Thesis
Kondakova, Olga Nikolaevna
Academic degree:
Candidate of Historical Sciences
Place of thesis defense:
HAC specialty code:
Speciality:
National history
Number of pages:
CHAPTER I. FORMATION OF PERSONALITY WOMEN REVOLUTIONARIES
§1. The influence of public sentiment in the 50s - 70s. 19th century on the formation of women's personality
§2. Women's education in the post-reform period, in the 60s and 70s.
§3. Ways of penetration of revolutionary ideas into women's environment
CHAPTER II. SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL PORTRAIT OF A WOMAN
REVOLUTIONARIES
§1. Women revolutionaries as a socio-psychological phenomenon
§2. Psychological foundations of the revolutionary worldview of women
§3. Peculiarities of the psychological make-up of female revolutionaries
CHAPTER III. WOMEN PEOPLE IN SIBERIAN EXLINE
§ 1. Social composition and placement of women in Siberian exile
§2. The situation of women in penal servitude and exile
§3. Revolutionary activity of women in Siberia
Introduction of the dissertation (part of the abstract) On the topic "Women revolutionaries of the 70-80s of the 19th century and their stay in Siberian exile"
The dissertation is devoted to one of the most interesting phenomena in Russian history of the second half of the 19th century - the emergence and development of the social phenomenon of revolutionary women.
The interest of historians and philosophers in the personality of female revolutionaries is explained by their interest in female personality in general. Philosopher V.V. Rozanov wrote: “In illiterate times, a woman is a “sin”; in cultural times, she is a “lady.” Meanwhile, in both cases this is a lie, and the truth is that she is a person, 1A of humanity, without in which the second half of humanity is meaningless and impossible." At turning points in world history, we often meet female personalities who seem to have absorbed all the conflict, tragedy, and passion of the era. Unlike men, these female personalities were a catalyst for certain achievements and a litmus test for what was happening. There have been periods in world history when prominent women defined and accelerated turning points in history. In world history, we know about Joan of Arc, whose appearance accelerated the unification of France. In Russian history, we find the noblewoman Morozova, who fanatically fought against the innovations of Patriarch Nikon in church life, and the passionate wife of Archpriest Avvakum, who shared the fate and ideas of her husband in everything. Mass exodus The wives of the Decembrists in Siberia changed the fate of the Decembrists and the exile received a public outcry; people started talking about the Decembrists in all segments of the population. In particular, thanks to E. Uvarova’s intervention in the fate of her brother, society learned many of the ideas of the distant prisoner of Akatuy, doomed to silence, M. Lunin.
Outstanding female personalities not only diversify and decorate emotionally historical events, but, according to K. Marx, the female ferment should be seen in all great social revolutions. That's why it's like that
1 Russian Church. Spiritual destiny. Insignificance and charm. Main question. St. Petersburg, 1909, p.92.
7 Marx K., Engels F. Soch. T.32, p.486. It is important to study the personality of female revolutionaries for understanding the revolutionary movement of the 70-80s. 19th century
Already in the early 60s. we see a phenomenon unusual for Russian reality: the liberation of the female personality, both from the tutelage of the state and from the tutelage of the family. Women become active participants in various artels, printing houses, and societies. S.F. Goryanskaya, participant in the women's movement of the 60s. wrote: “The reform of 1861 changed the entire economic system of Russian life. It forced a whole mass of unprepared people, both men and women, to take up work. At this time, a new desire for independence and independent work awoke among women, which would give them the opportunity to get out from under the oppression and despotism of the family"1.
In 1867, N.P. Suslova, the first Russian woman, received a medical diploma in Zurich. Many wealthy women, mostly of noble origin, followed her example. Difficulty in obtaining education, especially for visiting women, psychological readiness to perceive new ideas, due to the denial of old ones, family ties with revolutionaries, the peculiarities of their psychological make-up made a certain category of women vulnerable to revolutionary propaganda. As a result, a small part of women who studied at various courses join the revolutionary movement. Revolutionary events of the 70-80s. set an impossible task for some women: to continue their education or devote themselves to revolutionary causes.
In the 60s 19th century M.K. Tsebrikova began her social and literary-critical activities. The views and life position of the future leader of the social movement were formed under the influence of his father, K.R. Tsebrikov, a naval officer, and his uncle, N.R. Tsebrikov, a Decembrist. The father, a crystal-honest and straightforward officer, and the uncle, faithful to the ideas and memory of the Decembrists, instilled in the child’s soul an interest in a just structure of society. At the age of 25 Ok^tasov V.V. N.V. Stasova Memoirs and essays. St. Petersburg,. 1895.
M.K. Tsebrikova rejects the traditional style for noblewomen of the 19th century. lifestyle and begins literary activity, takes an active part in organizing women's courses: Vladimir, Alarchin. From 1878 to 1898, M.K. Tsebrikova was one of the most authoritative members of the Society for the Delivery of Funds for Higher Women's Courses. The leader of the women's movement M.K. Tsebrikova1 connected the resolution of the women's issue with all aspects of life in Russian reality: political, economic and legal. “The women’s issue has had and has value in our country to the extent that it serves the salvation of the world, to the extent that it corrects centuries-old injustice and oppression of power, and the Russian woman saw in it clearing the way for ensuring for herself not only her personal interests, but also for working in favor of society. Only the solution of a common cause will bring the triumph of the women's issue."2 In her activities, M.K. Tsebrikova went beyond the scope of solving purely women's problems, in the 70-90s. constantly provided material assistance and all kinds of assistance to the revolutionary movement. The ideological orientation set by the ideologist of the women's movement awakened the best feelings of young girls and encouraged them to engage in mental activity. New generation 70-80s. perceived the ideals and lifestyle developed by the generation of women of the 50-60s. V.O. Klyuchevsky generally spoke about spiritual continuity at a meeting of the Society of Lovers of Russian Literature on February 1, 1887. “And the fact is that after 1837, a generation was brought up that no longer found Pushkin alive and on whose moral physiognomy his novel (Eugene Onegin), more than his other works, put a special, slightly sentimental fold”3. Probably, this “slightly sentimental fold” was one of the conditions for the emergence of new revolutionary views among women in the 50s and 60s. and their desire to alleviate the situation of the people. Therefore, despite the radical views and behavior of women in the 70s and 80s, women in the 50s and 60s. considered them their followers, in any case, we do not know the publications of Tsebrikov M.K. Twenty years of the women's issue // Zhivopisnoye obozrenie. 1882. No. 6. P.124.
2 Tsebrikova M.K. Right there. P.126.
3 Klyuchevsky V.O. Historical portraits. M., 1991, pp. 408,409 personal renunciations and accusations against female revolutionaries from the ranks of the women's movement.
Interest in women revolutionaries arose in society from the moment of their appearance. Everyone discussed the problem: the government, ordinary people, historians, philosophers, writers. Since the object of attention was the behavior of a woman, neither the government nor historians could quickly understand and describe the psychological characteristics of the revolutionaries for two reasons: firstly, they were contemporaries of the events, and secondly, they were men.
Therefore, we find the first studies of the psychological characteristics of women of a new type in the fiction of the 60-80s of the 19th century. The most detailed psychological analysis of women involved in the revolutionary movement during these years was given by the writer N. Leskov in his novels “Nowhere” and “On Knives”.
The author presents us with the complex and tragic path of her heroines, carried away by revolutionary ideas. As a witness to the events described, N. Leskov biographically accurately depicts for us the emergence of a revolutionary worldview. Among the many works of a socio-political nature that his heroines study, N. Leskov names articles by A. Herzen, “The Russian People and Socialism” and “Letters to Michelet.”
Of greatest interest to us is the spiritual crisis of the heroines, their internal state, which determined their future path. At the heart of a spiritual crisis is a conflict with reality. His heroines die, but the author, sympathizing with them, makes it clear to the reader that the spiritual drama of his heroines lies in their isolation from the level of demands of the society in which they live. The revolutionary “impatients” in the novel are contrasted with the majority of their contemporary society as people of the highest moral standard, faithful to the humane dream of all-human brotherhood.
The complex, intricate and tragic fates of women joining the revolutionary movement gave N. Leskov’s novels the reputation of being “anti-nihilistic.” However, in general, the concept of the characters of the heroines of the novels, who suffer the collapse of their thoughts, and the deep and multifaceted interpretation of the socio-historical reasons for their spiritual drama, take N. Leskov’s novels out of the range of typical “anti-nihilistic” ones with their narrow tendentiousness.
The government immediately responded to the appearance of revolutionary-minded women in society. The main purpose of official government coverage was not to analyze the reasons for women's involvement in the revolutionary environment, but rather to present them to society as either “morally corrupt” or stupid and deceived. The government sought to prove to the whole society that there were no internal reasons for the emergence of female revolutionaries in society.
In the 70-80s of the 19th century. historians most of all paid attention not to studying the characteristics of the psychological make-up of female revolutionaries, but to the results of the women's movement of the 50-60s. Historians, I.S. Zabelin, S.S. Shashkov, being contemporaries of the events described, paid attention only to phenomena of an epochal order. They witnessed the liberation of the individual, thanks to the reforms of 1861, and therefore their attention was focused on the state of the individual in the post-reform period, as well as on the state of the family, as the only form of existence of the female personality in pre-reform Russia. The participation of women in the revolution could not interest or excite them, since they could not foresee the revolutionary events of the early 20th century. Calling all revolutionaries nihilists, many contemporaries did not even try to understand the diversity of views and political goals of these people.
I.S. Zabelin did not explore a new type of female personality - a revolutionary woman. However, he saw that a truly completely new and independent type of female personality had appeared in society, completely denying the previous norms and rules of behavior. I.S. Zabelin believed that such denial and all kinds of nihilism in Russian reality were generated by reality itself, in which the individual was always “under the political tutelage of the tribal authorities and in the absence of education.” In his opinion, the liberation of the female personality is possible only in a society “where society carries in its consciousness, and, consequently, in its development, the very idea of personality, the ideal of human dignity”1.
The historian of the 19th century, who showed interest in the women's movement during the period of its rise, S.S. Shashkov believed that the liberation of the individual is possible in a society where social progress has been achieved and bourgeois relations have developed. During this period, the patriarchal foundations of the family are destroyed in society, as a result which the army of the female proletariat appears. S.S. Shashkov’s attention was focused on that part of women for whom, as he wrote: “The women’s issue is not fun, but a matter of life and death.” He considered all other ideas of the women's movement "empty fantasies of young ladies and young ladies who are at such a low level of mental and moral development that they are inaccessible to any serious emancipatory influences"2.
As we see, in the works of historians of the 19th century. contains an analysis of the women's movement and the state of the female personality in society, but there is no interest in the personality of female revolutionaries, the connections of the women's movement with revolutionary organizations are not considered, and the official version is not developed that women's struggle for education leads them to revolution. The lack of interest can be explained both by historical conjuncture and by political order.
At the beginning of the 20th century. A prominent publicist and theorist of the women's movement, A. Amphiteatrov, noted the influence of the women's movement on the emergence and development of a revolutionary worldview among women. He traced the general evolution in the worldview of women from the beginning of the 19th century. until the mid-70s. In his opinion, women’s revolutionary ideology was developed “under the influence of the hardships of family life” and the struggle for women’s education. Considering that the women's movement for education was an independent movement, A. Amfiteatrov concluded that women were psychologically ready for the revolutionary cause. The author dwelled in detail on the features of revolutionary psychology
1 Zabelin I.E. Home life of Russian queens in the 16th-17th centuries. Novosibirsk, 1992. P.9
2 Shashkov S.S. The story of a Russian woman. St. Petersburg, 1879, p. 13 women, which was expressed in greater revolutionary energy and perseverance. “Thanks to women's influence, women's political tact,” women were the inspiration for many revolutionary actions. “When in 1878 an armed attempt to recapture Voinaralsky from the gendarmes failed, the participants in the attempt were much more afraid than the police of what the women of the party would say. What would Perovskaya say”1.
