Elbow (Bryansk region). Dedicated to the village of Elkot, Brasovsky district, Bryansk region

Elbow. Brasovsky district. Bryansk region.

Several centuries ago, not far from Lake Pyavichi, where the Sevsk-Karachev road made a sharp bend, similar to the elbow of a bent hand, several huts appeared. This farm became a stopping and resting bridge for merchants who followed the road with their goods. It was the trading people who gave the rather peculiar name to the farmstead - Elbow.

In 1742, Empress Elizaveta Petrovna gave Field Marshal Apraksin the Brasov camp of the Komarich cavity. The nobleman received 150 thousand acres of land and 38 settlements, including Lokot.

In the 80s of the last century, the owner of Lokotsky Name Day, who lived in St. Petersburg at that time, found himself in debt. To get out of the difficult situation, he sold the estate to Alexander III. After the death of the Tsar, Grand Duke Mikhail Romanov took possession of Loktem. On his instructions, the improvement of the estate was continued. A water supply system is being laid, a huge park with linden alleys has been laid out. In addition, several multi-storey buildings are being erected, and enterprises for processing agricultural raw materials are being created.

Two years later, a distillery came into operation on the estate. In 1911, a sawmill was built at Brasovo station, and the carriage workshop was reconstructed into a repair plant. In 1914, the first products were produced at the iron foundry.

The profits of the owner of the estate grew rapidly. But the life of the workers and peasants who bent their backs on Mikhail Romanov not only did not improve, but became more and more unbearable. The Grand Duke issued an order that stated that unauthorized persons were strictly prohibited from entering the estate. It was also not allowed to hunt, collect berries, nuts, mushrooms, or fish in the rivers in the adjacent forests. Anyone who dared to break these rules was subject to a heavy fine. There was also some assault. Guards, rangers, forest guards, and since 1905 a specially assigned detachment of Circassians guarded Romanov’s property day and night. A select few enjoyed all the blessings of life, the wealth that was created by the labor of peasants and workers. On the other side of the Deer Log, people eked out a miserable existence. It was especially hard on seasonal workers who lived in dim, smelly barracks.

The estate flourished. There operated an excellent stud farm, two distilleries, an oil mill, a lyu-processing establishment, and sawmills in different places of the vast forest dacha. But there was not a single school. The heir to the royal throne did not even think about spending money on public education.

Looking ahead, let's say that now in the village of Lokot there is an agricultural technical school, two ten-year schools and two schools for working youth. More than two thousand people study in schools alone, and over one hundred teachers teach them.

The Great October Revolution brought the right to education and much more to the working people. In November 1917, the people of the volost, under the leadership of the Revolutionary Committee, confiscated all movable and immovable property of Mikhail Romanov. More than twenty thousand acres of land were transferred free of charge to the peasants. The first Soviet farm was created on the basis of the stud farm, which was later renamed stud farm No. 17.

In the first months of Soviet power, a workers' club and a seven-year factory school were opened in Lokt. A few notes later, the doors of the agricultural and forestry technical school opened. In 1931, the forest chemical technical school began to operate, and two years later, the heat engineering technical school began operating. The village turned into a college town. About one and a half thousand people studied at the technical schools. By this time, several clubs, cinema, library, shops.

The rapid development of Lokot, especially after 1936, is due to the fact that the regional center was moved here from Brasov. The name of the district has remained the same - Brasovsky. New buildings of a machine tool plant were built in the village. The sawmill has been converted into a large furniture factory. There was also a hemp factory, a regional industrial complex, a distillery, and an oil factory. During the war, all this was destroyed. An excerpt from an act drawn up by the state commission on April 22, 1944 says: “Retreating under the blows of the Red Army, the Nazi barbarians destroyed the flourishing regional center - the village of Lokot, blew up, burned and destroyed four industrial enterprises... two stud farms with economic and household buildings, two machine and tractor stations with garages and repair shops. The damage caused by the Nazis amounted to 29,219,760 rubles.”

Hitler’s executioners not only desecrated and polluted the beautiful village, but also turned it into a place of torture and abuse of Soviet people. From the dungeons of the Lokot prison, groans and curses at the executioners were heard every day. With the help of Kaminsky, Voskoboynikov, Mosin, Vasyukov and other traitors to the Motherland, the fascists put together the so-called “Russian Committee” in the village. He became their obedient instrument in the fight against honest Soviet people.

But neither the Nazis nor their lackeys ever felt at ease in Lokta. The most successful operation was carried out here by partisans on January 8, 1942. The Nazis somehow found out about their plan of attack. Therefore, reinforcements were called from Brasov. The people's avengers decided to break into

the village under the guise of this reinforcement, significantly ahead of it. We managed to find out the password from the captured prisoner. This was very useful to the partisans. In the morning they rode into Lokot on horseback. At dawn they took the prison. However, the guards who retreated recovered from the confusion and, returning, blocked the partisans who occupied the prison premises. A group of partisans led by detachment commander A. Saburov rushed to the rescue of their comrades. The enemy was defeated. About 15 enemy corpses remained at the battle site.

A fierce battle took place near the officer's barracks, located in the technical school building. In the end, the main point of resistance was taken. The people's avengers managed to destroy many officers and traitors.

When the partisans were already running out of ammunition and it became known that an enemy column was moving from the direction of Sevsk, the people’s avengers left Lokot.

After the war, ancient Elbow was essentially reborn. The Brasov Machine Tool Plant was built on the site of the mechanical plant. Its products are now supplied to many cities across the country. Together with other enterprises in the village, the plant annually produces products worth more than thirteen million rubles. Sideboards, sofas, wardrobes, and sofa beds from the Brasov Furniture Factory are on sale in stores in the region and beyond. There are woodworking, alcohol, and brick factories in Lokta; cheese factory, bakery and other enterprises.

The village is growing and becoming prettier. Only in recent years, an agricultural technical school building, a hospital building, a cinema, a cheese factory, a consumer services plant, canteens at a machine-tool factory and an agricultural technical school, three shops, a teahouse, and a hotel have been built here. Housing construction is also underway. A lot is being done to improve the village. Central streets are being paved, the water supply to residents is being improved, etc.

The rapid growth of the village is convincingly evidenced by the fact that its population increased from a thousand people (1917) to almost ten thousand.

Lokot is connected to the centers of neighboring areas not only by railroad, but also by the Moscow-Kiev highway.

A historical phenomenon of seventy years ago that appeared on the territory of our country is the Lokot Republic. A phenomenon that was hidden for a long time by the classifications “secret” and “top secret”, and which now continues to offer more questions than answers when getting to know it. Will we ever learn the whole truth about the existence of this territorial entity and will we be able to unambiguously assess those events? - it is quite possible that not, even if we take into account the maxim that everything secret becomes clear. But at the same time, it is also impossible to turn a blind eye to such a controversial phenomenon as national self-government in the territories occupied by the German army.

So, the Lokot Republic or, in other words, Lokot self-government. What is this, and why has this topic itself, and, especially, its discussion in our country been banned for a long time?

