Ingushetia and Ossetia. ​1992

In the fall of 1992, on the territory of the Prigorodny district of the Republic of North Ossetia of the Russian Federation, an armed clash occurred between residents of the Ingush and Ossetian nationalities. The active phase of the conflict lasted from October 31 to November 6, according to the Russian Prosecutor's Office, during this period 583 people were killed on both sides, 939 people were injured, 261 people went missing, and 1,093 people were held hostage. In the zone of liquidation of the consequences of the conflict, 66 Russian servicemen were killed and almost 130 wounded, who took part in the disengagement of the warring parties and the subsequent maintenance of the security regime. According to various estimates, from 30 to 60 thousand residents of Ingush nationality were forced to leave the territory of their historical residence in the Prigorodny district of RNO-A and the city of Vladikavkaz, and most of them settled in neighboring Ingushetia.

The origins of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict should be sought in Stalin’s national policy: the post-war deportation of the Ingush and the arbitrary change of administrative borders in the region. In 1924, the Ingush Autonomous Region was created, which included, in addition to the present-day Ingushetia, nearby territories inhabited by the Ingush - the Prigorodny district and the right bank part of Vladikavkaz. In 1934, the Ingush and Chechen regions were united into the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Region, Vladikavkaz (Ordzhonikidze) was completely transferred to North Ossetia, and the Prigorodny district became part of the Chechen Autonomous Okrug, which was soon transformed into the Chi Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. After the deportation of the Ingush and Chechens in 1944, the Prigorodny district was transferred to North Ossetia.

In 1957, when the repressed peoples were allowed to return from exile, Checheno-Ingushetia was restored, but the Prigorodny region remained part of North Ossetia. Returning there was not encouraged: Moscow was distrustful of the repressed peoples, and the republican authorities, fearing territorial claims, created obstacles to employment and registration. In 1982, the USSR Council of Ministers issued a resolution (N183) “On limiting the registration of citizens in the Prigorodny district of the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.” This decree was actually applied only to the Ingush.

Nevertheless, the Ingush returned, bought their yards from the Ossetians, lived illegally or built and registered for bribes. Many studied and worked in Vladikavkaz, were treated in republican hospitals; and despite the tensions in relations with the Ossetian population, the percentage of mixed marriages was quite high.

The ideas of “returning lands” and “restoring historical justice” have been popular among the Ingush since their return from deportation. However, open demands to return the Prigorodny district were first made only in 1973, during open protests of the Ingush intelligentsia in Grozny. In the late 1980s, the problem began to be actively discussed. The catalyst for the conflict was the law “On the Rehabilitation of Repressed Peoples,” adopted by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on April 26, 1991, the third and sixth articles of which provided for “territorial rehabilitation.” It should be noted that S.A. Kovalev and some other human rights activists opposed the adoption of this law, precisely because of the danger of conflict, for which they were greatly condemned by advocates of historical justice.

The law intensified the demands of the Ingush, giving them legitimacy and legal support. Against the background of general social tension in the region, in conditions of free access to weapons and the absence of effective mechanisms for regulating contradictions, the growing confrontation led to an armed conflict. Federal troops intervened in the conflict, which led to even greater losses among the Ingush and a mass exodus of the Ingush population from the Prigorodny region.

In the subsequent period, during the armed clashes between Ossetians and Ingush, shelling and explosions, including military and police posts and detachments, as well as as a result of the discovery of single and mass graves from the period of the armed conflict, the number of those killed in the conflict zone increased by 2003. by 340 people, the number of wounded - by more than 390 people.

Return of internally displaced persons: problems

“The return of the Ingush is a multi-move chess operation,” says Valery Smirnov, head of the department for social issues and work with internally displaced persons at the Special Representative of the President of the Russian Federation for the settlement of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict. Indeed, return is a difficult process, depending on a number of complicating factors.

Firstly, the Ingush and Ossetian sides still cannot reach a consensus on the question of how many Ingush are eligible for government resettlement assistance. Secondly, the return directly depends on the timely transfer of state aid for destroyed housing. Thirdly, overcoming the conflict is influenced by the moods and attitudes of people who experienced an armed conflict more than a decade ago. All this is complicated by the economic backwardness of the region and the tense migration situation: after the Georgian-Ossetian conflict, according to various sources, the Prigorodny district received from 7.5 to 26,000 South Ossetian refugees from Georgia, some of whom live in houses and apartments that previously belonged to the Ingush.

Conflict of numbers: how many Ingush are eligible for government resettlement assistance?

According to various estimates, as a result of the armed conflict in the Prigorodny region and the city of Vladikavkaz, North Ossetia, from 30 to 60 thousand Ingush were forced to leave their homes and seek refuge in Ingushetia. In 1992-1993 The Migration Service of Ingushetia claimed that 61,000 Ingush citizens left the North Ossetian Republic; Chairman of the Supreme Council of the SOASSR A. Galazov on November 10, 1992, at a meeting of the 18th session of the Supreme Council of the SOASSR, announced the figure 32,782.

The discrepancy in the figures is explained by the fact that until 1992 the percentage of the Ingush population living in North Ossetia without registration was very high. Due to the containment policy pursued by the republican authorities and the registration restrictions in force since 1982, the Ingush lived for decades in the Prigorodny district without registration with the passport service. In 1992, these people were unable to confirm the fact of their residence and home ownership in North Ossetia. According to information from Special representative office, up to 50% of housing built after the deportation was not registered or was registered incorrectly. When the courtyards were expanded, new houses were not entered into the household books. In addition, a common form of income for the Ingush until 1992 was the so-called “otkhodnichestvo”, the seasonal departure of work teams to central Russia and Central Asia. Up to 10,000 Ingush could fall into this category of “unregistered” citizens. Thus, the situation that exists today was the result of policies of ethnic discrimination and an unreliable citizen registration system in the 1970s, 80s, 90s.

As the Memorial monitors were explained in Special. representative office, in 1993-95. a campaign was carried out to collect signatures of citizens who expressed a desire to return to North Ossetia-Asia. The list of applicants included about 45,000 people. After checking the signatures, removing repetitions and absurdities, 40,953 people remained on the list. Next, painstaking work was carried out to confirm the fact of residence of each family based on data from the address and information bureau of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, local government bodies and executive authorities.

As a result of the inspection, Spec. the representative office received a figure of 31,224 people or 5,516 families. These citizens have been recognized as having the right to receive government assistance in returning to their places of residence in North Ossetia-Asia.

State assistance to internally displaced persons

For forced migrants who have confirmed their residence in the Prigorodny district of RNO-A, the state provides assistance in the form of:

  1. Covering the costs of moving property and family members from their place of temporary residence;
  2. Providing temporary housing (a trailer worth 80,000 rubles);
  3. Providing transport for the work of a visiting commission to measure the area of ​​a household or assess the condition of destroyed housing;
  4. Allocation of funds for construction, restoration or purchase of housing;
  5. Free legal advice for IDPs, representation of their interests in the courts.

The amount of financial assistance allocated by the state for the construction, restoration or purchase of housing is determined depending on the size and value of the lost home ownership, the cost of sq. m. m. area and necessary building materials, as well as the number of family members. Compensation is paid in three stages and is indexed depending on inflation. In contrast to the practice adopted in Russia of allocating a fixed amount as compensation for lost housing, the amount of assistance to displaced people in the zone of the former Ossetian-Ingush conflict is theoretically unlimited. According to Special representative offices, at the moment, bank accounts have been opened for a number of families to transfer amounts exceeding 1 million rubles.

Unfortunately, such a favorable scheme for determining the amount of compensation for resettlers often creates difficulties in actually making payments. The amount of funds allocated by the federal budget for the restoration of housing and destroyed infrastructure in the zone of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict is strictly fixed and amounts to 200 million rubles per year. Rising prices and large amounts of compensation lead to the fact that annually allocated federal funds are not enough. According to spec. representative office, at the end of 2003, the amount of debt on already opened accounts exceeded 600 million rubles.

Delays in payments for the construction and restoration of housing are the main obstacle to the return of Ingush migrants to the so-called “problem-free” settlements.

Moral and psychological climate and “problem” settlements

On October 11, 2002, the presidents of North Ossetia - Alania and the Republic of Ingushetia signed the Agreement “On the Development of Cooperation and Good Neighborliness.” For the first time since the end of the conflict, the leadership of the republics took such a noticeable political step towards meeting each other, replacing confrontational rhetoric with an attitude towards goodwill and constructive interaction. This step is all the more important because over the past decade, mutual rejection has been enshrined at the level of legislative acts of the parties.

The official assessment of the events of 1992 in RNO-A was enshrined in the materials of the 18th session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (November 1992) and the II Congress of the Ossetian people (May 1993). In these materials, the conflict is interpreted as “a pre-prepared, carefully planned, technically equipped, treacherous aggression of Ingush bandit formations against the sovereign North Ossetian SSR, supported by the majority of the Ingush population of North Ossetia” with the aim of seizing and seizing part of the Prigorodny district and the right bank of the city of Vladikavkaz, annexing them to the newly formed Ingush Republic." At the same time, the leadership of the SO SSR adopted the thesis about the "impossibility of living together with the Ingush."

For a decade, the government of the republic maintained that the multinational people of North Ossetia, which includes representatives of more than 100 ethnic groups, live in peace and good neighborliness with each other and all peaceful nations. Legally and at the level of mass consciousness, the Ingush were excluded from this category. With the assistance of Special Representation of the President of the Russian Federation on the settlement of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict, the thesis about the “impossibility of residence” was canceled in 1997.

