announced monetary reward will not play a role in this case. Unfortunately, such “activity” does occur.
In conclusion, Alexander Morozov recalled a crime committed not so long ago in Orekhovo-Zuevo: an elderly woman was killed in the entrance of a house on Madonskaya Street. This tragic event was immediately “promoted” on local social networks, and false information appeared about the alleged murderer-robber.
“I would like to appeal to all residents of Orekhovo-Zuevo: this information is unreliable. There is no need to cause panic. As well as looking for “similar” in the crowd. The identity of the perpetrator has not yet been established. There is reason to believe that the murder was committed by a citizen who had been living in the attic or basement of the house for several days,” concluded the chief police officer of the urban districts of Orekhovo-Zuevo and Likino-Dulevo.
Muddy political strategist, Rokhlin's deputy for the DPA Morozov - right-wing terrorist, one of Buzina's killers February 9th, 2016
In no case do I want to say anything bad about Lev Yakovlevich Rokhlin, or somehow denigrate his image. But the general did not understand people at all.
A monstrous illustration of the stories about how shady characters surrounded him in the last months of his life. They killed him. In order to use the death of an honest, courageous man for his own purposes.
Responsibility for the murder of the writer Oles Buzina was taken by comrades of the Right Sector militant under the call sign "Lesnik", who died as a result of a shootout with the SBU in Kyiv shortly before the New Year.
He made such a confession on Channel 17 “Right Sector” fighter with the call sign “Ronin” Alexander Morozov, who is also part of the “Lesnik group”.
Morozov clarified that the “Lesnik group” carried out the murder of Buzina, ex-Verkhovna Rada deputy Oleg Kalashnikov, and also blew up the Kharkov Roshen store.
« We admit that the murder of Buzina and Kalashnikov was the work of our group, and not the arrested guys who are tormented by the authorities. They have nothing to do with this. On the eve of the next anniversary of May 9, when they again raised their heads and separatist propaganda began... this action was carried out on Kalashnikov and Buzina - this is our work,” Morozov said.
Morozov himself stated that he is a former resident of Moscow and an ally of General Rokhlin, left the Russian Federation due to a criminal case on charges of extremism and an attempt to overthrow state power.
Under the general, Alexander Morozov appeared as if out of nowhere. In conversations with journalists, he called himself a political strategist. After the death of Rokhlin and before the Kyiv Euromaidan, he positioned himself as “the leader of the Popular Front named after L. Rokhlin.”
Here is his account that has not been used for a long time" Laboratory of revolution" - http://almor1998.livejournal.com/profile.
The article in “Top Secret” is tendentious (with a number of distortions and politically biased characteristics), but it makes sense to quote an excerpt:
On April 7, on the initiative of Rokhlin and Ilyukhin, the chairman of the Duma Security Committee, the so-called “Headquarters for the Preparation of Impeachment in the Russian Federation and the International Court in The Hague” was formed. The deputy chairman of the DPA executive committee, A.V. Morozov, was confirmed as the chief of staff, said the statement signed by them.
This Morozov, according to the DPA generals, enjoyed Rokhlin’s almost unlimited trust. It was he who was sent to the Rostov region at the end of May to win over the striking miners. But no one could definitely answer who he was; they were only surprised that Rokhlin brought closer to him a man who had never served in the army. (However, they hinted at Morozov’s friendly relations with the general’s wife Tamara.) And in political circles no one could say anything about him.
In a private conversation... he said that he was a mathematician by training and spent a long time abroad, where he was engaged in business, in particular offshore operations in Cyprus. He published the newspaper “Russian Courier” there. Returning to Russia, he founded the so-called “Slavic Club”. At the end of 1997 he became an assistant to State Duma deputy from the LDPR Viktor Vishnyakov. How he got to Rokhlin, he prefers to keep quiet.
One of Morozov’s co-publishers said that he studied mechanics and mathematics at Moscow State University for three years. Having received a head injury, he was forced to switch to work “not related to mental activity and providing physical activity.” He worked as a prop master at the Soviet Army Theater and as a set assembler at the Bolshoi Theater. At the beginning of perestroika, the Golden Key cooperative was opened in Lyubertsy. Then he was director of the Moscow branch of the Novintech joint venture.
In general, a fairly ordinary biography for a businessman, but by no means for a comrade-in-arms of a military general. Just in case, I turned to the archives of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for information. The results exceeded all expectations. It turned out that Morozov was convicted of serious criminal cases four times.
See the original material on the “Top Secret” website: http://www.sovsekretno.ru/articles/id/200
1986 Prosecutor's office of the Kalininsky district of Moscow. Under articles of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR 146, part 2 (robbery) and 117, part 3 (rape).
1987, August. Arrested in criminal case No. 55331, article 103 (premeditated murder). Accepted for processing by the prosecutor's office of the Leninsky district of Moscow. Released on his own recognizance on October 16, 1987.
1989 Criminal case No. 2441, article 93 (theft of state or public property committed by fraud). Released in June 1992 on his own recognizance. The case, in particular, states: “Being the chairman of the intermediary cooperative Intertransacto, A.V. Morozov, through a number of other cooperatives, including fictitious ones, carried out transactions for the purchase and resale of computer systems and embezzled significant funds.”
1991 Criminal case No. 102523 under Article 130, Part 3 (slander). The investigation was conducted by Internal Affairs Directorate-3 of the Central District of Moscow. There is no solution.
I doubt that the late general could even guess which character enters his house, is friends with his wife, is his assistant and deputy in the DPA. That is why, in the last two or three months, I completely entrusted him with the reins of government in the movement.
A better candidate could not have been imagined to discredit Yeltsin's impeachment campaign. And the first thought that comes to mind: Morozov was “sent” to Rokhlin.
...Officers from the DPA headquarters told me that Morozov “brought money with him, and a lot of it.”