The Lokot Republic itself begins, judging by the documentary evidence that has survived to this day, a few weeks before German occupation forces entered the territory of these places (then the territory of the Oryol region, and now the territories of the Bryansk, Oryol and Kursk regions). By the will of fate, the small town of Lokot, which had the status of a village before the arrival of German troops, became the administrative center of self-government. Why Elbow? Many historians give the following explanations to this question. Since the establishment of Soviet power in Russia (USSR), Lokot and the surrounding area have been considered, let’s say, not the most loyal territories to this same Soviet power. In these places there was a fairly large percentage of people who called themselves offended by the Soviet regime, which allegedly gave rise to the start of anti-Soviet political and military construction in Lokt (local residents used to decline the name) and in the surrounding lands.

It was these “offended” who were taken under his wing by a man like Konstantin Voskoboynik, who settled in the town of Lokot 3 years before the start of the Great Patriotic War. Voskoboynik himself, based on his officially published biography, during the 22 pre-war years managed to “distinguish himself” in a variety of fields. During the Civil War in Russia, he was an ordinary soldier in the Red Army, was wounded, demobilized, after which he found himself in a secretarial position in one of the regional military commissariats. While in this position, 24-year-old Konstantin Voskoboynik (a native of the Kyiv province) suddenly decided to take a direct part in the uprising against Soviet power, joining the ranks of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which continued to operate. The further fate of Voskoboynik is more than vague.

On the one hand, it is quite possible to adopt the idea that it was the citizens “offended by the Soviet regime” who became the “building blocks” that subsequently formed an entire republic on the territory occupied by the Germans, and even with powers of local authorities unthinkable for occupied lands. But on the other hand, we can say that, to put it mildly, it was not only in Lokte that people were offended by the Soviet regime. It was not only Lokot that went through all the difficult stages of the formation of the Soviet state with war communism, tax in kind, dispossession and other “delights” that awaited the peasantry. So why did the vast majority of other territories of the USSR (in particular, Russia), occupied by German troops, not prepare with such enthusiasm for the meeting of an invading army, but they did in Lokt? They prepared so zealously under the leadership of the same comrade Voskoboynik, who was rushing from one idea to another, that even before the arrival of the Germans, an institute of self-government and a self-defense detachment were formed in Lokte, and the detachment’s activities were aimed at targeted strikes on Red Army formations that found themselves in a difficult situation. The “valor” of the detachment was approximately the following: to finish off wounded Red Army soldiers, collect data on emerging pockets of resistance and prepare them for transfer to German troops.

Voskoboynik’s message itself was obviously the following: the Germans would come and see how we fought the “Soviets,” and this would give us the opportunity to enlist the support of the occupying forces. And this message, as history shows, worked. The German command, seeing that there were formations loyal to the Reich in the occupied territory, decided to use these formations for their own purposes - to continue the formation of the artificial Lokot Republic while simultaneously vesting Voskoboynik with the powers of its burgomaster. An interesting situation arose in which Voskoboinik and his art of crowd control were very much needed by the Germans, who were experiencing big problems in those places due to partisan attacks, and Voskoboinik needed the Germans themselves to go towards his goal. What this goal was is the main historical question regarding the entire Lokot Republic.

On this score, some historians, using certain parallels with anti-Soviet activists of Western Ukraine, say that, they say, Voskoboinik and his associates cannot be considered Nazi collaborators, since they (Voskoboinik’s comrades) only used the German occupation to develop a new Russian state under the guise of this very occupation. Like, Voskoboynik couldn’t start fighting with German units as well - then his whole idea of creating an independent Russian state would have come to an end. But in this regard, the question is: when did Voskoboynik suddenly have the idea to build such a state? Was it at that moment when he visited the building of the OGPU in Moscow to confess?.. And why, if Voskoboynik nurtured such an idea, then his political views changed with amazing regularity: from adherence to the ideas of Bolshevism to Socialist-Revolutionary sentiments, from Socialist-Revolutionary sentiments to “ repentance" before the security officers, from the "repentance" of the OGPU to the decision to cooperate with the occupying forces of the Reich...

Based on such changeability in the moods and political views of citizen Voskoboynik, approximately the following credo of this person emerges: cooperate with those who are stronger at the moment. The Soviet government showed strength - Voskoboynik held his “resentment” towards it so deeply that no one knew that this citizen was “offended”, and Voskoboynik himself worked well for this government; Soviet power began to be squeezed out by German troops - he quickly realized that he needed to go over to the side of the new force. In simple terms, such a policy is called the policy of opportunism, which was brought to perfection in the so-called Lokot Republic.

It is obvious that the Germans understood perfectly well who they were dealing with, but they clearly brushed aside these dark thoughts for them, hoping that the Lokot formations of Voskoboynik were their reliable support in the region. Voskoboynik and his comrades skillfully played along... I must admit, they played along willingly...

Within a fairly short time, the so-called Russian Liberation People's Army (RONA, not to be confused with the Vlasov ROA) was formed from the self-defense forces in Lokt and the surrounding area. It was RONA, whose number reached 20 thousand people in 1943, that was of main interest to the German side, since the Nazi occupation forces were able to fight Soviet partisan resistance in the Bryansk and Oryol regions with the help of local residents. It was RONA forces that carried out punitive operations against partisan groups and the population loyal to the partisans. The actions of RONA were fully encouraged by the German side, which often resulted in unprecedented situations in the territory of Lokot self-government.

RONA fighters

One of these situations is confirmed by historical documents. They contain a remarkable fact: two German soldiers who took part in marauding actions in one of the villages of the “republic” were sentenced to death by a local volost court. The occupying forces were outraged by the verdict, but received instructions from above not to interfere with the administration of justice by the local population. This increased the authority of the local authorities and at the same time showed how great was the German interest in the anti-partisan actions of the RONA, as well as how flexible, let’s say, the provisions on the races of “superhumans” and “subhumans” developed in the depths of the Third Reich turned out to be.

The Germans themselves did their best to nurture the Lokot Republic and tried not to interfere in self-government for the simple reason that in their ideological work it was important to have, let’s say, a positive example of occupation. They say, let the USSR and the rest of the world see that German forces support the formation of democratic institutions in the territories of the Union “liberated from the Red Army.” This propaganda move bore fruit for a certain time: some partisan detachments, losing contact with the center, almost in their entirety went over to the side of the RONA, which is reflected in historical documents that were made public only recently.

Today, the so-called hyper-liberal forces are trying to use these facts, declaring that if there had been no resistance to the German army throughout the USSR, then Russia would have turned into a prosperous democratic power immediately after the blitzkrieg. And so, they say, they themselves are to blame for millions of deaths...

Such ideas, if I may say so, do not stand up to any criticism. After all, it’s one thing to have a small territorial entity loyal to the Nazi regime like the Lokot volost, which existed in the form of a propaganda sign for the Reich’s actions on the Eastern Front (then in the German rear), and quite another thing to take into account the theses of the ideologists of fascism and Nazism that Russia as the state, along with most of its peoples, had to cease to exist. I wonder what Voskoboynik and his successor as mayor Bronislav Kaminsky thought about this? Most likely, they simply drove these thoughts away from themselves, hoping that the “grateful” German authorities would preserve them as the main “prophets” of the formation of a new Russian statehood.