The assessment of the events of 1992 by the Ingush side was enshrined in the materials of the Extraordinary Congress of the Ingush People (February 1993) and the Resolution of the People's Assembly - Parliament of the Republic of Ingushetia dated September 21, 1994 N 47 "On the political and legal assessment of the events of October-November 1992 in the Prigorodny region and the city Vladikavkaz, Republic of North Ossetia". In these documents, the conflict is presented as “the forced deportation of the Ingush population from the territory of North Ossetia, the ethnic cleansing of the Prigorodny district and the city of Vladikavkaz in North Ossetia.” Article 11 of the Constitution of the Ingush Republic still states that “the return by political means of the territory illegally seized from Ingushetia and the preservation of the territorial integrity of the Republic of Ingushetia is the most important task of the state.”

Undoubtedly, such attitudes influenced both the development of the inter-republican political process and the relations between national communities. At the moment, the Ossetian-Ingush conflict is a latent conflict. Monitoring carried out by employees of the Human Rights Center "Memorial" in the Prigorodny district revealed a generally persistent, fairly high level of tension in relations between the Ossetian and Ingush populations. However, compared to previous years, the situation has noticeably changed for the better.

The most favorable moral and psychological climate was noted in the villages where the return took place, especially where Ingush and Ossetian settlements do not form ethnic enclaves, and both Ossetians and Ingush live on the same street (for example, the villages of Dongaron, Kurtat). A survey of the population showed that good neighborly relations are most easily established by middle-aged people (40-50) who have had previous experience of communicating with each other; It is more difficult for young people to make mutual contact. Adolescents and young men whose development took place during the conflict itself or in the post-conflict years live in isolation from each other.

An important role in maintaining disunity is played by separate schooling, practiced in some villages (Chermen village) of the Prigorodny district. The decision to introduce separate education was made by the leadership out of fear of possible excesses on ethnic grounds. However, teachers in co-educational schools told Memorial monitors (the village of Dongaron, Kurtat) that there are no conflicts on ethnic grounds in their schools.

Despite the significant reduction in tension in the region as a whole, there remain a number of settlements where returns are not taking place. These are the so-called “problem villages”, where, according to the authorities of North Ossetia-Asia, the moral and psychological climate is not ripe for the return of the Ingush. The problem settlements of the Prigorodny district are: Terk village, Oktyabrskoye village, Ir, s. Chermen (partially), p. Tarskoe (partially), p. Kambileevskaya (partially), Vladikavkaz.

In the city of Vladikavkaz, returns are proceeding extremely slowly, despite the fact that a number of families managed to restore the right to own their capital apartments. So, according to Special. representative offices, at the end of 2003, 113 apartments in Vladikavkaz were returned to the former owners of Ingush nationality voluntarily or administratively (through the court). Several families restored their ownership rights in the village. Oktyabrskoe, however, according to available data, these apartments are not lived in, they are rented out to tenants.

Problem villages also include settlements that fall within the so-called water protection zone. According to Decree N186 of the Government of North Ossetia-Asia dated July 25, 1996, five settlements ( Terk, Chernorechenskoye, Yuzhny, Balta and Redant-2) belong to the “zone of sanitary protection of drinking water supply sources” in the city of Vladikavkaz. Households in this area are subject to demolition, and the citizens living in them are subject to resettlement. 80% of the houses marked for demolition belong to Ingush.

According to the State Committee of the Republic of Ingushetia until 1992, the following people lived in the settlements of the so-called water protection zone (persons/families):

  • Terk - 1994 / 398
  • Chernorechenskoe - 1996 / 356
  • Southern - 3271 / 584
  • Balta - 970 / 162
  • Redant -2 - 1983 / 331

Currently, all residents of these villages are internally displaced. The situation is aggravated by the fact that at the federal level, the adoption of a final decision on the boundaries and technical and economic parameters of the water protection zone is constantly being postponed, thus delaying the solution to the problem of the return of Ingush families to North Ossetia.

Return dynamics: 1992-2005

Officially, the return of the Ingush to North Ossetia-Asia began in 1994. Currently, Ingush migrants are actually returning to 13 villages in the Prigorodny district. Before 1992, the Ingush lived in 29 settlements in North Ossetia, but after the conflict they applied to return to only 16 villages. Thus, not a single family expressed a desire to return to the Mozdok district of North Ossetia, although the conflict bypassed this area. Apparently, the migrants are afraid to return to villages where the Ingush population is small and dispersed.

According to the Office of the Special Representative of the President of the Russian Federation for the settlement of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict, as of January 1, 2004, state assistance in the return was provided to 3,942 families of internally displaced Ingush (21,560 people). These citizens are counted as having returned to RNO-A.

Thus, according to the Special Representation, the state has already provided assistance to about 80% of citizens whose registration and (or) residence before the conflict in North Ossetia was officially confirmed.

These data differ significantly from the data of the State Committee for Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons of the Republic of Ingushetia. According to information provided by the State Committee, as of January 1, 2004, 11,988 people returned to 13 settlements in the Prigorodny district of RNO-A.

This discrepancy in numbers is due to the fact that the employees of the Special. Representative offices consider as returnees all those who received state support for return in the form of opening personal accounts or allocating temporary housing, regardless of whether the family was actually able to return. Employees of the State Committee of the Republic of Ingushetia classify as returnees only those citizens who actually live in the territory of the Prigorodny District. However, due to the fact that it is difficult to develop a reliable mechanism for recording citizens actually living in the area, the figures of Special. representative offices are usually mistaken for official ones.

In recent years, the dynamics of return to the Prigorodny district has decreased compared to previous years. According to the special representative of the President of the Russian Federation on the settlement of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict A.V. Kulakovsky, “this is due to the fact that the base of those returning to “problem-free” settlements is close to completion, where almost everyone who wanted to returned has returned.”

According to Associate Professor A. Dzadziev, a specialist in the department of ethnopolitical studies of the North Ossetian Institute of Humanitarian and Social Research of the Vladikavkaz Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the reasons lie in the fact that “the prerequisites and opportunities have not yet been created for the return of the Ingush to a number of settlements with a difficult moral and psychological situation In the minds of many Ossetians living in the zone of liquidation of the consequences of the Ossetian-Ingush armed conflict, the thesis about the impossibility of Ossetians and Ingush living together, voiced at one time (but subsequently withdrawn) by the leadership of the republic and the All-Ossetian socio-political movement "Alanti Nykhas" continues to dominate. ".

Forced migrants from the Prigorodny district living on the territory of the Republic of Ingushetia and in the village. Maysky RSO - A

At the end of 2003, according to various sources, from 14 to 20 thousand Ingush forced migrants from North Ossetia continue to remain on the territory of Ingushetia and beyond its borders. Basically, these are residents of the so-called “problem villages”, villages falling under the water protection zone and the city of Vladikavkaz. IDPs live in the private sector and in barracks, on the territory of the Republic of Ingushetia, as well as in the refugee town "Maysky", located on the territory of North Ossetia-Asia near the border with Ingushetia.

This category of citizens does not receive assistance from the state or humanitarian organizations. The living conditions of IDPs in trailers (village Maysky) and barracks (RI) do not meet the minimum requirements for human housing. Monitoring carried out by employees of the Human Rights Center "Memorial" in the village. Maysk and barracks located on the territory of the Republic of Ingushetia, showed that due to the emergency condition of temporary housing, the health of IDPs is at serious risk: in winter, due to frequent and prolonged power outages, chronic diseases develop in unheated rooms; the lack of humanitarian support and almost 100% unemployment among IDPs lead to increased cases of malnutrition among children. Many children do not attend school due to lack of warm clothing.

After Beslan: returns stopped for 9 months and resumed again

The return of the Ingush to the Prigorodny district of North Ossetia-Asia was suspended in September 2004 after the tragedy in Beslan. The central press has more than once linked the tragic events in Beslan with the Ossetian-Ingush conflict of 1992, despite the fact that the terrorists in the Beslan school did not put forward demands related to changing the status of the Prigorodny district, and the composition of the terrorist group was multinational. As a result, the unsubstantiated mythology about the “Ingush trace” of Beslan has become firmly entrenched in the mass consciousness of some residents of North Ossetia, which has led to an inevitable increase in interethnic tension in the region. To the credit of both peoples, incidents on ethnic grounds were avoided.

On April 17, an agreement was reached between the state committees of the Republics of North Ossetia-Alania and the Republic of Ingushetia, as well as the Ministry of Nationalities Affairs of the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania, on the return of four Ingush families to their place of permanent residence in the village of Chermen, on which a corresponding protocol was signed.

On April 20, the Arsamakov (8 people), Bogatyrev (4 people), Kusiev (4 people) and Miziev (10 people) families loaded trailers and personal belongings onto trucks and headed towards North Ossetia. At 8:15 am the convoy was stopped at checkpoint 105. As the checkpoint staff explained to the refugees, the former Ossetian neighbors are against the return of Ingush families to their farmsteads, so the move is impossible. It turned out that these four families were supposed to return to that part of Chermen that had previously been closed to the return of the Ingush.

The families spent ten days at the administrative border of North Ossetia and Republic of Ingushetia. Among them are two veterans of the Great Patriotic War - Saadu Arsamakov (87 years old) and Zhugurkhan Kusieva (78 years old). Saadu Arsamakov, who defended the Krasnodar region and Kuban, was twice considered to have died heroically, but survived, and was presented with the highest state awards, which he did not receive, since He was deported straight from the front to Kazakhstan. Zhugurkhan Kusieva, a veteran rear support worker, a shock worker of communist labor, was awarded the Veteran of Labor medal and the Order of Labor Glory.