Another historian of the early 20th century. B.B. Glinsky, in his review of the revolutionary period of Russian history /1861-1881/, wrote that the women's movement in Russia was dependent and brought in from outside. The involvement of women in the revolutionary movement was due, in his opinion, to the struggle of women for higher education and their training in foreign universities. Russian women who studied in the West, under the influence of revolutionary propaganda and due to the peculiarities of their psychological makeup (its essence lies in the desire to help the people), returned to Russia and joined the revolutionary movement. Considering the participation of women in the revolutionary movement using the example of women who studied abroad, B.B. Glinsky characterizes the participation of women in revolutionary circles of the 70s. as an episodic phenomenon. Linking the emergence of the women's issue with the influence of the West, the author does not give a complete picture of the origin and development of the revolutionary worldview among women. In 1908, L. Kulchitsky in “The History of the Russian Revolutionary Movement” also noted the connection of the “mental movement in the West” with the struggle of women for education and with participation in the revolutionary movement in Russia3.
In the works under consideration from the 19th to the 20th centuries. on the history of the women's movement and history liberation movement there is a single concept that was pushed into public opinion by the government back in the 70s. 19th century that women's participation in liberation The movement was due to Amphitheaters A. Women in social movements in Russia. St. Petersburg, 1905, S. 34
2 Glinsky B.B. Revolutionary period of Russian history/1861-1881/. New time, 1913, part 1, p.76.
3 Kulchitsky L. History of the Russian revolutionary movement. St. Petersburg, 1908, p. 127. only the struggle of women for education. In 1910, a historical and legal essay on higher women's education was published. The author of this essay, K.R. Shokhol noted that one of the reasons for women’s desire for higher education is better earnings. The massive desire of women to obtain higher education is the desire to protect themselves from all kinds of accidents through personal labor. From the materials presented in the essay about the organization of the Higher Women's Courses, it is clear that the organizers of the courses faced two main problems: lack of funds and poor preparedness of women to perceive the subjects. According to the author, the need for higher education remains unsettled. “The previously opened Higher Women’s Courses (in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Kazan) were random, unsystematic in nature and could not provide students with thorough scientific training, which gave rise to dissatisfaction both among students and in society, often expressed in unwanted excesses”1.
During these same years, a second approach emerged, in which the psychological characteristics of women began to be considered, which determined their entry into the revolutionary movement. Almost both of these approaches remained undeveloped due to the revolutionary events of 1905-1907. Among the works of the early 20th century. A small work by N. Ulyanovsky2 “Women in the Process of 50” stands out. This work is interesting because the author, using biographical material, for the first time presented a portrait-psychological characteristics of the participants in the process. N. Ulyanovsky somewhat absolutized the level of political independence and preparedness of women for the revolutionary movement.
During the years of revolutionary upsurge, interest in the women's issue and the women's movement in general increased in journalism, literature, and historical works. Moreover, the revolution of 1905 had a huge impact on the rise and further development of the women's movement. As a result, a new social force emerged in society, organized into various women's societies,
1 Shokhol K.R. Higher women's education in Russia (historical and legal essay). St. Petersburg, 1910, p.7.
2 Ulyanovsky N. Women in the process of turning 50. St. Petersburg, 1909. calling for material and moral support for women. But under the influence of various revolutionary parties, women's organizations moved away from solving only women's issues (for example, employment issues, helping students who completed the Bestuzhev courses) and moved on to setting and even resolving political problems. For example, in 1905, the Society for Assistance to Those Who Graduated from the Bestuzhev Courses spoke out in favor of reforming the political system on the basis of popular representation. Under the influence of the revolution of 1905, the Russian Women's Mutual Benevolent Society, which arose on May 25, 1895, began to take an active part in political life. December 18, 1906, on the initiative chairwomen A.N. Shabanova, the “Department of Electoral Rights” was established, the purpose of which was to unite women on a single ideological platform. The department submitted an application to the Second State Duma about the need to raise the issue of voting rights for women. Many of the women who joined the Cadet Party had long been members of various feminist organizations. As a result of the activity of women's organizations, works1 appeared in the press, the main goal of which was to involve women in various political parties. During these years, numerous publications of memoirs of leaders of revolutionary movements began on the pages of the magazines “Byloe”, “Russian Antiquity”, “Voice of the Past”. The work of D. Kennan, republished in 1906, deserves special attention. source study bases. But there were still no special works devoted to the participation of women in the revolutionary events of the 70-80s.
During these years, the Bolshevik historiography of the issue began to take shape. Organizing the work of his party among all segments of the population of Russia, V.I. Lenin paid attention to the women's movement. It was he who attracted to his side the leader of the women's movement, I.F. Armand, who was chairman in 1899-1900 and in 1903 in the Moscow Society for Improving the Lot of Women. As a result, I.F. Armand began to attract women to the side
1 A woman on the eve of her release. St. Petersburg, 1901; Mizhuev P.G. Women's issue, women's movement. St. Petersburg, 1906; Novik I.D. The fight for women's political rights. Moscow, 1906. Bolsheviks and provided support Bolshevik government among women workers. She dedicated her articles and speeches to working women and peasant women, involving them in all state affairs and reforms. The titles of the articles indicate that the Bolshevik government actively influenced the women's environment through talented agitators and leaders of the women's movement1. Moreover, I.F. Armand criticized the Women's Equality Union for the fact that members of this Union influenced women workers, involving them in their work, separating them from the general proletarian struggle.
Back in 1913, A. Kolontai, carried away by emancipatory ideas, presented to society a portrait of a new type of woman: “outwardly independent and internally free”3. After the October Revolution, she, like I.F. Armand, took part in the work of the Soviet government.
In 1927, E. Tsederbaum’s work “Woman in the Russian Liberation Movement” was published, in which the author examined the participation of women in the liberation movement starting in the 60s. 19th century According to the researcher, revolutionization women occurred under the influence of the women's movement and "under the influence of changing economic conditions in the second half of the 60s, due to which the demand for any intelligent labor was still insignificant"4. As can be seen, the author adhered to the traditional direction, linking the participation of women in the revolutionary movement with reasons of a social nature. At the same time, she noted the influence of the student environment and the revolutionary influence of women who returned from abroad by decree of 1873. E. Tsederbaum emphasized the outstanding role of women in the revolutionary movement and noted that women’s participation did not influence the involvement of female workers in the revolutionary movement. Armand I. Articles and speeches, letters. M., 1975.
2 Life of a working woman 1917. No. 1. P.36-37.
3 Kolontai A. New life // Modern world. 1913. No. 9. P. 164.
4 Tsederbaum E. Woman in the Russian liberation movement. L., 1927. P.57
In 1928, O.K. Bulanova-Trubnikova’s work “Three Generations” was published. The granddaughter of the Decembrist V.P. Ivashev, the daughter of the famous champion of equal rights M.V. Trubnikova, a member of the young organization “Black Redistribution” gives her own vision of the history of the liberation movement, the role and place of women in it. Using the example of the revolutionary traditions of her family, O.K. Bulanova-Trubnikova concludes that under the influence of the ideas of the Decembrists and individuals, representatives of the privileged classes, political self-awareness developed among women. Women played a significant role in this process. In her opinion, “not a single revolution in the world had such a number of heroines who laid down their heads and died in exile and hard labor” as the revolutionary movement in Russia in the 70-80s.1 O.K. Bulanova from February 1883 to 1885 g. served exile in Mariinsk, after exile she worked in the Nizhny Novgorod Women's Aid Society. As can be seen from the biographical material, O.K. Bulanova was constantly associated with the women's movement. Based on her own experience, she believed that despite the heterogeneity of the women's movement (the difference between the followers of the emancipation movement and the extreme revolutionary wing), women's sympathies were on the side of the people. In this work, the author comes to the conclusion that the women's emancipation movement is “a link in the history of our revolution.”
In the 20s 20th century The publication of memoirs continued, which would subsequently serve as a source for the study of the revolutionary movement. The magazine "Katorga and Exile" contains a large number of memoirs of female revolutionaries and memories of liberation movement leaders about women. Memoirs of revolutionaries are published in the magazine "Byloe". Society promotes the heroic type of Russian woman who devoted all her strength and personal life to social activities and the fight against autocracy. Bulanova-Trubnikova O.K. Three generations of M.-L. 1928, p.68.
Since the 30s. The publication of the magazine "Katorga and exile" ceased. The Society of Political Prisoners and Exiles, which existed for 14 years, is closing. The development of specific issues of the populist movement is prohibited. The heroes of the revolutionary movement are forgotten and repressed.
In historical works of the pre-revolutionary and post-October period, according to liberation The movement's interest in the personality of a female revolutionary arose only in those pivotal years when the participation of women in the socio-political life of the country was required.
In Soviet times, interest in the problems of populism arose again after the 20th Congress Communist parties. An opportunity arose to explore the heroic history of the populist movement. A large number of historical works and studies have been published on the following issues: the ideology of populism, the social composition of participants in the movement, and the periodization of the liberation movement. Few works occasionally covered the facts of women's participation in the populist movement. However, there were no special works devoted to the history of women’s personality in the revolution. Only certain aspects of women’s participation in the revolutionary movement were studied: new forms of organizing women’s labor, connections between the women’s movement and the revolutionary underground, the role of Russian students in the history of the creation of the Zurich center, etc.1
The first most comprehensive work exploring the participation of women in the liberation movement of the 60-70s. can be considered the dissertation work of T.V. Nikitina. Researcher based on significant factual material, analysis of magazine and newspaper polemics of the 60-70s. proves that in the society of the post-reform period, a struggle between different political directions to resolve the women's issue unfolded. The author identifies the following directions: revolutionary-democratic, liberal, conservative
1 Vilenskaya E.O. Revolutionary underground of the 60s. M., 1965; Knizhnik-Vetrov I.S. Russian activists of the First International and the Paris Commune M.-L., 1964; Kiperman A.Ya. Raznochinsky revolutionary emigration Tambov, 1980; Barenbaum I.E. Book publishing and social movement of the 50-60s. in Russia. Sat. Research and materials. M., 1964.
2 Nikhitina T.B. Women in the Russian liberation movement of the 60-70s. Cand. diss. Rostov/Don, 1971. active. She finds that the position of liberals was the most active in society. The liberal press became highly active in the 70s. According to T.V. Nikitina, it was the activity of the liberals, combined with the work carried out by the revolutionary democratic camp, that led to a softening of the government’s course on the women’s issue. At the same time, T.V. Nikitina believes that the revolutionary-democratic camp had a decisive influence on the women's movement, since only it had a program for resolving the women's issue. It included the involvement of women in the system of generally useful labor, the struggle for equality in the field of education (especially higher education), and the struggle for political equality. As a result of such a clear position of the revolutionary-democratic camp, its influence on the female masses increases and some of the women come to the revolutionary movement. The author lists Sunday schools, women's associations, and communes as forms of women's participation in the revolutionary movement. T.V. Nikitina identifies a new type of woman - the nihilist woman and believes that this type of female personality was born and formed in the commune. According to the researcher, it was the women's issue and the activity of the revolutionary-democratic camp that developed democratic feelings among the advanced part of the Russian intelligentsia. On the other hand, in the 6070s. The ideological and political self-awareness of women developed, which determined their participation in the revolutionary movement. All put forward provisions are supported by a sufficient amount of factual material:
We see the only drawback in this work in the lack of an adequate assessment of the activities of the liberal camp and the results of its efforts to resolve the women's issue. This point is explained by the lack of development in the 70s. topics related to the liberal movement in Russia, since the liberal movement was not given importance in the Leninist concept of the liberation movement.
Exploring the participation of women in the populist movement in the 70s, T.V. Nikitina notes the increasing role of women, the massive rapprochement of female students with the democratic students, and the emergence of revolutionary circles among women. But as before, the work has not explored specific ways of penetration of revolutionary propaganda into women’s environment, nor has it highlighted the psychological characteristics of female revolutionaries. The degree of ideological and political consciousness of women is exaggerated.
N. Panukhina’s dissertation work on the All-Russian Social Revolutionary Organization /Muscovites/ (M., 1972) is interesting because it examines the facts of women’s participation in this organization. The author paid closer attention to women who studied at the University of Zurich, since it was they who became the inspirers and organizers of the social revolutionary party. And again, attention should be paid to the undeveloped socio-psychological portrait of the participants in the “Muscovites” circle.