In order to preserve it, the Lokot leaders (first Voskoboynik, and then Kaminsky) decided to extrapolate the ideology of the Third Reich to the territory they controlled. It is worth paying attention - on your own, without the persistent inculcation of this ideology by the occupation authorities. They showed, so to speak, “reasonable initiative” (this is about the issue of independence of the Lokot Republic). Extrapolation required the creation of an entire political party, the main ideological basis for the existence of which, in addition to new slogans such as “land to peasants,” were the following theses: “destruction of accomplices of the communist system,” “destruction of Jews,” “destruction of former employees of political departments in the Red Army.” It is noteworthy that, according to these theses, the first person to fall under the hot hand of the new government was Voskoboynik himself. After all, as already mentioned, he once worked in the secretariat of the military commissariat of the Red Army, went to bow to the employees of the OGPU, and there were and continue to be questions about his ethnicity.

However, Voskoboinik himself did not become a victim of the party program for obvious reasons, but these victims were about 250 Jews of the Lokot volost, shot by the local police, and more than two thousand Russians (under Voskoboinik), who in one way or another supported the partisan movement. Many of them were burned alive in their own homes. The cruelty of the reprisal was noted in the reports of the German command to Berlin, which served as a reason for an even greater expansion of the powers of the authorities of the Lokot Republic. This once again shows the true motives of Voskoboynik, Kaminsky and their main associates.

But no matter how much the rope twists... Voskoboynik was the first to be destroyed. He was killed by partisans in January 1942. All powers of power passed to his, as it is now fashionable to say, successor Bronislav Kaminsky. The Lokot Republic began to finally turn into a police state, on the territory of which only one idea could be preached - the idea of complicity with the Reich and settling scores with the opponents of the Reich. The archives contain reports from Kaminsky himself, which reveal the scale of punitive and “preemptive” operations - operations to “tune” the local population to greater loyalty to the occupying forces.

The reports contain information that during just one of these operations, up to 100 heads of livestock, several carts with hay, clothing, and food were taken from residents of several villages by the local police. 40 people were shot with the wording: “for aiding partisan detachments” without trial or investigation. At the same time, local residents themselves say that the wording “for aiding the partisans” was used by Kaminsky whenever his police and army needed food. If people tried to protect their property, they were simply physically destroyed... In total, during the existence of the Lokot self-government, more than 30 thousand people of the local population were driven to work in Germany, about 12,000 people were executed, 8 villages were completely looted and burned. This speaks about the real work of the Lokot judicial system of that time, or more precisely, that this system was nothing more than a sign for convenient propaganda by the occupying forces.

When Red Army detachments began to approach the Lokot Republic in 1943, what usually happens to groups of opportunists happened - many quickly realized that it was time to quit playing with the Kaminsky Republic and go over to the side of the attackers. The fighters of the Lokot Republic, who just yesterday were destroying the partisan underground, began to surrender to the same partisans along with the weapons convoys. Kaminsky himself, with the RONA units remaining at his disposal and several thousand representatives of the loyal population, was transferred from the Lokot volost to the rear of the German army - to Belarus (the town of Lepel), where the Lokot Republic experienced reincarnation and turned into the Lepel Republic. Local residents say that Kaminsky’s so-called “populists” behaved no more humanely, and sometimes much more cruelly, than the German occupiers.

The Germans continued to use Kaminsky’s detachments to carry out punitive operations, and Kaminsky himself (by that time a recipient of several Reich awards) was promoted to the rank of Waffen-Brigadeführer SS, which corresponds to the domestic version of the rank of major general. RONA participated in the suppression of the Slovak Uprising, the Warsaw Uprising, and the “cleansing” of partisan areas of Belarus.

Kaminsky’s days were numbered in August 1944, when the Germans suddenly received information that Kaminsky was recruited by the NKVD of the city of Shadrinsk in 1940 while working in one of the technological brigades. The word “recruited” itself is not entirely appropriate to use here, because work in the so-called “sharashka” in those days itself implied certain agreements with the security officers, but... And Kaminsky worked in the “sharashka” of Shadrinsk at one time. The Germans, having received such information about Kaminsky, quickly forgot about his personal services to the Third Reich, and staged an attack on Bronislaw Kaminsky by a Polish partisan detachment. In fact, Kaminsky was shot in Wartheland (Western Poland) as an agent of the Soviet secret services, but the RONA fighters were informed precisely about the attack on their Poles commander, which led to even greater anger towards the Polish population.

With the death of Kaminsky, the history of the Lokot Republic ended, which “moved” from place to place, trying to get refuge in the Reich from the advancing Red Army. Most of the RONA fighters disappeared into Germany, and, importantly, managed to escape retribution. There is evidence that several hundred “Lokot populists” returned to the territory of the USSR, but under the guise of liberated concentration camp prisoners and civilians deported to work in Germany. The post-war turmoil was unable to identify all those who, calling themselves builders of the Russian state, took part in the executions of civilians, aided the occupying forces and opposed the troops of the Red Army.

Was the Lokot Republic a republic in the full sense of the word, and were democratic ideas cultivated in it, as some history researchers are trying to present today? Certainly not. This territorial formation was nothing more than an example of the implementation of the policy of opportunism, which was chosen as their main life idea by several fairly active residents of the area. The mere fact that the ideas of Voskoboynik and Kaminsky found support only in a relatively small occupied space indicates that these ideas were alien to the bulk of Soviet citizens who found themselves under the rule of German troops. At the same time, all the “good” ideas of the Lokot leaders about the development of agriculture and industry, building judicial, educational and other systems are a banal screen for real goals - saving their butts. And all this external goodness is crossed out by people who were shot, burned and maimed, who did not want to follow the lead of opportunists and collaborators.

November 13th, 2013

Throughout its entire history, Russian history, as well as world history, is not without paradoxes, as if deliberately arranged contrasts and fatal coincidences. At the beginning of the 20th century, Lokot was not a simple village, but the personal estate of Grand Duke Mikhail Romanov, and was famous for the sights established by the highest persons: a luxurious linden alley, a marvelous apple orchard laid out in the shape of a double-headed eagle. And even more so - a stud farm, which flourished under Soviet rule. True, by the autumn of 1941 there was little left of the purebred trotters and varietal apple trees - that’s why the police turned the empty stable into a prison.

The dungeon, created in the basement of a stud farm, was part of the so-called “Lokot Republic” as a punitive body. Today in the literature you can find facts published by historians about this collaborationist structure of traitors, formed in the village in November 1941, after Lokot, together with neighboring settlements (now Lokot is part of the Bryansk region) was occupied by the Wehrmacht.

While the Red Army was fighting in the Moscow region, in the shallow rear the work of traitors was already in full swing... Former distillery engineer Bronislav Kaminsky is rightfully considered one of the most faithful German servants. This man wanted to become the ruler of the “new” Russia. In a small territory occupied by the Germans, he created his own small principality. By the end of the war he had formed a Russian SS division.