Within ten days, representatives of the republican and federal authorities came to the administrative border. Human rights activists expressed concern that two war veterans will celebrate the 60th anniversary of the Victory in trailers near the Ossetian-Ingush border.

Fortunately, this did not happen. Representatives of the Southern Federal District helped organize Saadu Arsamakov’s trip to Moscow to participate in the celebration of the 60th anniversary of the Victory. A.V. Yarin, deputy head of the department for internal policy of the Southern Federal District, promised residents of four families to understand the situation, identify those who are resisting their return immediately after May 9, and settle them in their yard in the village of Chermen. In exchange, he asked to drive away the convoy with trailers from the administrative border of North Ossetia and Ingushetia. On April 30, the return of Ingush families to the “open” villages of the Prigorodny district of the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania resumed. On April 30, two families of Albakov Kureysh Alaudinovich (5 people) and Getagazov Movli Dzhabrailovich (5 people) returned to the village of Dachnoye; On May 4, the Bogatyreva Molotkhan family (7 people) moved to the village of Chermen; on May 5, 3 families returned to the village of Dachnoye - Marzhan Gazmogomedovna Khadzieva (6 people), Akhmed Mikailovich Yandieva (4 people) and Magomed Sandroevich Yandieva (8 people). Only 35 people. As of May 15, four families had not returned to Chermen. On May 10, veteran Arsamakov will return from Moscow and will look forward to the promised return.

1. Human Rights Center "Memorial" regretfully has to admit that at the all-Russian and international level the Ossetian-Ingush conflict is a forgotten conflict. The war in the Chechen Republic pushed the problem of Ingush internally displaced persons into the background. At the same time, several thousand Ingush have spent 11 years in trailers and tents. "Memorial" appeals to Russian and foreign non-governmental organizations and the media with a request and recommendation to cover the problem of forced migrants from the Prigorodny region in their regions and countries, to include the problem of Ingush refugees in reports, and visits to places of compact residence of Ingush migrants in the schedule of business trips around the region.

2. Human Rights Center “Memorial” believes that the priority direction of post-conflict construction should be peacekeeping work at the local level, in rural communities, aimed at 1) preparing the Ossetian population for living together with the Ingush (especially in the so-called “closed villages”); 2) bringing ethnic groups (especially young people) closer together. In this regard, Memorial considers it appropriate to study and use international peacekeeping experience in working in local communities, developed during post-conflict construction in the Balkans and the Middle East.

3. Memorial recommends abandoning the practice of segregated education in schools. The Ossetian-Ingush conflict is dangerous with the possibility of new outbreaks of violence and the involvement of new generations in the conflict through segregation can have unpredictable consequences.

4. Human Rights Center "Memorial" recommends that responsible persons on a federal and republican scale not delay solving the problem of the return of the Ingush. This especially applies to resolving issues related to bureaucratic delays. Thus, Memorial considers it advisable to determine the boundaries of the water protection zone as quickly as possible, on the basis of expert, politically neutral opinion, and begin the process of relocating the people living there.

6. “Memorial” recommends that the federal and republican authorities begin the process of political settlement of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict, in order to eliminate the causes of the confrontation between Ossetians and Ingush, that is, remove the territorial dispute about the status of the Prigorodny region of North Ossetia from the agenda.

For example, citizens who lost home ownership as a result of military operations in Chechnya were provided with compensation in the form of 300,000 rubles. Families who lost their housing due to floods and river floods received compensation in the amount of 50,000 rubles on average.

Resolution of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of May 28, 1993 N 177 “On the political assessment of the tragic events that occurred in October-November 1992.”

Resolution No. 89 of the Government of North Ossetia-Asia of May 18, 1998 “On the resettlement of citizens living in the sanitary protection zone of drinking water supply sources.”

Kulakovsky A.V. Detailed representation of the special representative of the President of the Russian Federation on solving the problems of eliminating the consequences of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict in 2002 // Information and analytical collection No. 7, 2003.

More than 70 families of internally displaced persons who previously lived in the middle part of the village. Chermen, in 1998 received financial resources for the restoration of destroyed housing, but were unable to use them due to the fact that local residents, with the connivance of the head of the local administration, prevented them from returning to their plots.

State The committee provided year-by-year breakdowns of figures only from 2000, as well as totals.

Kulakovsky A.V. Detailed representation of the special representative of the President of the Russian Federation on solving the problems of eliminating the consequences of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict in 2002... P. 51.

The suburban region was transferred to North Ossetia in 1944 after the deportation of the Ingush to Central Asia.

May-June 2005

The Ingush Republic, formed without borders and not yet having state authorities, literally five months after its proclamation, was forced to solve problems associated with the influx of tens of thousands of refugees expelled on ethnic grounds, mainly from the Prigorodny district and the city of Vladikavkaz and other populated areas of North Ossetia .

Among the interethnic conflicts of the post-Soviet period, the Ossetian-Ingush conflict of October-November 1992 was the first in terms of its occurrence on Russian territory. And during all this time, it continues to remain unliquidated and has unresolved problems to its credit.

In North Ossetia, these events were called “armed aggression of Ingush national extremists”, in Ingushetia - “ethnic cleansing”, in the official Russian press they are called the “Ossetian-Ingush conflict”. But no matter what these events are called, their results are tragic.

By 1992, the bulk of the Ingush of North Ossetia lived in the Prigorodny district and the city of Vladikavkaz in the places of their former historical residence. As is known, after the restoration in 1957 of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, liquidated 13 years earlier, the Prigorodny district and administratively later included in the city of Ordzhonikidze (Vladikavkaz), the historically Ingush settlements remained part of the North Ossetian Republic.

The Ingush, who returned to some of the settlements in North Ossetia, settled down within 35 years and, to a large extent, integrated into the local socio-political and socio-economic life. There were certain problems, but the union center, as is known, then strictly regulated national relations. Hence the stability of socio-political life in the region, although it sometimes showed its negative sides.

The new federal government, which declared itself democratic, in 1991-1992 adopted a number of populist and declarative documents that were not supported by a mechanism for their implementation. This is, first of all, the Law of the Russian Federation “On the rehabilitation of repressed peoples” dated April 26, 1991 and the Law of the Russian Federation “ On the formation of the Ingush Republic as part of the Russian Federation" dated June 4, 1992.

Even five months after the formation of the Ingush Republic, state authorities were not formed here. Local authorities were enclave in nature and were not associated with activities regulating the creative and legal process. The federal center was engaged in its own arrangement and was literally and figuratively intoxicated by the undivided power it had inherited, especially in its material part. And under these conditions, she simply had no time for Ingushetia.

It was against this background that the tragedy of the Ingush and Ossetian peoples occurred.

As a result of the tragic events of the autumn of 1992 in North Ossetia, more than 60 thousand citizens of Ingush nationality were expelled from their places of permanent residence in North Ossetia, of which about 40 thousand people had official registration. More than 20 thousand Ingush lived in North Ossetia, unable to register, due to closed resolutions: Council of Ministers of the USSR No. 183 of March 5, 1982 “ On restricting the registration of citizens in the SOASSR"and the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of North Ossetia dated September 14, 1990 " On limiting the mechanical growth of the population of the Prigorodny region».

Within a few days - from October 31 to November 5 - ethnic cleansing was carried out in North Ossetia, as a result of which 405 Ingush died and 198 went missing. Ossetian losses amounted to 102 people killed and 12 missing. About 10 thousand Ingush were taken hostage, some of whom were killed or went missing. The most famous places where hostages were kept: Palace of Culture. Sunzha of the Prigorodny district, the DOSAAF building on Gadiev Street, a dormitory on Pavlenko Street and the basements of the medical institute in Vladikavkaz, a vegetable storehouse in the village of Mayramadag, the sports hall of school No. 1 in Beslan and others.

The Ingush were expelled from 19 settlements of the republic. More than 3.5 thousand households of citizens of Ingush nationality were looted, burned and destroyed. Villages with a predominantly Ingush population were practically wiped off the face of the earth.

The forced migrants from North Ossetia who arrived mainly in Ingushetia were initially housed in unsuitable buildings of institutions and organizations, kindergartens, schools, hastily built temporary structures, and towns consisting of trailers. A significant number were housed in private houses of the local population. The Republic looked for and found an opportunity to provide them with food, clothing, basic household utensils, etc.

Some of the internally displaced persons left for Grozny, CIS countries, mainly Kazakhstan. The Ingush Republic accounted for the majority of internally displaced persons.

Neither the adopted regulatory legal acts, nor the numerous appeals of the Ingush to the highest authorities of the Russian Federation restored their constitutional rights. It was only in August 1994, almost two years after the ethnic cleansing, that the slow process of returning internally displaced persons began.

More than 160 documents have been adopted by federal government bodies to restore the constitutional rights of victims of the conflict over more than 20 post-conflict years, hundreds of bi- and trilateral agreements have been signed, and the problem of eliminating the consequences of the 1992 tragedy has not been resolved. The heads of both republics signed dozens of treaties and agreements to restore the constitutional rights of citizens, and the republican (Ingushetia and North Ossetia) government bodies issued about 200 regulations.

The President of the Russian Federation alone adopted more than 90 decrees, orders and instructions on the liquidation of the consequences of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict of October-November 1992.

The first interethnic conflict on the territory of the Russian Federation still remains unresolved.