This shortcoming in the works of the 70s. is explained by the fact that the Leninist concept was used, which obligated the researcher to find the roots of social phenomena in production relations and reduce them to the interests of certain classes. V.I. Lenin associated the emergence of the populist utopia with the time when capitalism in Russia was still very poorly developed, when petty bourgeois The nature of peasant farming has not yet been completely revealed. As a result, the historical literature paid attention to developing the origins and essence of the ideological and political views of the revolutionaries.
In 1988, E.A. Pavlyuchenko’s monograph “Women in the Russian Liberation Movement” was published. Following O.K. Bulanova-Trubnikova, the author made an attempt to explain the participation of women in the liberation movement of the 60-70s. 19th century Using a large amount of factual material, E.A. Pavlyuchenko came to the conclusion that at all three stages of the liberation movement, women were not politically independent. Decembrist women accepted the ideas of their husbands “more with their hearts than with their minds.”
1 Lenin V.I. Poly. Collection Works, vol. I, p. 413.
Women who participated in the women's movement were greatly influenced by revolutionary democratic ideas. E.A. Pavlyuchenko explained the arrival of women in the revolutionary movement not only by the democratic nature of the women's movement, but also by the psychological characteristics of the participants in the women's movement of the 60s. “Even then, in the early 60s, women who had embarked on the path of independent struggle showed a selfless obsession, which grew as the revolutionary intensity increased. And often such obsession led to the women themselves going too far, not enough politically mature in order to choose the right method of struggle."1 Women revolutionaries of the 70s. were influenced by the revolutionary enthusiasm of women of the sixties. According to the author, the participation of women in the revolutionary movement of the 60-70s. was due to the psychological characteristics of the female personality. “Walking among the people was a female element, an organic continuation of the active educational activities begun by the 60-year-old tens, the realization of the inexhaustible female need to “come to the aid” of the suffering, to teach the dark, to heal the sick.” In this work, for the first time in historical literature, interest in the psychological characteristics of the female personality was clearly manifested.
V.I. Lenin, giving a deep analysis and criticism of the populist movement, noted the psychological characteristics of revolutionaries. A tendency towards idealization, daydreaming, “knights of philistinism” - this is not a complete list of characteristics that Lenin gave to the populists. Remembering the workers’ circles of Alekseev, Myshkin, Khalturin, Zhelyabov, Lenin pointed out the outstanding significance and enormous role of these circles and their leaders in revolutionizing population. Energy and ardent preaching are the main means of revolutionaries in their propaganda work. The listed characteristics create an image of revolutionaries that reminds us of the image of people of faith,
1 Pavlyuchenko E.A. Women in the Russian liberation movement. Moscow, 1988, P.325.
2 Pavlyuchenko E.A. Ibid., p.234. image of the first Christians1. Unfortunately, in historical literature little has been developed about the psychological portrait of revolutionaries and practically no attention has been paid to the peculiarities of the socio-psychological make-up of female revolutionaries.
To compile a socio-psychological portrait of female revolutionaries, we will again turn to works that will allow us to achieve our goals. First of all, "the researcher was guided by the main provisions of Lenin's concept of the role of estates and classes in the liberation movement. V.I. Lenin studied the role of estates and classes in the liberation movement and at the stage from 1884-1890 noted that "nobles already made up a minority participants in the revolutionary movement. But, if we add to them the clergy and merchants, we get 49%, i.e. almost half. The movement still remains half a movement of the privileged classes: the nobles and the upper bourgeoisie. Hence the powerlessness of the movement, despite the heroism of single people." Analysis of the social composition of women serving exile and hard labor in Siberia confirms the correctness of Lenin's concept that the revolutionary activity of classes and estates increases in connection with changes in the socio-economic conditions of existence of these classes and estates in society.
When creating a socio-psychological portrait of female revolutionaries, the researcher also used the accumulated experience in the works of Soviet historians. In the works of historian B.F. Porshnev contains studies of both the socio-psychological appearance of the individual and small social groups. B.F. Porshnev came to the conclusion that “the mental makeup of a particular human community is part of its culture and is expressed through its culture, and depends on its culture, including, as noted above, expressed in its language and depends From him"".
1 Lenin V.I. P.S.S., vol. 1, p. 248; T.8, p.248; vol.6, p.107.
2 Lenin V.I. P.S.S., t.23, M., 1962, P.389.
3 Porshnev B.F. Social psychology and history M., 1979, P.90.
19As a result of the development of this issue in historical science in the 70s. interest arises in the analysis of the socio-psychological appearance of an individual, appearing either as an outstanding historical figure or as an exponent of the typical features of a historical era or social group. In 1991, researcher T.A. Bogdanova1 presented a dissertation work, the subject of which was the personality of the revolutionary terrorist V.I. Zasulich. T.A. Bogdanova, based on a study of the political activities, literary and epistolary heritage of the revolutionary, tried to present a socio-psychological portrait of V.I. Zasulich. T.A. Bogdanova studied the patterns of the emergence of a new type of personality in Russian society: the revolutionary socialist. The author identified the following sources of V. Zasulich’s radicalism: Christian ideas and values, perceived and deeply experienced in childhood, feminist sentiments that clearly manifested themselves in society in the 1860s, freedom-loving and humanistic ideas of Russian literature and, in particular, revolutionary democratic literature . The most interesting thing in this study is the researcher’s appeal to V. Zasulich’s emotional experiences regarding the prospects for her future device. “At the age of 15, having given up her faith in God, she turned to thoughts about organizing her future life on earth. The disgust she felt for the position of a governess, which the prevailing social conditions promised, forced her to greedily catch everything that spoke of the possibility of a different future, a different life " T.A. Bogdanova was the first to show that the choice of ideological and political views was largely determined by psychological characteristics. To characterize the characteristics of V. Zasulich’s psychological make-up, the researcher introduces the concept “ revolutionism."
In recent years, the problem of manifestation of Christian traditions in the behavior and worldview of Bogdanov T.A. has begun to be developed in historical literature. V.I. Zasulich in the Russian revolutionary movement. Cand. diss., L., 1991. revolutionaries1. This problem is complex and diverse. The first approaches to it were made at the beginning of the 20th century by Russian philosophers N.O. Lossky, A. Losev, S.L. Franc. Currently, we see only occasional attention to this problem. On the manifestation of Christian traditions in the revolutionary practice of the 60s. wrote researcher R.G. Eymontova in the book “Ideas of Enlightenment in a Renewing Russia.” In her opinion, the preservation of Christian traditions was due to the fact that in the worldview of the populists there was no complete denial of religion. “Even the most radical denial of church and religion did not exclude a certain continuity of deniers in relation to the worldview they rejected.” According to the author, a certain continuity can be seen in the idealistic perception of the revolutionaries of the people (going to the people), in the sacrifice and asceticism of the revolutionaries’ behavior. Faith and sacrifice determined the method of action of the revolutionaries of the 60s and some of the revolutionaries of the 70s. R.G. Eymontova limited herself to characterizing the worldview and behavior of revolutionaries, without revealing the essence of such dualism in consciousness and behavior.
Researcher O.V. Budnitsy in his book dedicated to female terrorists, based on biographical materials, noted psychological characteristics. In his opinion, among them there is a particularly visible religious element, which he designates as a “religious feeling,” the structure of which has not changed. “The people took the place of God”3.
The study of the peculiarities of thinking and behavior of revolutionary-minded women is most productive during their stay in Siberian exile, when their status was officially defined as “state criminals.” A significant part of the presented work is devoted to the study of the personality of female revolutionaries during their stay in Siberian exile.
1 Lurie L.Ya. The evolution of the number of professional and age composition of the leaders of the Russian liberation movement at the noble and common stages. Candidate of Dissertation, Leningrad, 1987; Bogdanova T.A. V.I. Zasulich in the Russian revolutionary movement, L., 1991
2 Eymontova R.G. Ideas of education in a renewing Russia / 50-60s. 19th century/, M., 1998, P.64.
3 Budnitsky O.V. Women are terrorists in Russia. Rostov-on-Don, 1996, S.!0.
Historians have accumulated extensive experience in studying Siberian exile, the social composition and activities of exiled women. In the works of historians L.A. Ushakova, L.P. Roshchevskaya, V.M. Andreev, G.I. Mendrina, A.V. Danilenko on the history of populist exile, the following methodological position was developed and used. Exile was seen as a unique form of class struggle at all three stages of the liberation movement. Historians have made significant progress in studying the life and work of revolutionaries. The issues of the legislative structure of exile were covered most fully1. The revolutionary activity of the populists in exile was examined, and the forms of revolutionary activity were highlighted. The cultural and educational activities of exiled populists and the impact on the life and activities of the inhabitants of Siberia were studied. Historians used the main methodological position in which any form of protest by exiles was considered by historians as a continuation of revolutionary activity. As a result, historians have not had the opportunity to study the behavior and personality of the exiles. The accumulated factual material already went beyond the generally accepted concept and required new theoretical understanding.
As a result, in 1996, historian V.I. Fedorova, while studying the populist exile in Siberia, made an attempt to determine the psychological and ideological regulators of the worldview and activities of the populists. In Soviet historiography, the problems of mental motivation for worldview and activity in the revolutionary movement were practically not developed. Based on foreign historiography on the psychological essence of revolutionary consciousness, the researcher considers psychology as a structure-forming element of the revolutionary worldview. Exploring the socio-psychological factors influencing worldview and behavior,
1 Roshchevskaya L.P. Political exiles of the 70s and 80s. 19th century in Tobolsk province, M., 1990; Andreev V.M. Populist revolutionaries in East Siberian exile. Irkutsk, 1971.
2 Mendrina G.I. Medical activities of political exiles in Siberia, Tomsk, 1962; Krusser R.G. The masses of Siberia in studies of political exiles in the 70s-90s. 19th century Kemerovo, 1989; Da-nilenko A.V. The role and place of the democratic intelligentsia in the socio-political life of Eastern Siberia, Irkutsk, 1991; Nikulina I.N. Political exile to Altai in the 19th century, Tomsk, 1990.
V.I. Fedorova was able to explain some well-known forms of protest of the populists in exile and hard labor. This approach allows us to more fully and deeply study a special psycho-ideological type of populism.
In the presented historiographical The review used both the works of pre-revolutionary and Soviet historians and the results of research in recent years. As can be seen from the analysis, in the historical literature there are no special studies devoted to such a social category as revolutionary women.
From the end of the 19th century. In historical literature, the official version of the government about the reasons for the appearance in society in the 70s began to be actively developed. 19th century women revolutionaries. This version was that women's struggle for education and equality led them to participate in the revolutionary movement. As a result, a whole trend emerged in the historical literature of this period, whose representatives (B.B. Glinsky, N. Ulyanovsky, L. Kulchitsky, etc.) proved the influence of the women’s movement on the emergence and development of the revolutionary worldview of women, traced the evolution of women’s views throughout 19th century. Soviet historians also worked in this direction, but with the involvement of broad factual material, in the 60s. They studied certain aspects of women's participation in the revolutionary movement and accumulated a huge amount of factual material about new forms of organizing women's labor, the connections of the women's movement with the revolutionary underground, as well as the role of Russian students in the revolutionary movement.
There is no doubt about the conclusions of historians that the women's movement and its success awakened women to “mental life” and active social activities. However, specific ways of penetration of revolutionary propaganda into women's environment were not explored. The results of the research were limited to the formulation of general theoretical tasks for the participation of women in the revolutionary movement. At the same time, in the historical literature of the 60-70s. researchers exaggerated the influence of the women's movement on the formation of women's revolutionary worldview. Some historians have idealized the level of revolutionary worldview of women revolutionaries due to the dominant Leninist concept of the three stages of the liberation movement.
While exploring the ideological views of revolutionaries within the framework of the Leninist concept, historians did not pay attention to the fact that the revolutionaries remained bearers of Christian traditions in their behavior and worldview. Russian philosophers (N.O. Lossky, A.F. Losev, N.A. Berdyaev) first spoke about this at the beginning of the 20th century. In recent years, interest in this problem has increased in historical literature (L.Ya. Lurie, R.G. Eymontova, O.V. Budnitsky).