Bronislaw Kaminsky surrounded by officers

Bronislaw Kaminsky is rightfully considered a victim of Soviet power. Born on the territory of modern Belarus in 1899, his father was Pole, his mother was German. In 1917 he became a student in Petrograd, and the following year he volunteered to join the Red Army. After the Civil War, Kaminsky completed his studies, receiving a diploma as a process engineer, worked at the Respublika chemical plant, and joined the party. And then his career took a hit - for a careless statement regarding collectivization in 1935, he was expelled from the party, and in 1937 he was arrested for allegedly belonging to the so-called. anti-Soviet "Labor Peasant Party". He served his sentence in Shchedrinsk (Kurgan region), working as a technologist in the production of alcohol. At the beginning of 1941, having lost his rights, he moved to the village of Lokot, where before the arrival of the Germans he worked as an engineer at the Lokot distillery.

In Lokt, Bronislav met another ambitious man, who also suffered from the hated government - Konstantin Pavlovich Voskoboynik. A friend’s biography is like Ostap Bender’s. Konstantin Pavlovich was born in 1895 in Ukraine into the family of a railway worker. In 1915 he entered the law faculty of Moscow State University, and in 1916 he also volunteered for the front. In 1919 he served in the Red Army, took part in battles against the “whites” and interventionists, the following year he was demobilized due to injury and got married. In 1921, in Khvalynsk, he served as a secretary at the district military registration and enlistment office, but in the spring he joined the anti-Soviet gang of Socialist Revolutionaries Vakulin-Popov, where he was chosen as number one to a machine gun, was wounded in the arm and, after the defeat of the gang, hid from the authorities using forged documents in the name of Loshakov in Astrakhan, Syzran, N. Novgorod. Settling in Moscow in 1924, he studied at the Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov, while simultaneously working as a game management instructor at the People's Commissariat of Agriculture. After graduating from the institute, he worked in the Chamber of Weights and Measures.

In 1931, believing that the statute of limitations had long passed since his participation in the peasant uprising, he appeared at the OGPU and gave a confession. He was not convicted, but was administratively exiled to the Novosibirsk region for 3 years. After that, he worked at the construction site of the national economy in Krivoy Rog, then for several years he worked as an engineer in the chemical field. Finally, in 1938, our hero ended up in the village of Lokot, Brasovsky district, Oryol region (now Bryansk region). Here he became a physics teacher at the Forestry Technical School. It is interesting that the NKVD authorities had an opinion about this man as loyal to the authorities intellectual with high self-esteem.

B.V. Kaminsky and RONA soldiers

So, two already middle-aged (and they were approaching their fifth decade) ambitious people, Kaminsky and Voskoboynik, who in the past wanted to turn the world upside down and earn fame, but who were bitterly disappointed in the social order and thrown into the margins, were faced with a choice. In any case, there is information that Voskoboynik received an order from the Soviet authorities to evacuate with his family. But they both remained with the Germans and decided to try their luck under the new government...

On October 4, 1941, German troops entered the village of Lokot. Our sweet couple immediately offered their services to carry out German policy. The proposal was accepted, and Voskoboynik became the Starostoylokotsky volost administration, and Kaminsky became his deputy. To establish order, they were allowed to have a “People's Militia” detachment of 20 people armed with Soviet rifles.

It must be said that before the revolution, the estate of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich Romanov was located in Lokta, so many peasants under him had their own small, strong farms. They did not know the horrors of famine under the tsarist regime, but they greeted Soviet collectivization coolly. Just before the war, dispossessed peasants returned to their places, so anti-Soviet sentiment was strong. Taking advantage of the flight of the authorities in September, the peasants began to divide the land and wait for what would happen next.

The Germans were worried about Soviet encirclements hiding in nearby forests, as well as partisan groups organized by local party bodies and state security agencies and sabotage groups. According to the archives of the state security agencies in the Oryol region, 72 partisan detachments with a total number of 3257 people, 91 partisan groups with a total number of 356 people and 114 sabotage groups with a total number of 483 fighters were left. The Germans could counter this force with modest resources - security units of the Wehrmacht, military police and SS department police and a front-line regiment from the 56th Infantry Division (departed for the front in December 1941). Therefore, the decision was made to shift these efforts to the “locals”.

Voskoboynik

On October 16, the Germans officially approved the administration of the Lokot volost under the leadership of Chief Burgomaster Voskoboynik and his deputy Kaminsky, consisting of the village of Lokot and nearby villages. The “People's Militia” detachment in the village of Lokot was allowed to increase to 200 people, i.e. 10 times. And in the nearby villages of the Lokot volost it was allowed to create “self-defense” groups. It is characteristic that a former criminal, Roman Ivanin, became the chief of police.

So, our sweet couple began to rule. However, they decided to play big and hit at least a royal flush.

On November 25, 1941, Voskoboynik released a manifesto on the creation of the People's Socialist Party of Russia “Viking” (“Vityaz”) (hereinafter referred to as the NSPR). The party had two names - obviously, “Vityaz” was for the local aborigines, and the name “Viking” was reserved for the Germans. From this alone it is clear how the collaborators “creeped” before the Germans. The manifesto promised the destruction of collective farms, free transfer of arable land to peasants and freedom of private initiative, but not now, but in the future Russian national state. The manifesto was signed by Voskoboynik under the idiotic pseudonym “Earth Engineer.” A secret member of the NTS, a certain G. Khomutov, helped Kaminsky and Voskoboynik create the party. By December, 5 cells of the new party had been created, in addition, Voskoboynik’s deputies - Kaminsky and the former head of the Brasov district department of public education Stepan Mosin went on propaganda trips to neighboring areas. Mosin himself was an exile under Soviet rule.

Voskoboynik, as an ambitious and ambitious person, according to legend, admonished his heralds: “Don’t forget that we are working not for just the Brasov region, but on the scale of all of Russia. History will not forget us." Kaminsky and Mosin made a propaganda tour of the territory, but the main purpose of the trip was to obtain permission to create a party from the Germans.

On the left - Sonderführer (Z) Sven Steenberg, from the Baltic Germans, translator of the headquarters of the 293rd Infantry Division, since January 1942 - head of the Sonderkommando Steenberg at the headquarters of the 2nd Panzer Army, Abwehr officer for communication of the headquarters with the Abwehr and SD services in the territory Lokot Republic and with Ic-officers of Koruck. After the war he will write books about Vlasov and the ROA. In the center is Sonderführer Adam Grunbaum, recommended by Steenberg in June 1942 for the post of head of the Abwehr branch (Aussenstelle) at Kaminsky's headquarters, commander of Abwehrkommando 107, a former lawyer from Tallinn. The third person is unknown.