7 settlements of their former permanent residence remain completely unofficially closed to the return of forced migrants of Ingush nationality, and 6 villages are partially closed. In order to prevent the return of the Ingush to North Ossetia, a number of resolutions of the republican government were adopted on the so-called water protection zone, according to which the territories of the settlements of Chernorechenskoye, Terk, Yuzhny, Balta, Chmi and Redant cannot be repopulated by residents. The city of Vladikavkaz, the villages of Ir, Oktyabrskoye, Terk, Chernorechenskoye, the Popov farm, the village of Yuzhny, in which they previously lived compactly, and the villages of Chermen, Kambileevskoye, are still “closed” to the return of forced migrants of Ingush nationality. Tarskoe.

According to n. Chernorechenskoye, Terk and Yuzhny settlements are subject to Decree of the Government of the Republic of North Ossetia-Asia dated July 25, 1996 No. 186 “ On the zone of sanitary protection of drinking water supply sources"and dated May 18, 1998 No. 89 "On the resettlement of citizens living in the zone of sanitary protection of drinking water supply sources (villages Yuzhny, Chernorechenskoye, Terk, Balta, Redant-2)", in connection with which forced migrants of Ingush nationality from them denied return to their places of former residence.

On November 30, 2007, by the Law of North Ossetia, the villages of Terk and Chernorechenskoye, contrary to the opinion of the citizens of Ingush nationality who lived in them and made up up to 95 percent of their population, were abolished.

Many surviving Ingush houses and apartments in Ingush settlements were illegally settled by immigrants from South Ossetia, most of which were transferred into their possession by decision of local judicial authorities.

With the help of numerous artificial and illegal conditions for return, a significant part of the Ingush were unable to return to their places of former permanent residence in the Prigorodny district and the city of Vladikavkaz and were forced to settle in Ingushetia and other regions of Russia and the CIS countries.

Although the official press of North Ossetia claims that the majority of Ingush returned to their places of former permanent residence, in fact only 12-13 thousand Ingush out of 60 thousand returned. This does not take into account demographic growth, which, as is known, among the Ingush is one of the highest in the country.

Destructive forces, which at best impede the realization of the constitutional rights of citizens, continue to operate.

Currently, the main document defining measures to eliminate the consequences of the conflict and the vector of development of inter-republican cooperation is Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of October 6, 2004 No. 1285 “On measures to improve the activities of government bodies in developing relations between the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania and the Republic Ingushetia".

Based on the results of consideration of the appeal of the leadership of the Republic of Ingushetia, the President of the Russian Federation D.A. Medvedev gave instructions dated January 28, 2009 No. Pr-164 on the development of a comprehensive program for the socio-economic development of settlements in the Prigorodny district and the city of Vladikavkaz in places where citizens of the Ingush and Ossetian nationality for 2010-2012.

The “Program of joint actions of government bodies, public and political organizations of the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania and the Republic of Ingushetia for the development of good neighborly relations between the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania and the Republic of Ingushetia for 2010” was in effect, approved by the leadership of both republics on December 17, 2009.”

Artificially created barriers to returning to their places of former residence forced many migrants from North Ossetia to settle in the Republic of Ingushetia or in other regions. The results of repeated surveys of forced migrants conducted by the Federal Migration Service of Russia in 2005-2006 indicate the desire of 95% of them to return exclusively to their previous places of residence in the territory of North Ossetia-Asia.

The Federal Migration Service of Russia, which was entrusted by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of October 6, 2004 No. 1285 to ensure the legal rights of citizens affected by the conflict, has not fulfilled the functions assigned to it.

Despite repeated appeals from the leadership of the Republic of Ingushetia, the issue of repealing paragraph 5 of the Order of the Federal Migration Service of Russia dated 04/07/2008 remains unresolved. No. 83, according to which the rights of citizens of Ingush nationality to return to their farmsteads are placed in direct dependence on the desires and opinions of neighbors of Ossetian nationality, which is fundamentally contrary to Article 27 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation. According to this paragraph of the order of the Federal Migration Service of Russia, the basis for refusing an Ingush family to return to their native places is the real or virtual reluctance of the local population. This is called the lack of a moral and psychological climate for Ingush and Ossetians to live together. Thus, the thesis adopted in 1994 by the Parliament of North Ossetia about the impossibility of living together between Ingush and Ossetians operates in a veiled form. Officially, it has been cancelled, but is already in effect on the basis of a federal document.

The process of integration of the Ingush population into the socio-economic and socio-political life of North Ossetia is progressing slowly. Not a single Ingush works in any republican government body of North Ossetia-Alania. This is despite the fact that foreign citizens, fellow tribesmen of the titular nation, work in all institutions in large numbers.

There is also no representative of the third largest nation in the Parliament of the republic. Moreover, in order to exclude such a phenomenon, electoral districts in the Prigorodny district are artificially formed in such a way that they do not pass to the highest legislative assembly of the republic.

One single Ingush works in the Prigorodny district administration, two head the administration of settlements in the region, the Ingush population of which is 80-90%.

Citizens of Ingush nationality living in North Ossetia-Asia experience difficulties in exercising their legal rights.

Separate education of children in the village continues. Chermen. About 1,500 students of Ingush nationality are studying in schools in settlements where forced migrants return to North Ossetia-Asia. Of these, only in secondary school No. 37 in the village of Kartsa and the village. Kurtat Ingush children study together with children of Ossetian and other nationalities. The rest of the Ingush children are taught separately or not at all in their schools. and are forced to study in schools in Ingushetia.

The policy of segregation is carried out in schools. villages of Kurtat, Dongaron, Tarskoe, Chermen and Tarskoe of the Prigorodny district.

The Ingush have no opportunity to get a job or do business. As a rule, they are not hired by law enforcement agencies, except in the village. Mayskoe. According to available data, only a little more than 200 residents of Ingush nationality have permanent jobs in various institutions of the Prigorodny region, which is 2.3 percent of the economically active part of the Ingush population.

If the mention of the Ingush people as an aggressor has already left the official press of North Ossetia, it is mentioned in fundamental sources with the clear goal of preserving this image in the souls of not only adults, but also the younger generation of this republic.

It is enough to mention the history textbooks of North Ossetia for all age categories of schoolchildren.

Latest news from Ingushetia on the topic:
​1992. Ossetian-Ingush conflict

In accordance with Article 41 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, every citizen has the right to health care and free medical care,
04/05/2019 Serdalo

Ossetian-Ingush conflict

The roots of the conflict between Ossetians and Ingush go back to 1924, when the Mountain Autonomous Socialist Republic was abolished. In this part of the North Caucasus, three regions were formed from it - Chechen, Ingush and North Ossetian. The suburban region was considered Ingush. Meanwhile, Chechnya and Ingushetia again became a single republic (since 1936), and in 1944 this republic was abolished due to the deportation of Chechens and Ingush. The Ingush were also removed from the territory of the Prigorodny District, and the region officially became part of North Ossetia.

The Ingush officially presented their territorial claims to North Ossetia, the origins of which lay in the deportation of 1944 and the subsequent settlement of empty lands by Ossetians and other peoples in November 1990. Then the Supreme Council of Checheno-Ingushetia adopted a declaration that presented an ultimatum: Checheno-Ingushetia will sign the Union Treaty if the Ingush receive the Prigorodny region of North Ossetia. Gorbachev’s entourage began to conduct secret negotiations with Checheno-Ingushetia, trying to make this autonomous republic one of the allies of the USSR leadership.

In 1990, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopted the Law “On the Division of Powers between the USSR and the Subjects of the Federation,” according to which the autonomous republics also became subjects of the USSR.

This law shook the ground under Boris Yeltsin's feet. Power passed into the hands of the union leadership. Therefore, Yeltsin was forced to declare that he, in turn, also guarantees the autonomous republics sovereignty, and exactly as much as they can take.

In June 1991, the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, led by Yeltsin, adopted the Law “On the Rehabilitation of Repressed Peoples,” which provided for the restoration of the territorial integrity of a number of former autonomies. According to this law, the Ingush could lay claim to the Prigorodny district of North Ossetia, but how was not specified in the law. Moreover, the repressed Cossacks, who until the 1920s lived on the lands, in particular, of the Prigorodny district, were also subject to rehabilitation. A provocative role was played by Boris Yeltsin’s trip to the North Caucasus during the presidential election campaign (June 1991), when he promised the Ossetians and Ingush mutually exclusive ways to resolve the territorial problem.

The populist law of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR only worsened the situation.

Among the factors in the Ossetian-Ingush conflict, the most powerful were historical and territorial: they are effectively used to further intensify the conflict. In addition, there are economic reasons for the crisis: the location of the main production facilities in North Ossetia, high deterioration of the industry, a negative balance of exports and imports of products; a sharp difference in income among different groups of the population, high population density with a lack of resources, a significant proportion of people of working age who are not employed in social production, a growing shortage of food and consumer goods.

After the rehabilitation of the Chechens and Ingush in 1957, the Prigorodny district did not become part of the recreated Checheno-Ingushetia - as compensation it received three districts of Stavropol located along its northern border. However, after the collapse of the USSR, Ingushetia and Chechnya separated, and the Stavropol regions remained part of Chechnya. Then the Ingush again raised the question of returning the Prigorodny district, especially since in the decades since the deportation the Ingush population in this territory has grown again. While the Supreme Council of the RSFSR hesitated in revising the paragraphs of the law on the rehabilitation of repressed peoples in terms of territorial rehabilitation, some Ingush leaders decided to deal with the problem of the Prigorodny region themselves. Moreover, in October 1992, Ingushetia faced the first elections of regional authorities.