At the beginning of the 20th century, a second direction arose, connecting the participation of women in the revolutionary movement with the characteristics of their psychological make-up (N. Ulyanovsky, A. Amphiteatrov, etc.). This direction was developed only in the 70s. 20th century (B.F. Porshnev and others). Historians have made significant progress in the study of both the psychological appearance of an individual and in the study of the characteristics of small social groups. In 1991, only one study appeared on female revolutionaries. These are the works of T.A. Bogdanova about V. Zasulich. As before, there are no comprehensive studies about this group of revolutionaries. At the same time, the significance of this group is great, since the revolutionary traditions of the Russian women's movement originated in it.
In the historical literature there is a large number of studies of the revolutionaries’ stay in Siberian exile. All research was carried out within the framework of the main methodological position that was established in the 50-70s: exile was considered as a unique form of class struggle at all three stages of the revolutionary movement. Siberian historians have made significant progress in studying the social composition and revolutionary activities of exiled revolutionaries. Studying the stay of revolutionaries in exile within the framework approved in the 50-70s. methodology did not allow scientists to separately study such a social group as female revolutionaries and, in particular, problems associated with the characteristics of their psychological make-up. For the first time in the history of the study of Siberian populist exile, the psychological and ideological regulators of the worldview and activities of the populists, as well as the features of the psychological state of exiled revolutionaries (without dividing into men and women) were studied only in 1996 (V.I. Fedorova). There are no special studies yet on the life and everyday life of female revolutionaries in Siberian exile.
It seems necessary to study the personality of female revolutionaries, to establish the relationship and interdependence of the appearance of female revolutionaries in a specific historical situation, to identify their socio-psychological traits and to identify the psychological characteristics of the individual that manifested themselves in the conditions of Siberian exile. This is the purpose of this work.
Based on the above areas of research on women’s participation in the revolutionary movement, in order to achieve this goal it is necessary to resolve the following tasks.
First task. To highlight in the diversity of public sentiments in Russia during the post-reform period ideas that directly influenced the formation of new stereotypes of female behavior and the system of female education. Study of specific ways of penetration of revolutionary propaganda into women's environment.
Second task. Conduct an analysis of the social composition of exiled women, property and marital status, level of education, and their age composition. Based on the analysis, identify the socio-psychological characteristics of female revolutionaries.
Third task. Explore the internal motivations that lead women to the revolutionary movement and. identify the sources of their revolutionary activity, using the found archival data about the stay of women in Siberian exile.
Exploring the socio-psychological characteristics of female revolutionaries, we find two points that bring revolutionaries closer to believers: the type of thinking (i.e. their ability to assimilate revolutionary ideas at the level of faith) and the continuity of religious culture in behavior (asceticism, fanaticism, sacrifice) . The novelty of the presented work is due to the study of this type of thinking and behavioral stereotypes of female revolutionaries.
This task is relevant due to the fact that during the period of radical restructuring of society, the old ideological system is destroyed and a period of propaganda and creation of new value orientations begins, aimed at maintaining a new order. It was during this period of the “interregnum of ideas” that all kinds of religious and revolutionary organizations began to take root among young people, since youth, due to age-related psychological characteristics, is a breeding ground for the spread of new ideas. We observed this process during the period of the destruction of the Soviet Union and the creation of a new state structure.
SOURCE STUDY THE RESEARCH BASE is determined by the subject and objectives of the work. It is quite diverse and represents a complex of archival and published materials.
The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was a comparative historical analysis of published sources. For a systematic analysis, historical-philosophical, historical-sociological and fiction literature was involved.
The author has done a lot of work collecting sources. The sources for this work were materials collected in the state archives of the Irkutsk, Tomsk and Omsk regions. The funds of the central archives were studied: GARF, RGIA, RGALI, the manuscript department of the Saltykov-Shchedrin Library.
The following funds were studied in the State Archive of the Russian Federation:
F.533-Fund of the All-Russian Society of Political Prisoners and Political Exiles-Settlers. As a result of work in this fund, biographical information about 54 women revolutionaries of the 80s was compiled and supplemented. The information found was used to compile tables on the social status of women.
F.102-Fund of the Police Department contains a large amount of factual material about the revolutionary activities of women in exile. F.102, op.83, d.895 - letter from exile S. Baufal, which contains information about the conditions of Siberian exile and the activities of the Red Cross branch in Surgut. Of great interest is d.427, op.83, f.102, which contains an extensive analysis of male and female gymnasiums in which it was discovered anti-government propaganda. By comparing this note with the biographical data of female revolutionaries, it was possible to identify specific ways of penetration of revolutionary propaganda into women's environment.
F.122-Main Prison Directorate. Inventories 1, 2, 3, 15 were reviewed. The files of this fund supplemented the information about the conditions of women's stay in exile. D.84, part 1 contains information about disagreement in government circles on the issues of punishment and the assessment of exile as a punishment. Administrative exile was considered as a corrective measure of punishment; the measure of power and responsibility of lower officer ranks was determined by law.
In the State Archive of R.F. The personal fund of N.V. Konchevskaya was viewed. f.6753, f/x 209 contains letters from the son of exiled L. Sinegub.
The personal fund of Koni A.F., no. 485 contains information about disagreements in the government on the issue of the nature of administrative exile and methods of resettlement of political exiles.
The Russian State Archive of Literature and Art contains personal letters from women revolutionaries, which served as a source for writing the second chapter. Funds 1291, op.1,2 Sineguba S.S. were used; f.1642, op.1, Charushina N.A.; f.1018 Aryan P.N.; f. 1696, op.1, d.442. A letter from Charushina A.D. was studied from fund 1291. to Sinegub L.V. dated July 17, 1908.
27Fund 1405 of the Ministry of Justice has been fragmentarily viewed in the Russian State Historical Archive in St. Petersburg. In fund 1093 Shchegolev, f/x 87 there is an interesting memory of O. Kallistratova, nee Rise, who served exile in Siberia. The memory refers to the period of life from 1881 to 1890. and covers personal and public events.
In the manuscript department of the Saltykov-Shchedrin library, the fund 587 of Pobedonostsev K.P., e/x 4 was studied. This fund contains notes from lawyers and professors about the state of society in the early 80s. The authors of these notes sharply criticized the democratic transformations in the country.
The personal funds of Bulanova A.P. were viewed, f.140; Deitch JL, f.1097. The materials of these funds provide information about the family ties of female revolutionaries and the occupations of women in the post-Siberian period. The Deitch Foundation contains personal letters from women that provide insight into their moods and psychological states. F.1097, d.757-letter from E. Breshko-Breshkovskaya can serve as a source for studying the socio-psychological portrait of female revolutionaries.
Several funds were studied in the state archive of the Irkutsk region.
Fund 25, op.1,3 Office of the Irkutsk Governor-General.
Fund 32 Office of the Irkutsk Governor-General.
Fund 34, inventory 1, volume 1 Irkutsk Prison Inspectorate, archive item 42976 contains semi-annual and annual reports on the movement of prisoners, journals of the distribution of exiles, statistical information on the number of prisoners held in county prisons. As a result of work in this foundation, it was possible to establish the areas where exiled women were located in Eastern Siberia.
Fund 24 stores information about the resettlement and resettlement of revolutionaries throughout Siberia. In general, the GAIO funds contain a large amount of materials that give an idea of the material side of women’s lives and their activities. The main source supplementing biographical information about exiles were article lists, since they recorded basic biographical data. The above-mentioned funds contain petitions from exiled women, which were not previously considered as sources for studying the life of exiles in Siberia. Upon careful study of the petitions, it turned out that the exiles quite often used petitions in order to improve living conditions and medical care. The personal files of most of the exiles, stored in the archives, contain information about conflicts between female revolutionaries and the local administration.
The following funds were examined in the State Archive of the Tomsk Region.
Fund 3 of the Tomsk provincial administration has over 7 thousand units. storage As a result of a detailed study of this fund, article lists and petitions, the places of settlement and occupations of female revolutionaries in the Tomsk province were determined, and biographical data was clarified. Some personal files of exiled women discovered in Fund 3 made it possible to study the socio-psychological state of women in Siberian exile and identify the causes of conflict situations with the local administration. Federal Law, op. 4, no. 2118 - about political exile E. Sheftel, conflict with the assistant police officer. F.Z, op.55, d. 15 - the petition of the administrative exile D. Dyakonov reveals the psychological state of the exiles D. Dyakonov and S. Brodskaya.
Fund 104, op.1 contains petitions from exiled women for temporary absences, treatment, and relocation for treatment. All requests were granted.
The State Archive of the Omsk Region has a small number of files concerning exiled populists. The fund 270-0 of the Gendarmerie Directorate was viewed. Foundation of the 14-Omsk Police Department. F.14, op.1, d.973 contains information about the supervision of O. Florovskaya, née Figner. F. 14, no. 728 provides information on the amount of benefits.
In the dissertation work, 2 types of sources were used: police records and memoirs, private correspondence (epistolary inheritance). These sources allow us to expand our understanding of the psychological characteristics of female revolutionaries and identify their properties
There are relatively few published memoirs of female revolutionaries; there are much more memoirs of the male part of the revolutionary community. Memoirs of populist revolutionaries were published most actively in the second half of the 20s. This was due to the ideological orientation towards introducing a heroic model of behavior into the consciousness of Soviet youth.
A.P. Pribileva-Korba, H. Shur, A. Alekseeva-Dubrovo, V. Figner, E. Breshko-Breshkovskaya, O. Cafiero-Kutuzova, O.K. Bulanova-Trubnikova, as well as unpublished memoirs of O. Rise, we can see that the arrival of these women in the revolutionary movement was due to reasons of a subjective nature, internal to them1.
Memories of male revolutionaries about women complemented and expanded our understanding of the psychological characteristics of female revolutionaries. Therefore, in the dissertation work, when drawing up a socio-psychological portrait, the memoirs of revolutionaries were used:
B. Debogoriya-Mokrievich, M. Frolenko, N. Charushina, I. Brillon, F. Kona, L. Deycha2.
1 Pribileva-Korba A.P. People's Will. M., 1926; Shur X. Memoirs. Kursk, 1928; Alekseeva-Dubrovo A. Martyrs of the idea. Odessa, 1926; Bulanova-Trubnikova O.K. Three generations. M.-L., 1923; Breshko-Breshkovskaya E. From my memories. St. Petersburg, 1906; Figner V. Captured work. P.s.s., t.4, M., 1932; Kafiero-Kutuzova O. Memoirs from Byloe, 1907, No. 1. Kallistratova O. RGIA, f. Yu93 Shchegoleva, f/x 87.
2 Debogoriy-Mokrievich V. Memoirs. St. Petersburg, 1906; Frolenko M. Notes of the 70th foreman. M., 1927; Charushin N. About the distant and past. M., 1926; Brillon I. At hard labor. Memoirs of a Social Revolutionary. Ptb., 1917; Kon F. In hard labor on Kara. M., 1926; Deitch L. 16 years in Siberia, M., 1924.
We find a large number of psychological sketches in the memoirs of revolutionaries, which were published in the magazines “Byloe” and “Katorga and exile”.
The magazine "Byloe" published the memoirs of E. Kovalskaya, E. Breshkovskaya, S. Ivanova-Boreysho, A. Pribyleva-Korba, O. Lyubatovich, H. Greenberg, Kafiero-Kutuzova1.
Most of the unpublished sources of the epistolary genre are stored in the archives of GARF, RGALI, GAIO, and the manuscript department of the Plekhanov House. The letters stored in the manuscript department of the Plekhanov House, in the L.G. Deitch fund, date back to the 80-90s. 19th century, when many exiles were already finishing their sentences. Due to the personal nature of the letters, we learn about the mood of the women and their lifestyle. In historical science, letters are considered as a reliable source of knowledge. Following V.O. Klyuchevsky, K.N. Bestuzhev-Ryumin wrote that “notes can be assigned for posterity, letters are written for contemporaries and, moreover, often under the cover of secrecy. Consequently, in letters both the character of a person and his relationships are depicted more truthfully than in notes or some literary works."