According to the testimony of a certain R. Redlich, who later worked for Kaminsky as an employee of the Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories and was secretly an employee of the NTS:

However, everything was much more prosaic. Redlich, as a person who did not live in the USSR, complicates everything too much. Voskoboynik and Kaminsky did not want to be simple collaborators. There were a dime a dozen such elders and burgomasters in the occupied territory, and they aspired to be the first among them. Therefore, their main task was to quickly create, even a fake political force and an unfounded program for creating a “future Russia”, present all this to the Germans and prove that they are the ones worthy of being at the head of occupied Russia. After all, the place was vacant. By the way, historians actually note that this was the first legal document of Soviet collaborators - after all, at that time Vlasov was still a successful Soviet general.

Mosin went to bow to the Germans, twice. However, a fiasco awaited him - the Germans simply did not know what to do with such a petitioner. During the war, the German military or civilian occupation administration operated, and who will govern the territory after the war: Germans or local Russians is the concern of the Fuhrer. As a result, the party was banned, then allowed, but, naturally, the activities of the NSPR were limited to the district controlled by Voskoboynik and Kaminsky, and the rear Germans did not inform Berlin at all about the existence of this miraculous party.

Having deceived the hopes of Mosin, Voskoboynik and Kaminsky, the Germans decided to use them to the fullest. The chief of logistics of the 2nd Army suggested that Voskoboynik begin active operations against the partisans. Mosin, on behalf of Voskoboynik, assured that this would be done, and even promised assistance to the Abwehrkommando attached to the army.

Upon return, a show trial was organized over the nurse Polyakova, who was accused of concealing medicines for the partisans; as a result, she was shot. Several anti-partisan actions were carried out, for example, during one one partisan was killed and 20 residents of the village of Altuhovo were arrested, in another case a detachment of partisans was scattered near Lokot.

At the end of 1941, Voskoboynik signed an appeal to the partisans with an offer to surrender.

“I offer all partisans operating in the Brasov region and the immediate surroundings, as well as all persons associated with them, within a week, i.e. no later than January 1, 1942, hand over to the elders of the nearest villages all the weapons they have, and appear for registration... All those who do not appear will be considered enemies of the people and destroyed without any mercy.”

Further in the appeal there were rantings of a propaganda nature: “... It’s time to stop the disgrace a long time ago and start organizing a peaceful working life. All sorts of tales about the return of the Soviet regime to the occupied regions are nonsense, unfounded rumors that are spread by malicious Soviet elements with the aim of disorganizing citizens and maintaining a state of disorder and uncertainty among the broad working population. The Stalinist regime died irrevocably, it’s time for everyone to understand this and take the path of a quiet working life.” Then came the assurances that the partisans and communists who turned themselves in would survive and death would only threaten “... the most malicious representatives of the Soviet and party apparatus, who do not want themselves and do not allow others to take the peaceful path of labor.”

There is evidence that during the anti-partisan struggle and agitation, about 400 people came out of the forest and surrendered, of whom 65 became “policemen.” The reverse outflow was much stronger, but that was later.

According to the story of the former head of the department of the Brasov district executive committee, Mikhail Vasyukov, he was just such a defector. Before the arrival of the Germans, Vasyukov received a directive from the district executive committee to join the partisan detachment, but after two weeks of wandering in the forest he never made it to the partisans. Returning home, he was arrested, released, but then arrested again on December 21.

“They put me in jail. By three o'clock in the morning, 3 people were shot in the cell before my eyes. After the execution of these citizens, I was summoned to the Chief Burgomaster Voskoboynik, who told me: “Did you see? Either work with us, or we will shoot you right now.” Out of my cowardice, I told him that I was ready to work as a foreman. To this Voskoboynik answered me that now is not the time to engage in construction, but we need to take up arms and, together with the Germans, take part in the fight against Soviet power and, in particular, against Soviet partisans. So I was enrolled in a police detachment, as part of which I twice took part in punitive expeditions against Soviet partisans.”

Soon the local partisans turned their attention to the “principality” of Voskoboynik. It is a myth that the “red”, “demonic power” as soon as it learned about the existence of the miraculous Lokot self-government began to rage in rage, and in horror threw its best forces straight from Moscow to destroy it. Before this, the partisans had a wealth of experience - according to the report of the 4th department of the NKVD in the Oryol region, by December 14, 1941, the partisans had killed 176 enemy officers, 1012 soldiers and 19 traitors. The attack on Lokot is just one episode for the partisans in their hard work. From the chronology of the partisan detachment of the security officer Saburov it is known: “December 2 - the defeat of the police garrison in Krasnaya Sloboda. December 8 – kidnapping of the district administration in the regional center of Suzemka. December 26 – defeat of the garrison in Suzemka. January 1 - 1942 - the police station in Seleczno was destroyed. January 7 - a large garrison in the village of Lokot was liquidated...”

The “official” version of Voskoboynik’s death according to the collaborators was fantastic, feigned, popular-romantic: they say, Konstantin Pavlovich was vilely killed in the theater building during negotiations. Allegedly, a group of partisans was blocked in the theater building; they wanted to throw grenades at them, but, they say, he himself Voskoboynik, as an intelligent person, ordered not to do this. After all, the theater could have burned down from grenades...

The noble Konstantin Pavlovich suggested that the partisans surrounded in the theater stop the needless bloodshed and surrender. Promising, on his personal word of honor, to leave alive all those taken prisoner today. Then the insidious partisans asked him to go out to a lighted place in order to make sure that he was really the head of the Lokot volost and that he could be trusted.

And he walked out into the middle of the illuminated corridor... This version especially emphasized that he was “... a tired intellectual with large, intelligent, sad black eyes and a thick, wedge-shaped intellectual beard,” and also the fact that he was wearing “... the only decent suit.” And without weapons.

Of course, the partisans meanly shot him - from a light machine gun from the adjacent room. The scoundrels were bombarded with grenades and killed (just like a Hollywood action movie), but some of them managed to escape.

According to the version of the collaborators and their modern Russian fascist apologists, after the almost ritual murder of Voskoboinik, the partisans fled in panic, throwing away their weapons, carts and, of course, finishing off their wounded. Against 54 brave policemen who died by death, armed only with rifles, it was announced that about 250 “armed to the teeth” partisans - disguised NKeVeDeshniks - were killed.

According to the partisans, everything was much simpler. The operation was scheduled for the night before Christmas, from January 7 to 8, assuming that the collaborators would get drunk and lose their vigilance. In addition, there was severe frost and wind. A large partisan detachment with 120 sleighs took part. The building of the forestry technical school, where the main forces of the garrison were located, and the house of the burgomaster were surrounded without a single shot, grenades flew through the windows, and shelling of the windows began. The death of Burgomaster Voskoboinik is described as follows: “During the shootout, we saw someone come out onto the veranda from the house where Voskoboinik lived and shout: “Don’t give up, beat them!”... After the second short burst, we heard a body fall on the veranda and fussing people. Just at that moment the enemy’s fire intensified, and this distracted us from Voskoboynik’s house.” This is how the mayor was killed, calling on his people to resist.

Regarding the disorderly flight and horrific losses: “Meanwhile, it began to get light. The building of the forestry college could not be captured, although it was riddled with bullets. The enemy began to attack from other sides. And the command decided to end the combat operation. Without losing a single person killed and capturing several wounded, we left.” As a result, 54 “policemen”, several German soldiers, and 7 members of the administration were killed.