Meanwhile, military preparations began between the parties. The Ingush mostly armed themselves spontaneously, whoever could, especially since after the collapse of the USSR and its unified Armed Forces such opportunities appeared. Some of the weapons were purchased in Chechnya.

On the Ossetian side, back in November 1991, armed formations began to be created: “Republican Guard” and “People’s Militia”. Representatives of the Soviet command provided active assistance in organizing and arming these formations. In May 1992, the Supreme Council of North Ossetia adopted a resolution to speed up the production of weapons at Vladikavkaz enterprises to arm the guards and militias, and in August the Russian military transferred a large number of automatic weapons, armored vehicles, and Grad and Alazan installations to North Ossetia.

By May 1992, 610 additional police officers were recruited, including 445 patrol police officers and 165 district inspectors. In addition, the republican Ministry of Internal Affairs replenished its weapons in the amount of 1303.5 thousand rubles. An agreement was reached with collectives of enterprises, organizations, collective farms and state farms on their voluntary participation in maintaining the additional number of internal affairs bodies and increasing their technical equipment in the amount of 6.3 million rubles.

These measures turned out to be useful. From October 24 to October 30, 1992, Ingush armed forces undertook a series of operations to seize power by the Ingush in the villages with their compact residence. At first, this process was not accompanied by massacres, arson and robberies of the Ossetian population of these villages. However, soon such facts began to appear more and more often.

The Ossetians did not remain in debt. All this was accompanied by mutual captures and then executions of hostages. In just a few days, all Ingush were completely evicted from Vladikavkaz and 14 villages in the Prigorodny district. Russian Deputy Prime Minister Georgy Khizha stated that “Russia will not abandon the Ossetian people” in the face of Ingush aggression. Already on October 31, Khizha ordered the allocation of 18 BMP-2 armored vehicles, 642 machine guns with ammunition, and grenades to the Ossetian formations. The next day, the Ossetian side received 57 T-72 tanks. The order on the transfer of weapons was signed by the then Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Yegor Gaidar. Deputy Prime Minister Georgy Khizha himself supervised the transfer of weapons.

On October 28, 1992, at a meeting of the Russian Security Council, a decision was made to create a joint command of federal troops and republican “self-defense forces” in North Ossetia. On October 31, Secretary of the Security Council Yuri Skokov signed a document entitled “On urgent measures to resolve the conflict on the territory of the North Ossetian SSR and the Ingush Republic.”

On November 2, 1992, President Yeltsin declared a state of emergency in the Prigorodny district. The text of his decree contained a maxim about “a direct armed attack on the constitutional order of Russia, its security and territorial integrity” by “militant nationalists.” Federal troops entered the area and by November 6 separated the warring sides. But by this time, approximately 38.7 thousand Ingush who permanently lived in the Prigorodny district had already been subjected to ethnic cleansing and were forced to leave its territory.

As a result of the clashes, 546 people died - 105 of them Ossetians and 407 Ingush. Criminal cases related to the deaths and abductions of civilians were later consolidated into one proceeding and terminated.

According to data from the Ingush side, Russian armored vehicles and artillery units were in the first echelon (moving from Vladikavkaz to the border with Ingushetia). The Russian troops were followed by detachments of the “Republican Guard” and the “people’s militia” of North Ossetia, who blocked the villages and expelled the Ingush population. The third echelon was moving South Ossetian volunteers from the Ir brigade.

In total, about 68 thousand people participated in this operation on the Russian-Ossetian side. Among the Russian troops were units and divisions of the division named after. Dzerzhinsky internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia (including special forces), two regiments of the Pskov airborne division, garrison units and cadets of military schools of Vladikavkaz. In addition to the “Republican Guard” and “people’s militia”, the Ossetian side was represented by the riot police of the Republican Ministry of Internal Affairs of North Ossetia. In addition, two Cossack regiments and South Ossetian volunteers took part in the events on the Ossetian side.

In the zone of liquidation of the consequences of the conflict, 66 Russian servicemen who took part in the disengagement of the warring parties and the subsequent maintenance of the security regime were killed and almost 130 wounded. According to various estimates, from 30 to 60 thousand residents of Ingush nationality were forced to leave the territory of the Prigorodny district and the city of Vladikavkaz and most of them settled in neighboring Ingushetia.

In the subsequent period, during the armed clashes between Ossetians and Ingush, shelling and explosions, including military and police posts and detachments, as well as as a result of the discovery of single and mass graves from the period of the armed conflict, the number of those killed in the conflict zone increased by several hundred people .

Due to the fact that the conflict largely developed on an ethnic basis, confrontation also occurred between the Ossetian and Ingush populations within North Ossetia.

The federal center is pursuing a policy of finding a compromise between Ossetia and Ingushetia, which is complicated by the parties’ different interpretations of the law “On Repressed Peoples” and the presence in the legislation of both republics of norms limiting possible compromises. After the election of M. Zyazikov as President of the Republic of Ingushetia, a tendency towards greater mutual understanding on the part of the leadership of both republics was determined.

On October 20, 2006, Russian Prime Minister M. Fradkov signed a decree that set the final deadline for resolving the Ossetian-Ingush conflict. According to the document, forced migrants applying for state support were required to submit a corresponding application to the Federal Migration Service by December 1, 2006, and the FMS stopped accepting all related documents on July 1, 2007.

The decision to limit the time frame for the Ossetian-Ingush settlement was explained by political reasons. Resettlement became a bargaining chip in disputes between the Ingush authorities and the federal center: as long as the refugee problem remained unresolved, the Ingush leadership explained the plight of the republic’s economy precisely by this.

By agreement with the North Ossetian side, fertile lands were allocated for settlements for Ingush refugees (Novy-1 and Novy-2) on the territory of North Ossetia, 200 meters from the border with Ingushetia, but the refugees themselves insisted on returning to closed settlements.

Fradkov’s resolution was initiated by Plenipotentiary Representative D. Kozak, who has been involved in resolving the consequences of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict since 2004, when Vladimir Putin disbanded the special representative office for settlement issues, transferring its functions to the Plenipotentiary Mission in the Southern District, and issues of refugee settlement to the Federal Migration Service. Together with the Federal Migration Service, the embassy at the beginning of 2005 prepared “Priority joint actions to resolve the Ossetian-Ingush conflict of October - November 1992.” This document described in detail who, where and how should return, as well as the departments responsible for the process.

Both sides of the conflict did not agree with this document for various reasons. North Ossetia was not satisfied that the plan was not supported financially. In addition, as the former head of the republic Alexander Dzasokhov stated, residents after the terrorist attack in Beslan must first receive security guarantees. The Ingush were most outraged that the refugees were offered to return not to their own homes, but to villages specially built for this purpose on the territory of North Ossetia. In addition, the Ingush have repeatedly pointed out that the FMS underestimates the real figures by at least half. In total, 9,438 potential migrants (2,769 families affected by the conflict) were registered with the FMS. Meanwhile, since 1992, the Ingush side has stubbornly insisted that 18 to 19 thousand people should receive state support.

However, despite the remaining disagreements between the parties, the Russian government decided to limit the conflict resolution process to a clear time frame.

Although federal authorities were quick to declare that the conflict was over, peace in the region is still very far away. Moreover, the situation is constantly heating up, which is primarily due to the activation of the Islamic underground. Neither local nor federal law enforcement agencies are able to resolve the situation.

The goal of the destructive forces is to prevent the settlement of the conflict between Ossetians and Ingush. In addition, the tasks of the Islamists include preventing the return of Russians to Ingushetia. In 2004, the republic adopted a program to return Russian residents who left Ingushetia in the 1990s. However, as soon as the Russians began to return to the republic, the field commanders adopted their “program” to oust them: the houses of the returnees and those Russians who remained in Ingushetia began to be shelled and set on fire. Then the reprisals against their owners began.

Thus, certain forces are striving to escalate the conflict between Ossetians and Ingush in order to weaken the influence of both peoples in the region. The Ossetian-Ingush conflict of 1992 still makes itself felt.