Of great interest are the letters stored in the RGALI, in the S.S. Sinegub fund. Here is the correspondence of L.V. Sinegub and her teacher and friend A.D. Kuvshinskaya, Charushina in marriage. This correspondence presents to us the spiritual image of revolutionary women who came to the revolutionary movement in the wake of the emancipation movement for education. Involved in revolutionary events and linked their fate with the outstanding revolutionaries of the seventies, they retained a spiritual attachment to the ethical ideals of their youth until the end of their days.
Using archival material, memoirs and epistolary sources, relying on approaches developed in historical literature to the study of the socio-psychological portrait of historical figures, the author presents
1 Bygone 1904. No. 6; 1903. No. 4; 1906. No. 3,4,5,6,10; 1907. No. 1.
2 V al to S.N. Selected works on archeography: Scientific heritage. St. Petersburg, 1991
31 of this work tried to present the personality traits of female revolutionaries. This work combines two directions. The first direction, traditionally considering revolutionary events as a consequence of socio-economic development. The second direction, which has developed since the mid-60s. XX century, explores the inherent properties of phenomena and people that determine the nature of events and behavior. The result of combining these two areas of research was the dissertation work “Women Revolutionaries and Their Stay in Siberian Exile.”
Conclusion of the dissertation on the topic "Domestic History", Kondakova, Olga Nikolaevna
159 -CONCLUSION
The group of women studied served their sentences in Siberian exile and thus, in fact and formally, were naturally singled out by that historical situation and the government, and not by the researcher himself.
The work was carried out in two directions. Firstly, against the backdrop of the diversity of public sentiments, the author explored ideas that directly changed the mindset of women and formed new stereotypes of female behavior. A large number of articles and works of art published in women's magazines of the 60-80s. 19th century contained criticism of female upbringing and education in a patriarchal family and serfdom state. The proposed new models of behavior, new ways of life found understanding and were successful among various segments of the population. Against the background of bourgeois reforms, the dominance of the liberal spirit in society, the ideas of women's emancipation made it possible to satisfy the long-standing needs of women of the noble class for legal equality in the sphere of education, property ownership, and family and marriage relations. It should also be noted that the state itself was interested in women's hired labor. As a result, we see that the state, although cautiously, promoted women's education in the spirit of liberal reforms. Women's education became not only a subject of controversy, but also a way to gain political authority in society. As a result of such a struggle, the government made concessions, leaving women's education open to all kinds of influences.
It was here, in women's gymnasiums and women's courses, that emissaries from various revolutionary organizations and parties launched their agitation and propaganda.
Official investigations into the case of revolutionary propaganda and the biographical data found allow us to talk about very specific ways through which revolutionary propaganda penetrated into women's circles.
1. Archival materials suggest that furnished apartments were used on a large scale in which visiting female students lived. Officially sanctioned communes and fraternities were created in furnished apartments. In this work, this was demonstrated using a number of archival materials found.
2.In the 80s. The flow of revolutionary propaganda through self-education circles, officially permitted in gymnasiums, intensified. As a result, we see that the composition of women of the eighties has become significantly “younger”.
3. The collected biographical material helped to identify another way of spreading propaganda, which had not previously been given much importance in historical literature. The most accessible and fastest way for women to enter the revolutionary environment was to involve them through family ties. Of the 185 exiles, 55 women were involved in the revolutionary movement through the power of family ties.
Directly studying the specific environment in which women became interested in revolutionary ideas, we came to the following conclusions.
In the post-reform period, a fairly stable community of revolutionaries developed among the youth, which, thanks to the general liberalization and liberalization of women's education, were able to introduce propaganda into the female environment and have practical success there.
The women involved in the revolutionary movement not only had common family ties, but were also connected by a common mental make-up and characteristics of their socio-psychological state. As a result, a second direction in research has emerged. The subject of the study is the personality traits of a revolutionary woman.
An analysis of the social composition of exiled women was carried out, which showed the following.
The most socially active and easily accepting of revolutionary ideology were representatives of small-scale nobility, bourgeois-Jewish families and daughters clergy. It was these segments of the population that experienced socio-economic changes to a greater extent than others. The role and place of women in society has especially changed. Representatives of small landed noble families, going bankrupt after the reforms of 1861, were forced to integrate into the new structure of socio-economic relations. The weakening of the foundations of the old ideological system, based on the ideas of the Orthodox religion, led to the high social activity of the children of clergy. Of the 196 exiled women, 21 came from clergy families. The activity of women of the petty-bourgeois Jewish class was due to the expanding opportunities for Jews to receive education in university cities.
Examining the age at which women entered the revolutionary movement in the 70-80s, we see the following.
Between the ages of 14 and 25, 165 of 196 exiled women joined the revolutionary movement. Throughout the 70-80s. The number of women who joined the revolutionary movement between the ages of 18 and 25 remains stable. There were only 16 participants over 25 years of age. These data indicate that the transfer of revolutionary ideas took place among young people and it was here that a fairly stable revolutionary-minded social group was formed.
In the 80s the age of the participants significantly “rejuvenated” due to the agitation and propaganda of revolutionaries in self-education circles of women’s gymnasiums.
Considering the level of education of exiled women, we found that a typical feature of female revolutionaries was their desire to receive an education, and in most cases this desire remained unrealized. The lack of education and lack of professional knowledge among female revolutionaries occurred not only because of revolutionary activity and the consequences of it, but also for psychological reasons.
Striving for education, female revolutionaries tried to follow new value orientations and receive an education that would allow them to benefit the people to the greatest extent. We find confirmation of this in the fact that out of 196 exiled women, 73 studied at pedagogical, paramedic and medical courses. 30 women studied at the Higher Women's Courses, which also provided the opportunity to engage in teaching activities.
The length of stay, over two years, in the revolutionary movement and serving a sentence in Siberian exile formed persistent revolutionary sentiments among women in the post-Siberian period. In the 80s There is an increase in the number of women with up to six months and up to two years of revolutionary activity. Among the youth, revolutionary sentiments and traditions persisted in subsequent years, which ultimately, due to government persecution and the emergence of new revolutionary ideas and organizations, led to the activation of other social groups. Women terrorists, representatives of the Jewish-philistine strata of the population, are being nominated.
While exploring the characteristics of the socio-psychological make-up of female revolutionaries, we noticed that the mental state of most of them was characterized by emotional instability and high irritability. Memoirs, letters and official sources indicate that these mental properties manifested themselves during the period of exile, and in some cases took on painful forms.
The need for practical, revolutionary activity and the search for ways to implement it often led to “excessive activity.” Therefore, revolutionary actions were often assessed by public opinion as adventurism, fraud and violence.
Brought up in a religious value system, in religious traditions, and receiving their primary education in the old traditional school based on rote learning, women had a type of thinking that allowed them to assimilate new knowledge and revolutionary ideas at the level of faith. Therefore, the revolutionary worldview of women retained the features of a religious culture of thinking. In memoirs and letters of revolutionaries, these religious traits were manifested in vocabulary and in their treatment of each other. Women brought up in religious traditions thought in religious categories and imagined each other in the images of saints, prophets and heroes in general. In revolutionary activities, women also showed self-sacrifice and fanaticism, and their behavior patterns resembled the behavior of believers.
In the personal lives of women, quite complex and tragic, we see that, using new forms of marriage (civil and fictitious) for revolutionary purposes, women moved away from the only possible meaning of marriage - procreation. The distortion of the institution of motherhood and the loss of children aggravated the instability of the psychological state and led to radical revolutionary acts and mental illness in general. Such self-sacrifice in the name of revolutionary activity ceased for most women during their stay in Siberian exile. In exile, cut off from the revolutionary cause, women got married and became caring wives and mothers.
The geography of places where exiled women settled in Western and Eastern Siberia is diverse in its natural, climatic and economic characteristics. Therefore, the placement of women actually depended on their age, social origin, marital status and degree of guilt. Thus, in the most remote region of Eastern Siberia, the Yakut region, exiled Jewish women were placed, according to the decree of 1886.
The Carian convict prison was a place of accommodation for noblewomen who took part in terrorist acts and had rich revolutionary experience and influence.
In the most favorable regions of Eastern and Western Siberia lived exiles with little revolutionary experience, unmarried and administrative exiles.
The most important component of women's stay in exile was ensuring the material side of their lives. The government assigned a monthly allowance for the maintenance of exiles, allowed them to live in colonies, have their own farms and vegetable gardens. Only those exiles who had transfers from their relatives did not receive benefits. An allowance was provided for clothing. Thus, the government almost completely resolved these problems.
The problem of free time remained unresolved for the majority of exiled women, since the government prohibited any pedagogical, medical, public activities, and it was forbidden to maintain libraries and printing houses. Those activities to which women were most inclined were prohibited.
One of the problems in the life of women in exile was conflicts with local authorities, since formally and in fact the lives of those under supervision depended on the disposition of government officials towards them. In the conflict situations considered, the local authorities tightened the regime only in cases of constant violation of the “Rules on Supervision”, but... Such punishments were temporary. In general, relations with local authorities were unstable due to the instability of the emotional state of the exiled women.
The formal relationship between local authorities and exiled women can be traced through petitions. All forgiveness for the provision of medical care, transfer to another area for treatment, and the assignment of benefits were granted in a short time. Requests for transfer from a place of settlement to another with the motivation to settle closer to relatives were granted. Requests for temporary absence from places of settlement were granted. But the satisfaction of the last two types of requests depended on the personal disposition of local authorities towards their wards.
Thanks to constant financial support and their own small earnings, the women's convict prison had no problems of financial existence. The predominance of women of noble origin with a long history of revolutionary activity in penal servitude created an environment in which women retained their usual way of life. Women continued to study literature of revolutionary content, preserved revolutionary traditions and organized help in escapes, and participated in collective protests. They were not involved as exiled women in the measured, bourgeois life of Siberian cities.
The integration of exiled women into the life of small towns in Siberia caused their great revolutionary activity, which manifested itself in the form of protests. The studied forms of protest made it possible to consider the sources of revolutionary activity and clarify the levels of women's worldview. As a result, we can say that in most cases the protests reflected moral and ethical ideals borrowed from the Christian religion. Some protests were personal in nature and reflected women's reactions to the conditions of exile in Siberia.
Individual protests tended to reflect women's revolutionary beliefs. These kinds of protests were typical for professional revolutionaries.
In general, protests of various kinds were forms of revolutionary activity by women. Most of the exiled women were not involved in systematic revolutionary activities, but many continued revolutionary activities in the form of providing assistance to the Red Cross organization. The participation of women in this organization testifies to the unity of moral and ethical values of all revolutionaries.
Since the revolutionary activity of women took various forms: absences, hunger strikes, statements, individual and collective protests, then
166punishments for it were different. It should be noted that, as a rule, the minimum penalties imposed for a particular offense were assigned.
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International Women's Day is celebrated in all republics of the former USSR. Almost everywhere it is a day off. This year, somewhere, not even one, but four. March 8th is a day of solidarity for equal pay compared to men. That's how it was. And how it happened - in the report of the MIR 24 TV channel.
February 23, 1917 Petrograd. Almost 130 thousand people took to the streets of the capital. A crowd also gathered near the Kazan Cathedral. The first to do this were simple housewives and weaving factory workers. They were afraid of hunger - they demanded “Bread!” and “Feed the children of the defenders of the Motherland.” This is how the “women’s revolt” began.
“They went to the cordon more boldly than men, grabbed their rifles, asked, almost ordered: “Drop your guns and join us,” Leon Trotsky wrote in his memoirs.
Only a few days have passed. The women of Petrograd were still on strike. But the slogans were already political: “Down with the Tsar!”, “Long live equality!”, “Women’s place in the Constituent Assembly.”
Very brave. After all, throughout the world, elections have long been considered a man’s business. For example, in Switzerland until 1971, in France until 1944, in Spain until 1931, in Britain until 1928. In the United States, gender discrimination was abolished in all states only in 1920. In Russia already in 1917, just 8 months after the February Revolution, as the newspapers wrote then, “women had the great happiness, which women in other countries did not know, to take part in the Constituent Assembly.” They could vote and even be elected.