If you believe the source, then in addition to the 54 “policemen” killed, more than a hundred were wounded, most of them seriously, i.e. Of the 200 policemen stationed at Kaminsky, ¾ were out of action. What drove the partisans away? Maybe they couldn’t figure it out in the dark, or maybe German or Hungarian reinforcements arrived...

After the heroic death of Voskoboynik, Kaminsky became the head of self-government. So a man born in Belarus and having Polish-German roots became head of Russian collaborators.

However, the first “light”, the Lokot pioneer Voskoboynik, was not forgotten - his name was immortalized for grateful descendants. Perhaps Kaminsky’s Soviet upbringing was partly affected here, and on October 4, 1942, he renamed the village of Lokot to the city (!) Voskoboinik. A year later, a monument was erected at his grave, repeating the “Battle of the Nations” monument in Leipzig. The rest were not forgotten either - the 30 surviving participants in that battle were awarded bonuses in the amount of a monthly salary, and a year later the Lokot district hospital was given the name “Fallen Heroes of January 8, 1942.”

As Kaminsky reigned, a unique little world was organized in Lokot self-government, noticeably different from the rest of the territory occupied by the Germans. Now revisionists are trying to present this mini-state as an idyllic paradise, an alternative to the “damned Soviet regime”, where there were no queues for sausage, there was the notorious European civilization and there was sex. Like, if it had been like this everywhere, our grandfathers would not have become partisans, but would have ate the fruits of European civilization, “drank beer with German sausages.” Let's try to figure this out.

So, the Lokot district was led by Chief Burgomaster Kaminsky. This position was, naturally, appointed by the Germans. The administration included: former exile S.V. Mosin - head of the propaganda and agitation department, criminal R.T. Ivanin - chief of police, former member of the Makhnovist movement G.S. Protsyuk is the head of the military investigation department, Timinsky, a dropout student, is the head of the district legal department, N. Voshchilo is the editor of the local newspaper “Voice of the People.” Kaminsky had the right, according to the German order of February 23, 1942, to independently appoint village elders.

In the district, where 600 thousand people lived, the pre-war economy began to be restored. By the end of 1942, a distillery with its own forge and repair and locksmith shop, as well as a tannery and soap factory, 2 power plants, 2 workshops that repaired tanks, armored cars, cars, and small arms were repaired and put into operation in the district. There were fulling, wheel, shoe, saddlery and other workshops, blacksmith and foundry shops, a steam mill, and a brick factory. By winter, the production of felt boots and winter clothing began for the local population and police officers.

Thanks to the tireless work of the director of the Lopatinsky sugar plant, Kostyukov, it was restored; he also repaired the dam, railway line, water supply, and electricity. The new government took care of its workers, for example, sugar factory workers received rations and salaries, and were provided with apartments. In the large regional center of the Sevsk district, there was a butter factory, a starch factory, drying factories, MTS workshops, a lime factory, and a water supply system and a power station were restored. In the Sevsky district there were 43 mills, 8 drying mills, and a brick factory was being restored. The successful restoration of the pre-war level of economy was a consequence of the fact that the administration was made up of Russian collaborators, and not Germans.

The guerrillas interfered with the peaceful reconstruction process. So, on August 12, 1943, in the village of Smolevichi, Klintsovsky district, a creamery was destroyed by partisans. On August 29, 1943, they shot the representative for industrial restoration, a certain Mesikov, and on August 31, partisans in the city of Klintsy burned down a large creamery. 3.5 tons of butter, 6 tons of fatty cottage cheese and the entire factory laboratory burned.

Usually revisionists attach a broad significance to this - the restoration of the economy by Kaminsky and the resistance of the partisans to this. However, it is necessary to clearly understand for whom this farm was being restored. First of all, to satisfy German needs. It is a myth that the Germans completely exempted Lokot self-government from taxes. It is known that after the death of Voskoboynik, Kaminsky went to the Germans for his confirmation as chief burgomaster. Among his promises was “... to militarize it (the region - author’s note) in such a way as to ensure the protection of the rear of the German army and increase the supply of food for the German troops.” Kaminsky could not offer the Germans anything more than food - before the war the area was agricultural.

An important innovation in the Lokot district was the return to private trade. True, for this it was necessary to buy a special patent quarterly from the district financial department. To control the financial situation, the district leadership sought to eliminate the exchange of goods in kind among the population, so that payment would be made for money. To do this, at the bazaars, which were always open on Sundays, the police made sure that the population used money and not exchange. By the way, Soviet rubles were also used in the district, the exchange rate of which increased depending on the victories of the Red Army. There was its own “State Bank”.

At the end of June 1942, a decree was issued on the free return to the previous owners of all property confiscated from them under Soviet rule. It is doubtful that this law was followed for everyone. In any case, the collective farms remained, changing only the sign - now they were called land societies and state farms. There was no private ownership of land. It was believed that this could be discussed after the German victory. The economy, like other spheres of life of Lokot residents, remained planned - they were compiled by the planning and economic department of the district administration.

The revisionists often mention the revival of spiritual life. This is, first of all, religion (after all, all power, including German and Kaminsky, is from God). An order was issued according to which the elders were obliged to begin repairing churches at the expense of donations. Religion was encouraged. Baptists and evangelical Christians were also allowed.

On November 15, 1942, the Art and Drama Theater named after K.P. opened in Lokt. Voskoboynik. The troupe consisted of 105 people and toured the cities of the district. Some of the performances promoted the fight against the “evil” partisans. Other, smaller theaters and cinemas opened in other places. Charity concerts and Christmas trees for children with the distribution of gifts were held.

The Lokot administration tried to restore the destroyed Soviet infrastructure. By order of Kaminsky, compulsory education was introduced in the amount of 7 classes of secondary school. The elders were required to organize transportation of children to schools. By the beginning of November 1942, 345 schools (of which only 10 were secondary) were opened in the district with a teaching staff of 1,338 people, in which 43,422 students studied. The health care system included 9 hospitals and 37 outpatient clinics. Homes were opened for orphans whose parents, elders and policemen, died at the hands of partisans. A home for the elderly was opened in Dmitrovsk (let me remind you that the Germans usually tried to physically get rid of residents of nursing homes, the disabled and the insane). A radio broadcast, reading rooms, clubs, and cinemas were organized in the district for propaganda purposes.

However, such a touching picture was juxtaposed with the bloody cruelty of the Kaminsky regime.