From the book Historical Preparation of October. Part I: From February to October author Trotsky Lev Davidovich

L. Trotsky. GROWING CONFLICT (Internal forces of the Russian revolution) An open conflict between the forces of the revolution, led by the urban proletariat, and the anti-revolutionary liberal bourgeoisie, temporarily in power, is completely inevitable. It is possible, of course, and

From the book The Decline of Humanity author Valtsev Sergey Vitalievich

Conflict of spirituality and materiality Let's imagine that a person has two hours of free time, he must choose what to spend it on. He can spend them on spiritual improvement or on material ones. It would be wrong to imagine that the conflict between spirituality and

From the book Basics of Scientific Anti-Semitism author Balandin Sergey

Generation conflict? Without denying the crisis, some are trying to hide behind the phrase “the eternal conflict of generations.” Parents always do not understand their children. This has always been the case. When we encounter this type of argumentation, we, as a rule, are dealing with

From the book How Torpedo was Destroyed. A story of betrayal author Timoshkin Ivan

Religious conflict For us, this is, first of all, a human conflict, caused by the contradictions of interests of different egos, however, the peculiarity of this conflict is that each individual ego tries to present the subject of the conflict not himself, but some third person who

From the book The Main Military Secret of the United States. Network wars author Korovin Valery

Cultural conflict If in a religious conflict the bone of contention is certain religious dogmas that allegedly command their adherents to hate each other, then a conflict based on the rejection of certain traditions, customs, unwritten ethical norms, spontaneously

From the book Wars on the Ruins of the USSR author Zhukov Dmitry Alexandrovich

From the book Tomorrow there will be war author Burovsky Andrey Mikhailovich

Ingush “raid” A classic example of a network operation. One of the striking examples that confirmed that it is Islamist networks operating in the North Caucasus, and not scattered groups of militants, was the episode with an attack on buildings

From the book Prisoner No. 1. Unbroken Khodorkovsky author Chelishcheva Vera

Conflict in Transnistria The main reasons for the conflict, which was brewing even before the collapse of the USSR, were, on the one hand, the growth of nationalist sentiments in Moldova, on the other hand, the separatist aspirations of the leadership located on the territory of Moldova by no one

From the book Chasing the Enigma. How the German code was cracked by Liner Lev

Georgian-Abkhazian conflict In 1810, Abkhazia - without direct connection with the Georgian principalities - made an independent decision to join the Russian Empire. Georgia and Abkhazia did not exist as administrative units of the empire at that time, but there were two provinces - Kutaisi and

From the book Challenging author Medvedev Yuli Emmanuilovich

Vilnius conflict The city of Vilna developed as a German-Polish-Jewish city. The Lithuanians considered him theirs... But on the night of January 2, 1919, Polish legionnaires-militias seized power in Vilnius. On January 5, 1919, units of the Red Army recaptured the city from them. But on April 21 it was no longer the rebels, but

From the book Publications in the newspaper "Zavtra" (1989-2000) author Ivanovich Strelkov Igor

Chapter 13 Conflict 2003. The year of falling from a cliff into the abyss. The year when he will no longer be a hostage to his dream, only he will not break with this dream himself... The conflict was brewing gradually. If during 2001–2002 the changes that occurred in it only accumulated, then in 2003 there were no

From the book Eurasian Revenge of Russia author Dugin Alexander Gelevich

Conflict between the Allies Disagreement between the United States and Britain over Enigma first arose in late 1940, when negotiations began between them on the exchange of intelligence data obtained through decryption. 15 November Alastair Denniston

From the book Breaking the Pattern author Soloviev Vladimir Rudolfovich

Consoling conflict The Earth lives by the play of several powerful partners - the Atmosphere, Water, Animal and Plant World, Relief. The rules of the game and the relationships between the partners are quite confusing, but some things have been spotted. It is known, for example, that before doing

From the author's book

Ossetian-Ingush conflict The next most tense region is the Ossetian-Ingush border. Let me remind you that in October 1992, an armed conflict occurred in the Prigorodny region of North Ossetia-Alania, as a result of which hundreds of people died, and tens of thousands

From the author's book

The Arab-Israeli conflict The geopolitics of the Arab-Israeli conflict is a separate big topic. In the most general way it is described as follows. Israel was conceived as an anti-British entity based on Jews from Russia. This is National Socialist racist

From the author's book

Conflict of Civilizations Lately I have ceased to understand what Americans mean when they talk about democratic values. Well, at least because the main democratic value for a person is the right to life. And if you look at how many citizens of other

Introduction

The Ossetian-Ingush conflict is an ethnopolitical conflict in the territory of the Prigorodny region of North Ossetia (Russian Federation), which led to armed clashes on October 31 - November 4, 1992, and numerous casualties on the part of the Ossetian and Ingush populations. As of 2010, it has not been settled.

1. Background

Ingush and Ossetian settlements on the territory of the plains and foothills of modern North Ossetia and Ingushetia have been known since the end of the 17th century. With the arrival of Russia in the Caucasus, a number of territories where the Ingush lived were transferred to the Cossacks. On the lands that previously belonged to the Ingush, a striped strip was created, which was a line of Cossack villages dividing the lowland and mountainous Ingushetia. The Ingush, however, did not accept this state of affairs. The confrontation with the Cossacks continued constantly, despite the fact that the tsarist government supported the Cossacks. By the beginning of the revolution, Terek Cossacks and Ingush lived together on the territory of the modern Prigorodny district, as well as parts of the border territories. During the civil war, the Ossetians, except for those who were members of the Terek Cossacks, mostly took the neutral side, the Cossacks mostly took the side of the whites, the Ingush - the reds. The Ingush's support for the power of the Soviets was due to the Reds' promises to return the lands inhabited by the Cossacks to the Ingush.

After the end of the civil war, the Ingush demanded that the Soviet government fulfill this promise. In connection with the latter, with the formation of the Mountain Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, a significant amount of land inhabited by Cossacks was returned to the Ingush, while the Terek Cossacks were evicted. Until 1924, the territory of North Ossetia and Ingushetia was part of the Mountain Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. In 1924, the Mountain Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was abolished and divided into autonomous regions along ethnic lines. The territory of the present Prigorodny district east of Vladikavkaz was part of the Ingush Autonomous Region (back in the days of the Mountain Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, since 1922) and was inhabited mainly by Ingush. On January 15, 1934, the Chechen Autonomous Region and the Ingush Autonomous Region were united into the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Region, which in 1937 was transformed into the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (CIASSR).

On March 7, 1944, after the deportation of Chechens and Ingush to Kazakhstan and Siberia, the area was transferred to the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and settled by Ossetians. To a large extent, these were Ossetians forcibly evicted from the Kazbegk region, which was transferred to Georgia. On November 24, 1956, the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee adopted a resolution to restore the national autonomy of the Chechen and Ingush peoples. The Checheno-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was restored, but within slightly different borders - the Prigorodny district remained part of North Ossetia. As “compensation”, two districts of the Stavropol Territory were included in the Chechen Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic - Naursky and Shelkovskaya, which are now part of the Chechen Republic.

In 1963, the leadership of the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic partially changed the boundaries of the region, excluding from it some villages with an Ingush population and annexing territories on the left bank of the Terek (now most of the region west of Vladikavkaz, the former Ordzhonikidze district). The ideas of “returning lands” and “restoring historical justice” have been popular among the Ingush since their return from deportation. In 1972, a group of activists of the Ingush national movement sent a letter to the CPSU Central Committee “On the fate of the Ingush people,” in which they raised the question of the return of the Prigorodny district and the restoration of Ingush autonomy. However, open demands to return the Prigorodny district were first made on January 16-19, 1973, during open protests of the Ingush intelligentsia in the city of Grozny.

In October 1981, clashes occurred between Ingush and Ossetians in the Prigorodny region, the most serious of which occurred in Vladikavkaz. In 1982, the Council of Ministers of the USSR issued a resolution (No. 183) “On limiting the registration of citizens in the Prigorodny district of the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.” This decree was actually applied only to the Ingush.

On April 19, 1991, in one of the villages of the Prigorodny district, clashes broke out between the Ingush and the North Ossetian police, as a result of which one person was killed and several others were injured. The next day, the Supreme Council of the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic introduced a state of emergency in the Prigorodny region and Vladikavkaz, which was regularly extended by the Supreme Council of Russia until the fall of 1992. A few days later, on April 26, the Supreme Council of the RSFSR adopted the law “On the rehabilitation of repressed peoples,” which provided, among other things, for the territorial rehabilitation of the Ingush.

After the collapse of the USSR in 1991, the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic ceased to exist - Chechnya declared independence, and Ingushetia expressed its desire to remain part of the Russian Federation. On June 4, 1992, the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation adopted the law “On the formation of the Ingush Republic within the Russian Federation” without demarcating borders (the borders have not yet been defined).

2. Armed conflict

2.1. Previous Events

On October 24, 1992, in the capital of Ingushetia, Nazran, a joint session of three district councils of Ingushetia and the deputy group of the Prigorodny district of North Ossetia “expressing the will of the Ingush people and in order to protect their relatives living in North Ossetia” made a decision contrary to Russian legislation

This resolution entrusted the leadership of the detachments to the internal affairs departments of the three regions of Ingushetia; to ensure safety, volunteers and Ingush living in the Prigorodny district were allowed “use of personal firearms and other weapons...”. In response, the Supreme Council of the North Ossetian SSR issued an ultimatum demanding the disarmament of the Ingush detachments and the unblocking of all populated areas, threatening otherwise to carry out a military operation using the Republican Guard and militia units.

On October 26, 1992, after a series of discussions, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of Russia proposed that a mixed commission with the participation of Ossetian and Ingush representatives prepare a draft solution to controversial Ingush-Ossetian issues. The next day at 12 o'clock local time, about 150 armed Ingush blocked the internal troops post near the village of Kartsa in North Ossetia, demanding the withdrawal of the Russian military from the territory of the republic. On the same day, the Supreme Council of North Ossetia issued an ultimatum to the Ingush demanding that the blockade be lifted from several roads leading to Vladikavkaz by 12:00 on October 29, otherwise the parliament would introduce a state of emergency in the republic.

2.2. Fighting

On the evening of October 30, heavy machine gun fire began on Ingush neighborhoods in the villages of Kambileevka and Oktyabrskoye. On the night of October 30-31, 1992, in the villages of Dachnoye, Oktyabrskoye, Kambileevskoye, Kurtat, clashes occurred between Ossetian and Ingush armed formations. At 6:30 a.m. on October 31, armed detachments that entered the territory of the Prigorodny district from Ingushetia, near the village of Chermen, disarmed the post of internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, attacked the traffic police post and the village police station. Within a few days after this, in the Prigorodny region of the North Ossetian SSR, in the city of Vladikavkaz and adjacent villages, armed clashes took place, in which Ossetian and South Ossetian volunteers participated on the one hand - and Ingush armed formations (including those who came here from Ingushetia) with the other side, and then - units of the Russian army and internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation.