“They were not fighting for privileges compared to men. Namely for equality. They were perceived in the parties - both the Social Revolutionary and the Bolshevik - as comrades in arms. This is where the address “comrade” came from, which has no gender difference. A comrade is both a man and a woman. It was breakthrough, innovative for that time,” explains Arseny Zamostyanov, deputy editor-in-chief of the Istorian magazine.
Comrade Alexandra Kollontai is the face of Bolshevik Russia. The first woman minister in world history. Back in 1913, Kollontai unveiled the principles of the “new woman”. A few points: victory over emotions, interests are not limited to home, family and love, renunciation of jealousy, while “a woman should not hide her sexuality.”
Her coat of excellent quality, ordered abroad (there is a tag from a Swedish fashion house), and her hat with a veil have survived. The revolutionary knew a weapon that men could not resist. For her, relationships are as easy as drinking a glass of water. One husband, the other, lovers. People shot at her because of her, she was idolized and hated. In 1922, Kollontai wrote a story about the near future: the family was destroyed, the new unit of society was the commune.
“They are distributed by age. Children - in “Children’s Palaces”, young men and teenage girls - in cheerful houses surrounded by gardens, adults - in hostels arranged for different tastes, old people - in the “House of Recreation,” Kollontai wrote in her story “Soon (in 48 years)".
Against the backdrop of the revolution and civil war, Kollontai had another whirlwind romance - with Pavel Dybenko. “Leader of Sailors” is a horror with a gun. The same Dybenko who became famous for organizing the massacre of officers and admirals of the Baltic Fleet. The furious petrel of the revolution was 17 years younger than the general’s daughter Kollontai. But who bothered then? They got married, but the marriage was not church. This is the first time in Soviet Russia, it’s so easy and fast. You can get a divorce just as easily and quickly.
“At some point, her theory and views on free love collided with practice, with real life. Dybenko stopped loving her and became interested in another woman. Then Kollontai could not feel like a new woman, free from jealousy and bonds with the man she loves. She was jealous, cried, could not find a place for herself,” says Alexander Smirnov, candidate of historical sciences.
Ida Rubinstein, actress and dancer, stripped naked on stage. Except that the beads remained. So . Then it was a real revolution, a breakthrough, a shock. Ida had to fight for the right to stun the audience. Relatives, who did not approve of such hobbies at all, sent her to a hospital. But a year later she was “freed” to dance again. Dance without clothes.
Excessive freedom, the same glass of water theory, according to contemporaries, was not approved by Vladimir Ilyich. Like, “thirst requires satisfaction, but would a normal person drink from a puddle?” However, he himself still ended up in a love triangle. Even before October 2017, in exile, in Paris.
“Apparently, there was a short-term affair, whether it was platonic or not, with the charming revolutionary Inessa Armand, who was in love with him. This romance ended with a threefold agreement that Vladimir Ilyich remains with Nadezhda Konstantinovna, and Inessa Armand remains a friend for both him and her,” notes Arseny Zamostyanov, deputy editor-in-chief of the “Historian” magazine.
Krupskaya knew about her rival and even offered to divorce, but Lenin persuaded her to leave everything as it was. So life turned out to be three: they returned to Russia together. In Moscow, the apartments were located nearby in the Kremlin. One is Lenin and his legal wife, the other is Armand. But the leader of the peoples did not even think of parting with Nadezhda Konstantinovna. There was a lot about her that captivated him.
Krupskaya read “Capital” for the first time in a girls’ gymnasium. Then she joined a student Marxist circle in St. Petersburg. At the same time, she began campaigning among workers - she went to factories, taught at a school for adults, and told textile workers about the class struggle in geography lessons. As a result of diligent underground work, she was arrested in 1896. At that time she was not even married to Lenin.
Marxist ideas were cemented. She was his secretary. Together they created the “Union of Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class.” They were in exile together and returned to the Russian capital together in April 1917.
Shirokaya Street, building 48, apartment 24. This is the first address in Petrograd where Lenin and Krupskaya stayed. Vladimir Ilyich’s older sister helped and gave her shelter. There they edited the newspaper Pravda and often gathered party comrades. Life has faded into the background. Krupskaya did not like to cook. So there was the simplest food on the table - porridge and tea.
Krupskaya is from a noble family, like many feminists of the 19th century, in which we must look for the reasons for the Great Revolution. Women are tired of the routine: high school, husband, children, that’s all. I wanted a different life. The manual was Chernyshevsky’s novel “What is to be done?”, and the ideologist was the “grandmother of the Russian revolution” Ekaterina Breshko-Breshkovskaya.
“She got married, gave birth to a son, Nikolai, and then she realized that she needed more. She left the family, left her husband, and left her child in the care of relatives. And she became a traveling propagandist,” says Alla Morozova, candidate of historical sciences, senior researcher at the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
Breshko-Breshkovskaya spent a third of her life in hard labor. But after her liberation she did not stop “going to the people.” She was not at all afraid of being arrested.
More than one revolutionary had to go through the punishment cell. The Trubetskoy Bastion prison was specially built for political prisoners in the early 1870s. The conditions there were sometimes unbearable. Fully insulated, instead of a mattress there is felt, the pillow is stuffed with straw. You can’t smoke, no meetings or correspondence, you can’t even read, only the Bible was allowed. Some people went crazy there.
“We are not utopians. We know that any laborer and any cook are not capable of immediately taking over the management of the state... But we (...) demand an immediate break with the prejudice that only the rich are able to manage the state, carry out the everyday work of government,” wrote Vladimir Lenin in the article “Will the Bolsheviks retain state power?”
The revolution made women free in Russia. They were among the first in the world to receive the right to vote, free nurseries and kindergartens. They were the first to master male professions - they became tractor drivers and commissars. But is it possible to equate freedom and happiness? Who knows...
In the last century of its existence, the Russian Empire fought with almost all the leading world powers. But the most dangerous enemy was not the external rival, but the internal one - the revolutionaries.
1. Pavel Pestel (1793-1826)
When preparing the Decembrist uprising, Colonel Pestel did not hesitate to use the principle “the end justifies the means,” bribing and blackmailing his immediate superiors. The Decembrists accused him of immorality and dictatorial intentions. Nicholas I held a similar opinion in his memoirs: “Pestel was a villain with all the power of his words, without the slightest shadow of remorse...”. Pestel was an ardent supporter of a unitary republican Russia with its capital in Nizhny Novgorod. It was Pestel who, during interrogation, pointed to regicide as one of the options for the development of the Decembrist uprising.
2. Peter Kakhovsky (1799-1826)
Kakhovsky was a man of “exceptional ardor of temperament, an enthusiastic enthusiast by character, ardently devoted to the feeling of love for freedom, a selfless seeker of truth and justice.” Due to fateful circumstances for him, Kakhovsky became one of the most famous Decembrists. It was he who was designated by the Decembrists as a regicide. True, he never fulfilled his mission, but the St. Petersburg mayor Count Miloradovich and Colonel Sturler fell from his hands. The life of Kakhovsky, like the rest of the Decembrists, classified by the court as “state criminals beyond the ranks,” was interrupted on July 13, 1826 on the gallows in the Peter and Paul Fortress.
3. Alexander Herzen (1812-1870)
Herzen remained a revolutionary theorist throughout his life. Because of his emigre position, he concentrated all his energy on the fight against the autocracy in the uncensored foreign press, which was illegally delivered and read in Russia. “Just as the Decembrists awakened Herzen, so Herzen and his “Bell” helped awaken the commoners...” - this is how Lenin characterized Herzen’s historical role in the development of Russian free-thinking. It is not for nothing that for two decades, in the 1850-1860s, all the attention of the foreign agents of the III Division was focused on countering Herzen’s activities by all legal and illegal means.
4. Mikhail Bakunin (1814-1876)
The uprising in Dresden in 1849 was suppressed, and Bakunin, as one of its leaders, was arrested.
Throughout the 19th century, the tsarist government proved that all criminal revolutionary ideas in Russia came from Western Europe. Along with Herzen, the most important ideological influence on Russian youth was an emigrant with thirty years of experience in revolutionary struggle - Mikhail Bakunin, who participated in several revolutionary uprisings, was twice sentenced to death, served 7 years in the Shlisselburg and Peter and Paul fortresses and was exiled to eternal settlement in Siberia. Bakunin, unlike other prominent theorists of the Russian revolutionary movement, devoted most of his time to practical work. He even escaped from Siberian exile through Japan and America to return to Switzerland, which had become his second home. “A monk of the militant church of the revolution, he wandered around the world, preaching the denial of Christianity, the approach of the Last Judgment over this feudal and bourgeois world, preaching socialism to everyone and reconciliation to the Russians and Poles,” Herzen wrote about Bakunin.
5. Dmitry Karakozov (1840-1866)
No one expected that after the “Great Reforms” the revolutionary movement would only intensify. On April 4, 1866, student Dmitry Karakozov shot at Alexander II at the gates of the Summer Garden. The life of the emperor was saved that day by the peasant Osip Komissarov, who managed to push the revolutionary’s hand upward, receiving for this feat hereditary nobility and the surname Komissarov-Kostromskaya. And Dmitry Karakozov, who ushered in the era of terrorism in Russia, was hanged six months later by court verdict.
6. Sergei Nechaev (1847-1882)
No one expected that this “thin, small, nervous, always biting his nails eaten away until they bled” young man would become the main personification of the Russian revolution of the early 1870s. Having secured the support of Bakunin and Ogarev abroad, Nechaev poses as an emissary of the international revolutionary center and organizes the “People’s Retribution Society.” The only revolutionary act, however, was the murder of his own comrade, student Ivanov. Nechaev flees abroad, from where the Swiss government transfers him as a criminal to Russia, where he will be sentenced to 20 years of hard labor, but will die after 9 years of imprisonment in the Peter and Paul Fortress.
7. Pyotr Tkachev (1844-1886)
Revolutionary fame came to Tkachev already in exile, when he, following Herzen, decided to awaken the Russian public, but now by “ringing the alarm.” In the revolutionary press organ of the same name, he no longer called for propaganda among peasants and workers, but for a political conspiracy to seize power and social revolution. Without waiting for his conspiratorial theory to be put into practice, Tkachev will go crazy and end his life in a French psychiatric hospital. In recent years, due to financial problems, Tkachev was forced to work as a secretary under the first head of the Foreign Agents of the Police Department, Korvin-Krukovsky, who secretly operated in Paris. It is still unknown whether any of them knew about each other's actual role.
8. Vera Zasulich (1849-1919)
On February 5, 1878, a young woman came to the reception of the capital's mayor, General Trepov, and shot him point-blank. For this crime, the maximum punishment could have been applied to her, but a jury a few months later would acquit Vera Zasulich, which would cause warm approval from the public. Thus, in Russian law a judicial precedent was created that was dangerous for the tsarist government, when a criminal act in the form of murder or attempted murder for political reasons could be justified by a jury. The day after her release, the verdict was protested, and the police issued a circular about the new arrest of the revolutionary. But Zasulich was already safe, on her way to Sweden.
9. Sergei Stepnyak-Kravchinsky (1851-1895)
On the morning of August 4, 1878, a young revolutionary journalist on Italianskaya Street in the center of St. Petersburg killed the chief of gendarmes Mezentsov with a blow of a dagger. By personal order of the emperor, the entire metropolitan police was looking for the killer, but Kravchinsky was already heading to Switzerland. The tsarist government will seek his extradition to Russia, but in the meantime Kravchinsky again flees the persecution of the secret police and settles in London, where he subsequently organized the “Society of Friends of Russian Freedom” and the press organ “Free Russia” to fight the Russian autocracy. His struggle with the government was vivid, but short. At the age of 44, he died, accidentally falling under a train.