Firstly, it is a myth that there were no German troops in the possessions of the mayor. An adviser, Colonel Ryubzam, was assigned to supervise him with a security battalion consisting of a communications post, a field commandant's office and a military field gendarmerie (military police). In addition, there were operational command 7-b of the German security police and SD, security units of the camp for Soviet prisoners of war at the Brasovo station, and military headquarters of the 1-C counterintelligence units passing through Lokot further to the east. And, of course, Abwehr employees, whose help was promised by Mosin-Brasov’s “Abwehrgruppe-107”, led by Sonderführer “B” (Major) Greenbaum, were engaged in the fight against partisans. By the way, on October 4, 1942, on the occasion of the anniversary of the entry of German troops into Lokot, the newspaper “Voice of the People” published an article in which the authors thanked the commander of the Wehrmacht division, General von Gilz, who entered Lokot exactly a year ago, for “liberation from the yoke of Bolshevism” and very lamented the upcoming relocation of part of it from the village. Those. For some time, in the Lokot self-government there were some German front-line units of General von Giles.

So in Lokot itself and the surrounding area, subject to Voskoboynik and later Kaminsky, there were Germans. This is confirmed by the fact that during the attack on Lokot by partisans, in addition to several dozen killed collaborators, several Germans were killed. The Germans carried out, among other things, supervisory functions over the activities of Voskoboynik and Kaminsky. And not only the Germans - in Lokot itself, from some point on, the headquarters of the 102nd Hungarian Infantry Division was located. Units of the same division were stationed in key areas of the district.

In the “Lokot Republic” case, everything was not as clear as it seems at first glance

Sometimes the mutual bitterness of the Lokots and the Germans escalated into armed clashes. One of them, which happened in Lokot at the beginning of 1943, is even mentioned in the report of the Brasov district committee of the CPSU (b) dated March 1, 1943: “... when our plane appeared over the village of Lokot and began dropping leaflets, the police rushed to collect the leaflets. The Germans opened rifle and machine-gun fire on the police. The police, in turn, opened fire on the Germans.”

The apogee of the conflict with the Germans and Kaminsky’s demonstration of his sovereignty was a rather extraordinary incident that occurred in the summer of 1943. During the robbery of a lonely mill, the Lokot police caught two German military personnel - a Sonderführer and a non-commissioned officer. It immediately became clear that the owner of the mill, who resisted them, was killed. By personal order of Kaminsky, the murderers were tried, and the Lokot court sentenced both to death. German liaison officers immediately reported this to army headquarters, from where telegrams were sent to Lokot that the Russian authorities were exceeding their rights, that the trial of German army soldiers was beyond the competence of self-government.

Kaminsky, in response, referred to the fact that in Lokt the court is independent and that, in accordance with the laws of the district, those who committed such a crime, no matter who they were, are subject to exactly this punishment. Through telephone conversations, telegrams, and couriers, the dispute continued for two more days. In the end, the German command made concessions, agreeing to execute the perpetrators, but with the understanding that they would be sentenced by a German court-martial. Kaminsky refused this too.

After the expiration of the period specified by the court, the sentence was carried out in Lokta on the square in front of a crowd of thousands, consisting of both residents of the village and peasants from nearby villages who had gathered. Kaminsky refused to yield to the German command even in such a trifle as postponing the execution for a day so that representatives of the Wehrmacht could arrive. As a result, the officer and the team of soldiers accompanying him arrived only the next day, when their compatriots had already been executed.

Perhaps none of Hitler’s satellites, not even Mussolini, could have decided to take such a step. Kaminsky did not miss the opportunity to once again demonstrate his independence, and the German command did not go beyond protests, clearly not wanting to risk more to save the two (it is clear that the conflict over two soldiers was not beneficial for the Germans - if it developed, this could lead to direct conflict with Kaminsky, and therefore RONA, which was armed by the same Germans)

According to Russian researchers, in the spring of 1943, RONA consisted of 5 regiments, numbering, according to various sources, from 10 to 12 thousand people, 24 T-34 tanks, 36 artillery pieces, 8 automobiles and armored vehicles, and motorcycles. The well-armed RONA brigade conducted constant punitive attacks against local partisans. With the advance of the Red Army in August 1943, RONA units, together with the refugees who joined them, left the Bryansk region and moved to the Belarusian Lepel in the Vitebsk region, where Kaminsky was appointed burgomaster of the city. The next point of deployment for traitors retreating under the onslaught of Soviet divisions was Dyatlovo in the Grodno region. The end of the RONA created in Lokto was inglorious: in August - September 1944, Kaminsky’s brigade was sent to suppress the uprising that began in Warsaw. But the subordinates of the half-Pole by blood, Nazi by conviction, were so carried away by looting and robberies among the Polish population, despite Himmler’s restrictive instructions, that the Gestapo, on the personal instructions of the same Himmler, was forced to carry out an operation to liquidate Kaminsky at the end of September 1944, subsequently writing off this action on the "Polish partisans".

The history of Lokot self-government is reflected in Anatoly Ivanov’s novel “Eternal Call” and in the Soviet film based on this novel. In modern cinema, the theme of Lokot self-government was reflected in the series “Saboteur. End of the war."

There is also such a version of this period of history, different from what was given in the post:

Writer-historian Sergei Verevkin about the phenomenon of Lokot self-government, which arose on the territory of the Soviet Union in 1941.

Bibliography:

- “Cursed Soldiers”, S. Chuev, M., 2004;

- http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki; The original article is on the website InfoGlaz.rf Link to the article from which this copy was made -

So, the Lokot Republic or, in other words, Lokot self-government. What is this, and why has this topic itself, and, especially, its discussion in our country been banned for a long time?

The Lokot Republic itself begins its history, judging by the documentary evidence that has survived to this day, a few weeks before German occupation forces entered the territory of these places (then the territory of the Oryol region, and now the territories of the Bryansk, Oryol and Kursk regions). By the will of fate, the small town of Lokot, which had the status of a village before the arrival of German troops, became the administrative center of self-government. Why Elbow? Many historians give the following explanations to this question. Since the establishment of Soviet power in Russia (USSR), Lokot and the surrounding area have been considered, let’s say, not the most loyal territories to this same Soviet power. In these places there was a fairly large percentage of people who called themselves offended by the Soviet regime, which allegedly gave rise to the start of anti-Soviet political and military construction in Lokt (local residents used to decline the name) and in the surrounding lands.

It is obvious that the Germans understood perfectly well who they were dealing with, but they clearly brushed aside these dark thoughts for them, hoping that the Lokot formations of Voskoboinik were their reliable support in the region. Voskoboynik and his comrades skillfully played along... I must admit, they played along willingly...

RONA fighters

Such ideas, if I may say so, do not stand up to any criticism. After all, it is one thing to have a small territorial entity loyal to the Nazi regime like the Lokot volost, which existed in the form of a propaganda sign for the Reich’s actions on the Eastern Front (then in the German rear), and quite another thing to take into account the theses of the ideologists of fascism and Nazism that Russia as the state, along with most of its peoples, had to cease to exist. I wonder what Voskoboynik and his successor as mayor Bronislav Kaminsky thought about this? Most likely, they simply drove these thoughts away from themselves, hoping that the “grateful” German authorities would preserve them as the main “prophets” of the formation of a new Russian statehood.