On November 1, Russian President Boris Yeltsin sent troops into the conflict zone. A temporary administration was created in North Ossetia and Ingushetia. On November 2, the President of Russia issued a decree “On the introduction of a state of emergency on the territory of the North Ossetian SSR and the Ingush Republic.” After the Russian military separated the warring parties, massacres and hostage-taking of Ingush began in the Prigorodny region and Vladikavkaz.

Both sides interpret the armed clashes of 1992 differently. In the materials of the XVIII session of the Supreme Council of the North Ossetian SSR from November 1992 and the II Congress of the Ossetian people from May 1993, armed clashes were presented as “pre-prepared, carefully planned, technically equipped, supported by the majority of the Ingush population of North Ossetia, the treacherous aggression of Ingush bandit formations against the sovereign North Ossetian SSR” . In her book “Stories on the History of North Ossetia,” Doctor of Historical Sciences R. Bzarova writes:

“On the night of October 31, 1992, Ingush troops invaded the land of North Ossetia. The Ingush started a war to capture part of the Prigorodny district. Fighting continued for five days in the Prigorodny district and on the outskirts of Vladikavkaz. Thousands of volunteers stood up to defend Ossetia. People of different nationalities came out to defend their homes, their common homeland. Battle-hardened South Ossetian troops rushed across the pass to help. The enemy was defeated and driven back to their territory. The Ossetian people proved to the whole world their unity and readiness to defend their homeland. The year of the Patriotic War in the South and North once again showed that the main goal is the shortest road to peace - the unification of Ossetia.”

In the materials of the Extraordinary Congress of the Ingush People, held in February 1993, and the Resolution of the People's Assembly of the Republic of Ingushetia, the conflict was presented as “forced deportation of the Ingush population from the territory of North Ossetia, ethnic cleansing of the Prigorodny district and the city of Vladikavkaz of North Ossetia” .

2.3. Consequences

According to the Russian prosecutor's office, during the military clashes as a result of the conflict, 583 people died (350 Ingush and 192 Ossetians), 939 people were injured (457 Ingush and 379 Ossetians), another 261 people went missing (208 Ingush and 37 Ossetians). 13 of the 15 villages of the Prigorodny District, in which Ingush lived compactly, were destroyed, and more than 64 thousand Ingush left the territory of the Prigorodny District, fleeing the fighting to neighboring Ingushetia. Special correspondents of the Kommersant newspaper who visited North Ossetia wrote about what they saw:

The result of the “separation” was the completely extinct and scorched Prigorodny district, from which the entire 30,000-strong Ingush population was deported. Not far from the village of Alkun on the mountain trails in Ingushetia, we saw a flow of Ingush refugees from North Ossetia that has not stopped since November 2. People walked day and night in snowfall and rain. Many are undressed, only small children are wrapped in blankets. The Ingush called this path the “path of death”; dozens of women and children had already died on it by falling into the gorge, and several dozen civilians had died from hypothermia. There were cases of childbirth and miscarriages in the mountains. Assistance to refugees was carried out with sheer enthusiasm by Ingush tribesmen on the other side of the border.

3. The situation after the conflict

Since the conflict, the parties have repeatedly signed agreements to overcome its consequences. The last of them was signed after Murat Zyazikov was elected president of Ingushetia in 2002. The signed agreements, however, did not eliminate all existing problems. The Ingush demand the return of refugees to the Prigorodny district and the implementation of the federal laws “On the rehabilitation of repressed peoples” and “On the formation of the Ingush Republic.” The Ingush side is convinced that North Ossetia is delaying the process of returning displaced persons, and in North Ossetia they believe that the Ingush are overestimating the number of refugees, and point out that in the Prigorodny region there is still no necessary moral and psychological climate for representatives of the two peoples to live together. conflicts . Mixed conflicts- Tajik, Georgian-Mingrelian... armed conflicts and their consequences (Chechen conflict, Ossetian-Ingush conflict)6. Current conflicts have...

  • Interethnic conflict

    Abstract >> Sociology

    The emergence of interethnic conflicts in Russia 2.2 Ways to solve interethnic conflicts 1.1 The concept of interethnic conflict. Conflict- these are... steps by the Russian authorities to resolve Ossetian-Ingush conflict was the creation of power structures in...

  • October-November marks the 15th anniversary of the Ingush-Ossetian conflict. The bloody tragedy that broke out in 1992 claimed the lives of many innocent people and injured tens of thousands of people. Despite the passing of the years, the interethnic conflict of 15 years ago is still fresh in the memory of both Ossetians and Ingush. The events in the Prigorodny district are still actively discussed and assessed ambiguously by both sides; a political assessment of what happened has not yet been given. Over the years, Ossetians and Ingush have had to endure a lot. Dozens of Russian and international commissions, officials, human rights activists, and experts visited the Prigorodny region of North Ossetia, whose territory was disputed by the Ingush side, who tried to understand the relations between the two peoples and promised to solve their problems.

    A whole range of problems remain in Ingush-Ossetian relations today. Meanwhile, over these years, more than 80% of internally displaced persons have returned to their places of former residence. According to experts, including international ones, this result has no analogues in practical conflictology.

    Expert Igor Surenovich Galustyan spoke in an interview about the causes of the Ingush-Ossetian conflict, what has been done over the past 15 years and what remains to be done to finally resolve its consequences of the conflict, what is the present and future of bilateral relations.

    Igor Surenovich, at the beginning of the conversation I would like to return to the beginning of the 1990s. In your opinion, what caused the bloody Ossetian-Ingush conflict?

    When we say that more than 100 nationalities live in North Ossetia, like in one house, these are not just words. Stable traditions of interethnic harmony and good neighborliness were formed long before us. Therefore, there are no and never have been any prerequisites leading to any interethnic hostility within Ossetia.

    The 1992 conflict has a number of causes; it was the result of many problems and contradictions that had accumulated in the region. Firstly, we remember the late 1980s, early 1990s. This was a period of weakening of the vertical power, when the country was in a very difficult political, socio-economic situation. Secondly, this period is characterized by active propaganda of any form of democracy. We all remember the slogan - “take as much sovereignty as you can swallow,” which gave rise to certain destructive forces attempting to initiate the emergence of negative near-political trends under this slogan. Thirdly, there were the irrepressible ambitions of certain political forces and the adoption of the law “On the Rehabilitation of Repressed Peoples” - a generally humane law, but which in turn initiated tragic consequences. In addition, one of the serious factors was the formation of a new subject of the state - the Ingush Republic, where authorities had not yet been formed and the borders had not yet been clearly defined. Of course, the unstable situation in the neighboring Chechen Republic also played a role. Together, these reasons gave rise to the conflict that flared up in 1992 on the territory of North Ossetia. I believe that the conflict of 1992, taking into account the listed components, became an objective development of the situation, although the leadership of North Ossetia at that time repeatedly appealed to the highest authorities of the country so that appropriate measures were taken to prevent the escalation of tension on the territory of the republic. Unfortunately, during that period of anarchy, Ingush society was headed by leaders who were guided in their actions exclusively by methods of pressure and adhered to the option of forcefully seizing the Prigorodny region of North Ossetia. That period was sad, first of all, both for the Ingush side and, of course, for the multinational people of North Ossetia. We still feel the consequences of that conflict today, 15 years later.

    Over the past 15 years, various attempts have been made to resolve the consequences of the conflict; dozens of commissions of different levels have worked in the conflict zone. Can you summarize what has been done during this time?

    Over the past three years, which I can judge while working in this capacity, a tremendous amount of work has been done by the federal center, the office of the presidential plenipotentiary representative in the Southern Federal District, and the authorities of North Ossetia. I no longer undertake to assess the activities of the federal structures that worked on this problem earlier. A lot has been done in 15 years. First of all, it was possible to establish normal contacts between residents of North Ossetia of Ingush nationality with citizens of other nationalities. I think this is the most important merit. Secondly, a significant number of citizens - more than 80% of them have been returned and settled. There are no such trends and examples in the world practice of conflict management. Thirdly, there is a normal process of integration of the Ingush population into all spheres of life in the republic, which was not observed five years ago. We do not see any problems in this matter. More and more representatives of Ingush nationality are appearing today in healthcare, law enforcement agencies, the cultural sphere, and in administrative bodies. More than two thousand children of Ingush nationality study together with Ossetians in schools. In addition, we were able to largely restore social and cultural facilities and engineering infrastructure in the Prigorodny district. According to the 2002 census, about 22 thousand representatives of Ingush nationality live on the territory of North Ossetia today.

    You are talking about positive things. Meanwhile, in Ossetian-Ingush relations, despite the past 15 years, there are still many problems and contradictions?

    We have no problems with anyone. But one of the limiting factors in post-conflict settlement is the ongoing ideological work, the politics of threats and force that we feel on the other side. Constant pressure, pressure, unfounded statements and accusations that nothing is being done. Of course, this heats up the situation and sometimes unnerves people who live in the post-conflict zone. This state of affairs cannot but cause us concern; all this does not contribute to the final resolution of the post-conflict situation.

    - Ossetian and Ingush media report completely different figures regarding the number of forced migrants of Ingush nationality. For 15 years, this topic has often become the subject of discussion and speculation. What is the real situation?