10. Lev Hartmann (1850-1913)
In August 1879, Hartmann took part in a mine on the railway near Moscow to blow up the train of Alexander II. After an unsuccessful assassination attempt, he flees abroad. Since all the other participants in the attempts on the life of the emperor continued illegal activities within Russia, the tsarist government concentrated all its efforts to capture Hartmann. Tsarist agents find him in Paris and, with the consent of the French authorities, have almost achieved his extradition to his homeland. But thanks to the efforts of the Russian revolutionary emigration, the entire progressive French public, led by Victor Hugo, came to the defense of the revolutionary from Russia. The result was his expulsion from France (but not to Russia, but to London), close friendship with Marx and Engels, and the international image of a “true fighter against Russian despotism” that survived for several decades.
11. Stepan Khalturin (1856-1882)
A worker from the railway workshops was employed under a false name as a carpenter in the Winter Palace. For several months he carried and stored dynamite in his pillow. As a result, on February 5, 1880, an explosion occurred that took the lives of eleven soldiers on guard, but the tsar, by a lucky chance, even escaped injury. No one expected such a daring assassination attempt in the very heart of the empire. But Khalturin avoided arrest then, was caught by the police and executed only in 1882 in Odessa.
12. Andrey Zhelyabov (1851-1881)
The son of a former servant, Andrei Zhelyabov abandoned a prosperous family life with his wife and son for the sake of the social revolution, in which he sincerely believed. Disillusioned with peaceful propaganda, Zhelyabov became one of the leaders of Narodnaya Volya and, from the fall of 1879, focused on organizing assassination attempts on Alexander II. In the last attempt, which ended on March 1 with the death of the emperor, Zhelyabov no longer took direct part, since he was arrested the day before. The tsarist government did not have sufficient evidence against him. But Zhelyabov himself demanded that he be brought to trial in the case of the regicides, thereby signing his own death warrant.
13. Sofia Perovskaya (1853-1881)
The daughter of the St. Petersburg governor, Sofya Perovskaya, left home at the age of 17 and joined populist circles. “Perovskaya was a “populist” to the core and at the same time a revolutionary and a fighter of the purest quality,” writes Pyotr Kropotkin about her. When the tsarist authorities, having arrested Zhelyabov at the end of February 1881, believed that the “People’s Will” would be finished, it was Perovskaya who took charge of the planned assassination attempt. Her integrity and stubbornness ultimately became fatal for the emperor that afternoon on March 1 on the embankment of the Catherine Canal. On March 10, she was arrested, and on April 3, she was executed.
14. Peter Kropotkin (1842-1921)
The anarchist prince, who made an insulting escape from the Peter and Paul Fortress, for a long time became in the eyes of tsarism the personification of all the revolutionary infection that emanated from Western Europe in the 1870-1890s. The tsarist government made attempts to achieve his extradition to Russia, but the only success was a trial fabricated in agreement with the French authorities for belonging to the International, for which Peter Kropotkin received 5 years in prison as punishment. But the danger to the tsarist power posed by Kropotkin was greatly exaggerated. Back in the 1870s, having gone into exile, he concentrated not on the Russian revolutionary movement, but on the theoretical preparation of the world anarchist revolution.
15. Lev Tikhomirov (1852-1923)
Lev Tikhomirov began as a theorist of Narodnaya Volya, but later became one of the most ardent defenders and theoreticians of monarchical statehood. Such an ideological revolution occurred during the years of emigration after the collapse of Narodnaya Volya, when he experienced not only financial difficulties, but also suffered from paranoia: it seemed to him that he was constantly being watched by agents of the Russian foreign police. For the sake of the safety of his family and the health of his son, who had been on the brink of life and death all this time, the leader of the Narodnaya Volya, who remained free, renounces his revolutionary views and comrades, writes a pardon to Emperor Alexander III and returns to Russia to now serve tsarism.
16. Alexander Ulyanov (1866-1887)
Six years after the assassination of Alexander II, young students Pyotr Shevyrev and Alexander Ulyanov organized the “Terrorist Faction” of the Narodnaya Volya party to prepare an assassination attempt on the new emperor. But on March 1, 1887, Ulyanov and his comrades, who were waiting for the tsar’s carriage to pass along Nevsky Prospekt, were arrested after they found three bombs prepared by Ulyanov himself. The investigation lasted for two months, and then five Narodnaya Volya students were hanged in the Shlisselburg fortress.
17. Grigory Gershuni (1870-1908)
Fatal for the empire was the mistake made by the head of the Moscow security department, Zubatov, who, after long interrogations, released the young pharmacist and revolutionary leader Gershuni, who had previously been arrested in Minsk, although the facts were sufficient to send him to Siberia. After this, Gershuni leaves Minsk and devotes himself to terror. Gershuni became the leader of the first Russian professional terrorist group, which was responsible for the murder of the Minister of Internal Affairs Sipyagin and the Ufa governor Bogdanovich. Minister of Internal Affairs Plehve told Zubatov that Gershuni’s photograph would remain on his desk until Gershuni was arrested. Gershuni was arrested in 1903 in Kyiv, and in 1907 he died in Switzerland after escaping from a Russian prison.
18. Yevno Azef (1869-1918)
The unprincipled and selfish Azef led both the police and the Socialist Revolutionary Party by the nose for several years, of which, by the way, he was one of the founders in 1902. It was under his direct leadership that the SR Combat Organization managed to kill the Minister of Internal Affairs Plehve, the Governor General of Moscow Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich and the St. Petersburg mayor von der Launitz. He was exposed as a provocateur only in 1908, although many from both the revolutionary camp and government agencies continued to believe in his loyalty. But even here he managed to get out, avoiding arrest by law enforcement agencies and revenge from his party comrades.
In the case of Ulyanov-Lenin, there was a clear underestimation of the danger of his revolutionary doctrine on the part of the leadership of Russian law enforcement agencies. After serving exile in the Yenisei province in 1900, Lenin and his comrades were allowed to hold the necessary meetings and travel abroad in the summer of 1900, having been issued the necessary foreign passports. Lenin, who did not expect such inaction on the part of the authorities, immediately set about organizing a Social Democratic newspaper and theoretical magazine in Germany for illegal distribution in Russia. For a long time, the tsarist foreign agents could not even determine the location and names of the publishers of the new revolutionary printed organ. Lenin, who received the necessary political freedom for his revolutionary theoretical activities, became the head of the entire Russian Social Democratic movement abroad and within the empire, which the tsarist police could no longer cope with.
21. Leon Trotsky (1879-1940)
Trotsky's revolutionary star first rose in 1905 in revolutionary St. Petersburg, when he became one of the founders and a member of the Executive Committee of the capital's Council of Workers' Deputies. Before this, he constantly changed his party priorities, first becoming famous as “Lenin’s cudgel”, then as a defender of Menshevism, and eventually becoming closer to Parvus on the ideas of “permanent revolution” and the immediate unification of the party. Only the revolution of 1905-1907 made him an independent revolutionary figure, a “non-factional social democrat,” and the revolutionary year of 1917 allowed Trotsky to prove himself as a revolutionary leader and become one of the leaders of the October Revolution. The tsarist government, due to political events, never had time to feel the full revolutionary danger emanating from Trotsky, but Stalin fully realized the threat, competently dealing with one of the party leaders.
22. Nestor Makhno (1888-1934)
During the First Russian Revolution, young Nestor Makhno participated in anarchist terrorist attacks and expropriations, for which he was arrested several times, and in 1910 he was even sentenced to death. In Butyrka prison, where he spent the last seven pre-revolutionary years, Makhno diligently engaged in revolutionary self-education. The February Revolution allowed him to return to his native Gulyai-Polye, where he was already received as a prominent revolutionary and anarchist. Until the beginning of the active phase of the Civil War, Makhno continued his revolutionary training, meeting prominent anarchists Kropotkin, Grossman and the Bolshevik leaders Lenin, Sverdlov, Trotsky and Zinoviev. Makhno's anarchist ideals were alien to the Soviet government, so he had to leave the country together with rebel troops and, from 1921, remain in exile forever.
A group of women political prisoners released from Rybinsk prison
From the book “The Red Heart of Russia” by Bessie Beatty, 1918
“The struggle in Russia was more a struggle of people, rather than a struggle of men and women.
During times of terrorism, women demanded the right to throw bombs on an equal basis with men, and they were granted it. With the same generosity, the government rewarded them with forced labor in Siberian exile, and even the right to be hanged. Women generously gave of their strength, their blood, just as fearlessly and recklessly as their nihilistic brothers did.
When freedom came to Russia, no one challenged women’s right to it. Instead of becoming feminists, they became Kadets, Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, Maximalists, Bolsheviks, Internationalists...
As elsewhere, state honors went mainly to men, and worldly concerns to women...
At a large democratic gathering at the Alexandrinsky Theater, I counted the number of seats occupied by women. There were 1,600 delegates, 23 of them were women.
Many more women could be seen there, but they were all at the samovars, offering tea and sandwiches with sausages and caviar. Some wore red armbands, escorted men to their assigned places, wrote verbatim reports of the meeting and counted the votes. It was so ordinary that I even felt homesick.
The revolution did not reduce the burden of the war that Russian women bore on their shoulders. The increasing disorganization of the country required even greater efforts by women to save families from hunger.
They worked fields, tended livestock, swept streets, repaired railroad tracks, and stood in endless lines for bread and milk for their children.
They pinned their hopes on the revolution as confidently as men, but they had no time to talk about it... They were the silent heroines of the revolution, just as they were the heroines of the war, and despite the fact that they had reasons, they had no time to cry .
Only five women managed to climb to the places of honor. These were Ekaterina Breshkovskaya, Maria Spiridonova, Countess Panina, Alexandra Kollontai and Madame Bitsenko."
Catherine Breshko-Breshkovskaya
About Madame Breshkovskaya Bessie Beatty writes with great respect. She is surprised by the number of people visiting Breshkovskaya in the Winter Palace every day. It seems that all the political exiles who returned from Siberia want to meet and talk with her.
A group of teachers from the Rybinsk Commercial School from Breshko-Breshkovskaya
One day, after another visitor left her, she said to the American woman:
“This is my friend, he spent twenty years in prison. He is still strong in spirit, but men are not as strong as women. I think they cannot suffer for long, they do not have such brave hearts, they are more likely to lose heart.”
“Our women are good, but they are not very active. Previously, we always had to wait for permission. We did not have freedom of independent action. Now that we have such freedom, we have no experience.”
In Bessie Beatty's opinion, there is not a single woman so different from each other, except for faith in revolution and fearlessness, as Breshkovskaya and Spiridonova.
Small, light. the fragile woman turned out to be one of the most powerful people in this huge country, “the little general of peasant Russia”
By all laws of logic, she should have been dead, she was sentenced to death by the tsarist government, she was tortured, but she survived in Siberia.
“I met her at the democratic congress at the Alexandria Theater. She sat in the front row, surrounded by men, whose impressive size further emphasized her fragility...
In the tea room during breaks. While we were sitting at the samovar or standing in line for sandwiches, I had the opportunity to talk to her. She seemed pathetically sick and exhausted, and said she slept only two hours a day. Peasants constantly came to her, who did not want to talk to anyone but her. If she participated in the work of the congress and did not receive a delegation of peasants, then she was in the editorial office of the newspaper, which was distributed among the peasants.
When the October Revolution overthrew the coalition government and put the Bolsheviks in power, it was the voice of Maria Spiridonova that led to the alliance of the Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks.
She believed that being in opposition to the people's commissars was the same as turning into counter-revolutionaries.
She was offered a position in the cabinet but declined, believing that she would do more as a leader of the peasantry.
Sofya Vladimirovna Panina
"The first woman to receive a cabinet post was Countess Panina, who became Deputy Minister of State Charity of the Provisional Government, then Deputy Minister of Public Education.
Countess Panina was probably the best representative of a small group of spiritual and highly intelligent aristocrats opposing tsarist oppression. She was a rebel during the autocracy, but with the increasing radicalism of the revolutionaries, she became more and more conservative every month."
"She was replaced Alexandra Kollontai, Bolshevik. I imagined Kollontai as a big woman with short, dark, bobbed hair and a brash manner. This picture formed in me unconsciously under the influence of the stories I heard about her.
In fact, she was of average height, with large light blue eyes and curly brown hair, touched with gray, tied in a knot at the back of her head. She was arrested after the July riots, when an attempt was made to accuse Lenin and Trotsky of working for the Germans, but she was released due to lack of evidence.