In order to preserve it, the Lokot leaders (first Voskoboynik, and then Kaminsky) decided to extrapolate the ideology of the Third Reich to the territory they controlled. It is worth paying attention - yourself, without the persistent inculcation of this ideology by the occupation authorities. They showed, so to speak, “reasonable initiative” (this is about the issue of independence of the Lokot Republic). For extrapolation, it was necessary to create an entire political party, the main ideological basis for the existence of which, in addition to new slogans like “land to peasants,” were the following theses: “destruction of accomplices of the communist system,” “destruction of Jews,” “destruction of former employees of political departments in the Red Army.” It is noteworthy that, according to these theses, the first person to fall under the hot hand of the new government was Voskoboynik himself. After all, as already mentioned, he once worked in the secretariat of the military commissariat of the Red Army, went to bow to the employees of the OGPU, and there were and continue to be questions about his ethnicity.

Coordinates

/ / 52.55556; 34.55833Coordinates:

Chapter

Khoteenkov V.A.

Based First mention PGT with Population Timezone Telephone code Postcode Vehicle code OKATO code OKTMO code

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Official site

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Story

It was first mentioned in the 1st half of the 17th century as a farm Lokotskaya Well near the ancient village of Brasova. In 1742, the surrounding lands of Sevsky district, which were part of the Brasovsky camp, were granted by Empress Elizaveta Petrovna to Field Marshal General S. F. Apraksin, who in 1797 moved his residence to Lokot. At this time, a magnificent estate was built here with a 4-story palace, ponds and fountains.

In 1882, the owners of the estate became the heirs of the Russian throne, the Grand Dukes Romanov (Georgy Alexandrovich, from 1899 - Mikhail Alexandrovich), who continued the improvement of the village: a water supply system was laid, a huge park with ponds and alleys was laid out, several multi-story stone buildings were erected, the first light and food enterprises were created and wood processing industry.

In the 1870s A stud farm was founded in Lokta (since 1903 - a stud farm). In 1914, an iron foundry and mechanical plant came into operation.

Since 1931, Lokot has become a regional center; since 1938 - an urban-type settlement.

Population

Population
1959	1970	1979	1989	2002	2009	2010
7450	↗ 10 005	↗ 10 229	↗ 11 191	↗ 12 094	↘ 12 005	↘ 10 028
2012	2013	2014	2015	2016
↘ 9911	↘ 9824	↘ 9703	↘ 9557	↘ 9548

Economy

The village has a machine tool plant, a distillery, a furniture factory, a cheese factory, and a food processing plant. There is also a stud farm. Most enterprises are partially or completely closed as of January 1, 2015.

Education and culture

There are three secondary schools in the village, an industrial and economic technical school (formerly an agricultural technical school), and a branch of the correspondence department of the Bryansk State Agricultural Academy. There is a district cultural center, a music school, and a hippodrome.

Since 1931, the regional newspaper “Vestnik” has been published.

Notable natives and residents

Meletius (Dyomin) - hieromonk of the Russian Orthodox Church, ascetic.

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Notes

(Russian) . Demoscope Weekly. Retrieved September 25, 2013. .
(Russian) . Demoscope Weekly. Retrieved September 25, 2013. .
(Russian) . Demoscope Weekly. Retrieved September 25, 2013. .
. .
. .
. Retrieved January 2, 2014. .
. Retrieved January 28, 2014. .
. Retrieved May 31, 2014. .
. Retrieved November 16, 2013. .
. Retrieved August 2, 2014. .
. Retrieved August 6, 2015. .

Sources

Elbow- article from the Great Soviet Encyclopedia.
Settlements of the Bryansk region. Encyclopedic Dictionary. - Ed. 2nd, supplemented and corrected. - Bryansk: Desyatochka, 2012. - P. 230. - 468 p. - 700 copies. - ISBN 978-5-91877-090-0.

. - Forgive me, your Holiness, but if your mother is the offspring of the Devil, then who then are you?.. After all, you are flesh of her flesh? – I asked, sincerely surprised by his delusional judgments.
- Oh, Isidora, I have long ago exterminated this in myself!.. And only when I saw you, my feeling for a woman awakened in me again. But now I see that I was wrong! You are just like everyone else! You are terrible!.. I hate you and people like you!
Caraffa looked crazy... I was afraid that this could end for us in something much worse than what was planned in the beginning. Suddenly, suddenly jumping up to me, Dad literally shouted: “Yes” or “no”?!.. I’m asking you for the last time, Isidora!..
What could I answer to this deranged man?.. Everything had already been said, and I could only remain silent, ignoring his question.
– I give you one week, Madonna. I hope that you will come to your senses and feel sorry for Anna. And myself... - and grabbing my daughter by the arm, Caraffa jumped out of the room.
I just now remembered that I need to breathe... Dad stunned me so much with his behavior that I couldn’t come to my senses and kept waiting for the door to open again. Anna mortally insulted him, and I was sure that, having recovered from the attack of anger, he would definitely remember this. My poor girl!.. Her fragile, pure life hung by a thread, which could easily break at the capricious will of Caraffa...
For some time I tried not to think about anything, giving my fevered brain at least some respite. It seemed that not only Caraffa, but along with him the entire world I knew had gone crazy... including my brave daughter. Well, our lives were extended another week... Could anything have been changed? In any case, at the moment there was not a single more or less normal thought in my tired, empty head. I stopped feeling anything, I stopped even being afraid. I think this is exactly how people felt when they were about to die...
Could I change anything in just seven short days, if I failed to find the “key” to Caraffa for four long years?.. In my family, no one ever believed in chance... Therefore, hope that something will unexpectedly bring salvation - that would be the child’s wish. I knew that there was nowhere to wait for help. Father clearly could not help if he offered Anna to take her essence, in case of failure... Meteora also refused... We were alone with her, and we had to help ourselves only. Therefore, I had to think, trying not to lose hope until the last moment, that in this situation it was almost beyond my strength...
The air in the room began to thicken - North appeared. I just smiled at him, without feeling any excitement or joy, because I knew that he had not come to help.
– Greetings, North! What brings you again?.. – I asked calmly.
He looked at me in surprise, as if not understanding my calmness. He probably didn’t know that there is a limit to human suffering, which is very difficult to reach... But having reached even the worst, he becomes indifferent, since there is no strength left even to be afraid...
“I’m sorry I can’t help you, Isidora.” Is there anything I can do for you?
- No, North. Can not. But I will be glad if you stay with me... I am pleased to see you - I answered sadly and after a short pause, added: - We got one week... Then Caraffa, most likely, will take our short lives. Tell me, are they really worth so little?.. Are we really going to leave as easily as Magdalene left? Is there really no one who would cleanse our world, the North, of this inhumanity?..
– I didn’t come to you to answer old questions, my friend... But I must admit - you made me change my mind a lot, Isidora... You made me see again what I had been trying hard to forget for years. And I agree with you - we are wrong... Our truth is too “narrow” and inhumane. She strangles our hearts... And we become too cold to correctly judge what is happening. Magdalene was right when she said that our Faith is dead... Just as you are right, Isidora.
I stood there, dumbfounded, staring at him, unable to believe what I was hearing!.. Was this the same proud and always right North, which did not allow any, even the slightest criticism of its great Teachers and its beloved Meteora? !!