    - According to the 1989 census, 32 thousand 783 citizens of Ingush nationality permanently lived in the territory of North Ossetia. According to the results of the 2002 All-Russian Census, 21,442 Ingush lived in the republic. According to the Federal Migration Service, of the above 32 thousand, about 4.5 thousand chose their place of residence in other regions of the Russian Federation. Thus, almost 26 thousand people, of those who lived in the republic before the conflict, have been settled.

    Today, just over 11 thousand people are registered in the FMS database. Of these, 5,267 people (or 1,174 families), which is almost 50% of citizens, have no title documents. This means that the citizen has neither the fact of property in the territory of North Ossetia nor the fact of registration. In addition, of these 11 thousand, more than 3.5 thousand have already been returned and are living in the republic, but they have not received government assistance, which is why they are registered.

    There is only one way out of this situation - to defend your rights in court. By the way, the court is quite democratic in this matter. Anyone can file a claim in court, and if the court makes a decision on a given person’s right to housing, then we will be guided only by this decision. But the paradox is that those who want to defend their rights in court are scanty.

    This leaves us with about 2.5 thousand people who have the right to return. Of these, a significant number are residents of the villages of Terk and Chernorechenskoye, which are now a water protection zone, and where residence is prohibited, as well as residents of the villages of Yuzhny and Oktyabrskoye.

    -What are the difficulties associated with the return of this category of migrants to their places of former residence?

    If we talk about returning to the water protection zone, then our position is clear - this is a zone of special strategic interests for the life support of the city of Vladikavkaz. From here, at one time, all the inhabitants were evicted, not only Ingush, but also Russians, Georgians, Ossetians. Meanwhile, we have the uncompromising position of exclusively former residents of these settlements of Ingush nationality, who only want to return there. But the dialogue is not built in the form of an ultimatum and pressure. Five design options were proposed for this category. Firstly, at a distance of literally 500-700 meters from these settlements. Secondly, 1.5 km higher. The third option is to allocate a plot of land and build a house almost in the center of Vladikavkaz. The fourth is the arrangement in the village of Kartsa. The fifth option is in other settlements of the Prigorodny district. None of them suited these people.

    -What is the reason for such an uncompromising position?

    It is explained by the emotional factor, historical memory - “my father lived here, and I must live here.” In some cases, you have to listen to some blackmailing ultimatum statements. Some people believe that this is a politicized issue, but the position of the republican authorities on this matter is unchanged: the return of people to the territory designated as a water protection zone is impossible, since the almost 400 thousand population of Vladikavkaz receives drinking water from these sources. According to all sanitary standards, of course, this area must be closed and guarded.

    As for returning to other settlements, including Vladikavkaz, there are no problems here. Those who wanted to return returned. In my opinion, the issue here is more confined to a personal level. If a person showed himself in one way or another during that sad period of conflict, then, of course, it is difficult for him to return to his former neighbors. Our position consists of only one thing - so that any step taken upon return does not explode the socio-political situation. Therefore, our recommendations to returnees are objective, taking into account public opinion. If a person wants to return, for example, to the middle part of the village of Chermen, where in 1992 there were the greatest casualties, but at the same time there are some questions for him there, then this return can change the situation. And then we recommend: it’s better not to do this, it’s better to wait. We have achieved a lot over the past years and today we cannot take risks. We have already gone through this many times, when the return of one or another family entailed extremely negative consequences. There are three settlements - Oktyabrskoye, Yuzhny, and the middle part of the village of Chermen. People are also returning there, maybe not at the same pace as in other places. But it must be taken into account that the most violent clashes took place here.

    Unfortunately, in the Caucasus, as well as in other regions, such violent conflicts on interethnic grounds do not heal so quickly. Although it should be noted once again that in 15 years we have made a huge step. We had enough wisdom on both sides to obtain and maintain the positive results we have today.

    The spontaneous settlement of forced migrants, Maisky, was disbanded this summer after almost 14 years. This process was painful, as expected. What is your assessment of these events? Was it possible to solve this acute problem, which for a long time remained one of the main obstacles in post-conflict resolution?

    In the spontaneous settlement of Maisky there were mainly people who, until October 1992, lived in dormitories and rented apartments. Having learned about their problems, the former presidential plenipotentiary representative in the Southern Federal District, Dmitry Kozak, decided to provide housing for these people. They were asked to move from the spontaneous Mayskoye to a settlement specially built for them, which was called Novy.

    Of course, people did not want to go into an open field. But as soon as we created the infrastructure there, the first people appeared.

    222 families lived in the spontaneous settlement of Maisky. In a short period of time, the majority moved to Novy of their own free will. At the same time, we have facts where these families were subjected to severe external pressure. We ourselves witnessed the pressure that was put on those who wanted to move from the spontaneous Maiskoye. They were accused of allegedly betraying Ingush national interests. In addition, there was a certain group of citizens who, in principle, did not want to move anywhere, except, again, in the water protection zone or to their previous places of residence. There were about 30 such families. Yes, we respected their right, but we also recognize the right of the village administration, which has long raised the issue of releasing pasture lands that were actually illegally occupied by settlers. This category of people was asked to temporarily, until their issue was resolved, move one km from Maiskoye - to the village of Novy, where all the necessary conditions were created for them: electricity, gas, water. These benefits have not been available in unsanitary Maiskoe for years. But people categorically refused, believing that living in inhumane conditions was more acceptable. As a result, a court decision was made, on the basis of which they were resettled from here.

    - How is the development of the Novy village going? Were people able to settle here?

    We didn’t expect that there would be so many people wanting to move to Novy. Currently, more than 300 families live here. Over 500 applications are currently being considered by the Prigorodny district administration from citizens of Ingush nationality who are asking for land plots to be allocated to them here. The republic's leadership has found funds to create primary housing infrastructure. Now there is electricity, gas, water. The road surface in the village has been paved, the central street has been paved, and there is a route connecting Novy with the populated areas of North Ossetia and Ingushetia. The construction of the New continues. It is planned to build a school, a multifunctional center, and a hospital here. We would really like everything to arise very quickly in the New. But you need to understand that this is not an instant process. The very fact that the village is being improved makes people feel faith in the future. And this is the main thing. In the future, the new one will be no worse than other villages in the republic.

    In the media, including federal ones, the Ingush side often accuses the leadership of North Ossetia of unwillingness to finally resolve the consequences of the conflict. What is the actual position of the republican authorities?

    First, you need to understand what is meant by the term conflict resolution? If this is only a question of returning and settling down, that’s one thing; if we remove the main cause of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict from the agenda - the territorial claims of the Ingush side - then that’s another. The position of the North Ossetian authorities is extremely transparent and clear - those who have a legal right to return can return. But what is surprising is that artificially created tension is constantly being supplied from the neighboring territory. I'm not even talking about the presence of the notorious article in the constitution of Ingushetia. We are talking about numerous appeals from public organizations, officials, and human rights activists, which are heating up the situation in the post-conflict zone. As soon as we reach some kind of finish line, at this moment destructive forces must become more active, which today are not giving up attempts to again aggravate the situation in the republic, so that the conflict does not become a thing of the past. But both the Ingush and Ossetian populations want only one thing - to achieve mutual understanding. People really see who cares about them.

    - In your opinion, can we today talk about the existence of an Ossetian-Ingush conflict? Is there any conflict at all?

    The head of North Ossetia, Taimuraz Mamsurov, at one of his meetings with representatives of international organizations, asked his interlocutors the question: when and by what criteria can we consider that the conflict is over? Nobody could answer him. At the same time, when they heard the numbers - the number of people returned to the republic, they admitted that there were no more such precedents. Yes, we must admit that we are in a post-conflict situation and its consequences have not been fully resolved. Yes, there are many questions regarding the accommodation of displaced people. But the situation is stable, despite the influence of external factors. It is extremely disadvantageous for us to be in a post-conflict situation. We are a developing republic and want to move forward dynamically. The leadership of North Ossetia is firmly in the position that it is necessary to finally close the issue of the conflict.

    That is, you think that in order to finally resolve the consequences of the conflict it is necessary to exclude the influence of the so-called destructive forces and give a political assessment of the events of 1992?

    Yes, but not only that. It is important for us to resolve issues with providing housing for displaced people and to create normal living conditions for the affected citizens. Secondly, it is necessary that the territorial claims that some Ingush representatives still have today finally become a thing of the past. In addition, it is necessary to achieve public understanding among all residents of the republic that we must live in the same legal field. It is unacceptable to violate the rights of others while respecting the rights of one person.

    North Ossetia has always been characterized by strong interethnic harmony, the traditions of which have been developing for centuries. They are still strong today. In the republic, representatives of different nationalities are occupied in all spheres of life, including in leadership positions. Each of them has achieved a lot, they all work for their republic and its well-being. For example, the cabinet of ministers is headed by a Russian, Nikolai Khlyntsov, the head of its secretariat is an Armenian, Markos Khachaturian, and the Deputy Minister for Nationalities Affairs is a Kumyk, Abrek Batraev. One of the largest construction companies in the republic is headed by a Greek, businessman Yuri Aslanidi, who is the chairman of the Greek national-cultural society “Prometheus”, deputy director of a carriage repair plant, one of the largest in the country, Georgian Robert Tsindeliani (chairman of the Georgian society).

    These are only a few. Each of these people has their own roots, their own language, traditions and customs. But they are all united by one home - the Republic of North Ossetia, where representatives of all nationalities have the same rights, but also the same responsibilities. If we bring this to every citizen, regardless of nationality, then we will emerge from the difficult process of eliminating the consequences of the Ossetian-Ingush conflict, and other situations that may arise in the future, with good results.
    Nastya TOLPAROVA