Meeting of the Council of People's Commissars, 1917. Kollontai sits to the right of Lenin.
Behind her is Stalin on the left, Dybenko on the right.
I first met her in Smolny... The Bolsheviks tried to form the first Council of People's Commissars. Kollontai was mentioned as the Minister of Social Security. One of my friends introduced me and we drank tea together...
“Are you going to be a minister?” I asked her.
“Of course not,” she laughed.
“If I were a minister, I would become as stupid as all ministers”
Despite the objections, a few days later she was appointed to the post of Minister of Public Charity
A few months after this, I went to see her to ask about the possibility of distributing the condensed milk that the Red Cross had received from America. I, sinfully, reminded her of that conversation.
“And I’m becoming clueless,” she said
“But what can we do, there are so few of us!”
<…>
She changed the name of the ministry from “public charity” to “social security” to bring it closer to the Soviet idea of provision as a right, not a gift.
The ministry's income increased several times thanks to the monopoly on playing cards. They were sold for thirty rubles. Kollontai raised this price to three hundred and sixty, believing that cards are not an urgent need, and therefore they can be heavily taxed...
When Kollontai took office, officials went on strike and seized the keys to the treasury. For two weeks the whereabouts of the keys were unknown. Kollontai sent for the Red Guards and sailors, then her orders, supported by bayonets, began to be obeyed.
She reorganized the work of the ministry from bottom to top, establishing democratic procedures and giving every employee the right to vote. The department employed four thousand junior employees with meager salaries, while their bosses received 25 thousand rubles a year. She revised the payment system so that they began to pay no more than 600 rubles per month.
Kollontai with street children, 1918
There were two and a half million crippled soldiers in the country and another four million sick and wounded, all of them, and another half a million children came under the care of her ministry.
Infant mortality in Russia is the highest among the so-called civilized countries. Kollontai, in order to correct this situation, opened the Palace of Motherhood, where an exhibition about motherhood and courses in preparation for childbirth were organized. She planned to distribute such houses throughout Russia. Expectant mothers could come to this house 8 weeks before the birth of the child and stay there 8 weeks after the birth, while other mothers took their place in the families, caring for other children.
Some measures were taken by the Council of People's Commissars to protect motherhood under the leadership of Kollontai. The working day for working mothers was reduced to four hours, and compulsory leave was introduced before and after childbirth.
A. Kollontai (top row in the center) among the children of the kindergarten named after her during the evacuation from Kyiv. 1919
“Little Republics” were organized for older children, where self-government was introduced.
Social programs provided adequate compensation for war victims, many of whom were forced to beg on the streets.
All this required enormous expenses, and I asked Madame Kollontai how it was possible to get so much money.
“We found money for the war,” she said
“We will find money for this too.”
At the International Women's Conference, 1921
She said bribery at the ministry had reached millions of rubles and that rooting it out would help achieve many of her plans. She also proposed requisitioning the valuables of the monasteries, which were repositories of untold wealth in terms of the amount of land and jewelry. She proposed turning them into orphanages and orphanages.
Bitsenko Anastasia Alekseevna
Madame Bitsenko, the fifth of this group, was the only woman in the peace delegation to Brest-Litovsk. The peace delegation left Petrograd a few days before I learned that there was a woman in the delegation...
First row (from left to right): L. Kamenev, A. Ioffe, A. Bitsenko. Standing (from left to right): V. Lipsky, P. Stuchka, L. Trotsky, L. Karakhan. December 1917
An acquaintance spoke about the delegation as if it were a common occurrence. I asked him why he didn’t say that there was a woman in the delegation. “I don't know,” he said. And this was a typically Russian attitude. It never occurred to anyone to be surprised to find a woman in power.
There were no longer prejudices against equality of the sexes, either in men or women. "
Almost six hundred years ago, on May 30, 1431, Joan of Arc, one of the most prominent female revolutionaries in world history, was burned at the stake. Today we will tell you about the most famous revolutionaries in the world.
Boadicea or Boudicca
The wife of the leader of the British Iceni tribe Prasutagus. After the death of the leader, she led a popular uprising against the Romans, when Nero deprived the tribe of its ancestral lands and her of her title. Boadicea's army managed to conquer the cities of Camulodunum, Londinium (London) and Verulamium (St. Albans). But then she lost the decisive battle and took the poison of black hemlock.
wikimedia.org
Matilda, Countess of Tuscany
Also known as Matilda Cannozza. Born in Northern Italy in 1046. She first took part in battle at the age of 15. Later, after her stepfather's death, Matilda took command of his armies. She is described personally leading her troops, clutching her father's sword in her hand.
She spent about thirty years in the war, was married twice, but remained childless. She retired to a Benedictine monastery, but in 1114, when there was an uprising in the nearby city of Mantua, she threatened to lead an army against the rebels.
Theroigne de Mericourt
Heroine of the French Revolution. Anna was first a servant, then a companion of a rich Englishwoman, a mistress of an English officer, a singer and a friend of an Italian castrato singer. Then she took part in the storming of the Bastille. She led the women's march to Versailles, and while transporting the royal family to a Parisian prison, she stood with a pistol on the steps of Marie Antoinette's carriage to protect her from the wrath of the crowd.
Teruan created her own club, “Friends of the Law,” where she hosted famous revolutionaries. After a crowd of Jacobin women almost tore her to pieces, Theroigne was admitted to a psychiatric clinic, where she soon died, she was 55 years old.
Joan of Arc
Symbol of feminism, national heroine of France, one of the commanders-in-chief of the French troops in the Hundred Years' War. Captured by the Burgundians, she was handed over to the British, condemned as a heretic and burned at the stake. She was subsequently rehabilitated and canonized - canonized by the Catholic Church.
Inessa Armand
She came from France to Russia to work as a governess in the Armand family of wealthy industrialists, but soon married the eldest son of the owners. Then she left him for his younger brother Vladimir. After the death of her second husband and raising five children, she became interested in revolutionary ideas. She was Lenin's confidant and his mistress. In 1920 she died of cholera, and Lenin's wife, Nadezhda Krupskaya, took care of her children.
Rosa Luxemburg
From her youth she was interested in revolutionary activities. The struggle for communist ideas was the meaning of her life. She participated in the work of the circle of Polish political emigrants, which stood at the origins of the revolutionary social democracy of Poland, and fought against the nationalism of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS).
She was subjected to repression for anti-war agitation during the First World War - the total term spent in prison was about 4 years. One of the founders of the anti-war Spartak Union and the Communist Party of Germany.
Captured and killed along with party comrade Karl Liebknecht after the suppression of the Berlin workers' uprising in January 1919. Nature did not endow her with external attractiveness - short stature, ugly facial features and a congenital lameness, but all this was compensated by charm and liveliness in communication. It was thanks to this that she made a lot of lovers in the areas she needed.
Clara Zetkin
Faithful friend of Rosa Luxemburg. She fought for women's rights and freedoms. During the day, Clara gave lessons and did laundry in rich houses, and in the evenings she learned the science of revolutionary activity. Afterwards she left for Germany, where she became a prominent political figure.
After Hitler came to power, Clara Zetkin emigrated to the Soviet Union, where she died at the age of 75.
© Sputnik / RIA Novosti
Alexandra Kollontai
During the First Russian Revolution in 1905, Kollontai initiated the creation of the “Mutual Aid Society for Working Women.” One of the main areas of her activity was protecting the interests of women and children. Kollontai believed that guardianship over them was the direct responsibility of the state.
She was engaged in agitation and propaganda among soldiers and sailors. After the defeat of the revolution, she emigrated to Europe. She visited a number of countries, where she established connections with the local social democratic and suffrage movements, taking an active part in them. Visited the USA twice.
After the outbreak of World War I, condemnation of the imperialist nature of the war brought Kollontai closer to the Bolsheviks, whom she finally joined in 1915. She was in close contact with Lenin and carried out his special orders.
Nadezhda Krupskaya
After graduating from high school with honors, she entered the famous women's Bestuzhev courses, and a year later she enrolled in a Marxist circle. She taught at a workers' school, where she first saw Vladimir Ulyanov Lenin, met him herself and did everything to interest the future leader of the world proletariat.
Nadezhda Konstantinovna received a marriage proposal from Lenin while in prison, and the revolutionaries played a wedding in the Siberian village of Shushenskoye, where both were serving exile.
© Sputnik / RIA Novosti
Krupskaya was able to become for Lenin not only a wife, but also a faithful comrade-in-arms and like-minded person. And this is precisely the main reason that he did not abandon his unsightly Nadenka even at the height of his affair with the beauty and fashionista Inessa Armand.
Maria Spiridonova
Russian revolutionary, one of the leaders of the Left Socialist Revolutionary Party. In 1906, she fired five bullets at the adviser to the Tambov governor G. Luzhenovsky. After that, she wanted to shoot herself, but did not have time, she was captured and sent to prison.
© Sputnik / RIA Novosti
The court sentenced her to the gallows, but the execution was replaced with indefinite hard labor in Nerchinsk. After the February Revolution, the prisoner was released by order of Kerensky, she returned to Petrograd, and again took up party activities.
She did not like the Bolsheviks, but in the name of the world revolution she agreed to temporary cooperation with them. After breaking ties with the Bolsheviks, she ended up in exile. In 1937 she was arrested as an enemy of the people. And on September 11, 1941, together with other political prisoners, they were shot in the forest near Orel.
Sofia Panina
One of the richest women of Tsarist Russia, who decided to spend money not on diamonds and furs, but on the social improvement of the poor, creating in 1903 in St. Petersburg a truly progressive institution to help the poor - the Ligovsky People's House.
In May 1917, the “Red Countess,” as she was called, became the only woman in the Provisional Government in a leadership position - comrade minister of state charity, and in August - comrade minister of public education.
After the October events, the energetic lady joined the Committee for the Salvation of the Motherland and the Revolution, led the underground Provisional Government, and actively participated in the White movement. In 1920, she immigrated from Russia.
Ekaterina Breshko-Breshkovskaya
She received the nickname "grandmother of the Russian revolution." The noblewoman began her revolutionary epic back in 1874. True, going to the masses very soon turned into being in prison, and then into hard labor and exile, from which she returned only 22 years later - in 1896.
© Sputnik / RIA Novosti
Illegal status, emigration, participation in the revolution of 1905-1907, a new exile in 1910 - until the February Revolution of 1917. In 1919 she left Soviet Russia. A political prisoner who spent a third of her life in captivity ended up living for 90 years.
Indira Gandhi
She managed to become the first woman in history to be the head of state in one of the largest democratic countries in the world.
There were a huge number of problems in India, the main ones being hunger, social injustice and poverty. At that time, the population of India was about half a billion people who professed different religions. The country has not yet fully recovered from British colonial rule. But it was Indira who managed to defeat her critics and turn India into a thriving democratic country.
© Sputnik / Yuri Abramochkin
Nino Burjanadze
One of the main heroines of the Georgian "Rose Revolution". Candidate of Legal Sciences, author of two dozen scientific works written in Georgian, Russian and English.
During the events of November 2003, she was an ally of Mikheil Saakashvili. After the annulment of the parliamentary election results, Nino Anzorovna served as President of Georgia. However, she refused to run for this position, not wanting to compete with Saakashvili, and subsequently went completely into opposition to the current Georgian government, calling her former comrade-in-arms “a new European dictator.”
© Sputnik / Alexander Imedashvili
Yulia Timoshenko
Leader of the Orange Revolution. The only woman who stood next to the field commanders of the Maidan and stormed the building of the Verkhovna Rada, into which she literally made her way over the heads of her comrades.
Having become prime minister and then joining the opposition, she preferred exclusively revolutionary methods of both leadership and political struggle. She advocated the integration of Ukraine into the EU, against participation in the Customs Union, and positions herself as a fighter against corruption.
Since the beginning of his political activity, he has been fighting for the removal of oligarchic clans from power in Ukraine.
On March 29, 2014, the congress of the VO "Batkivshchyna" nominated Tymoshenko for the early presidential elections in Ukraine, where she took second place.
Prepared based on Internet materials