Speech of Alexander II to the Moscow leaders of the nobility
There are rumors that I want to give freedom to the peasants; this is unfair and you can tell everyone left and right; but, unfortunately, a feeling of hostility between peasants and their landowners exists, and as a result there have already been several cases of disobedience to the landowners. I am convinced that sooner or later we must come to this. I think that you are of the same opinion as me, therefore, it is much better for this to happen from above than from below.
From a note on the abolition of serfdom by Adjutant General Ya.I. Rostovtsev dated April 20, 1857
None of the thinking, enlightened and loving people can be against the liberation of the peasants. A person should not belong to a person. A person should not be a thing.
From a letter from V.A. B-va from Tambov to his brother in St. Petersburg (1857)
You are asking me about projects for the abolition of serfdom. I read them with attention and sadness. If there is now any order among the people in Russia, then with the abolition of serfdom it will completely collapse.
I’ll tell you: that along with granting freedom to the peasants, the sovereign will sign a death warrant for me and many thousands of landowners. A million troops will not keep the peasants from going berserk...
From the memoirs of P.P. Semenov-Tan-Shansky
The nobility was greatly agitated at this time, and the majority of them not only did not sympathize with the question of the liberation of the peasants, raised at the behest of the tsar, but were even directly hostile to this matter, and at first only a small number of the most enlightened noble landowners were on the side of liberation. But as the issue became clearer, this number gradually increased, since the nobility became more and more aware every day that the matter of liberating the peasants in the eyes of themselves, and even more so of the peasants and all of Russia, had already been decided irrevocably.
From the speech of Alexander II in the State Council
The matter of the liberation of the peasants, which came before the State Council, in its importance I consider a vital issue for Russia, on which the development of its strength and power will depend. I am sure that all of you, gentlemen, are as convinced as I am of the benefits and the necessity of this measure. I also have another conviction, namely, that this matter cannot be postponed; why do I demand from the State Council that it be completed in the first half of February and can be announced by the beginning of field work... I repeat, and it is my indispensable will, that this matter be over now.
Archbishop Nikon Rozhdestvensky about Alexander II
The Tsar-Martyr accomplished a great feat by destroying serfdom, such a feat that only the Tsar-Autocrat could accomplish! Therefore, the day of liberation of the peasants is a holiday of freedom, triumph and glory of the Russian autocracy. No one except an autocratic tsar would be able to do this - at least, as peacefully, as calmly as Emperor Alexander II did it.
From the book by A. Derevyanko and N. Shabelnikova
"History of Russia from ancient times to the end of the 20th century"
Researchers have different points of view on the abolition of serfdom. In Soviet historical science, a point of view has been established according to which a revolutionary situation developed in Russia in the late 50s and early 60s of the 19th century. Soviet researchers believed that not only the Crimean War, but also the revolutionary situation (including peasant uprisings) forced the tsar to hasten the liberation of the peasants.
Today, a number of researchers believe that the serfdom system had not yet exhausted all its reserves and could still continue to exist. The anti-serfdom protests of the peasants are greatly exaggerated. And indeed, by abolishing serfdom, the autocracy was forced to go against the wishes of the bulk of the nobles who were opposed to the abolition of serfdom. However, the impossibility for Russia to no longer lay claim to the role of a leading European power and at the same time remain a serfdom was clear to Alexander II.
Modern Russian historian A.N. Bokhanov about Alexander II.
Even if nothing else had happened during his reign, if he had then left earthly boundaries, he would still have remained a major transformer in the people's memory and in the annals of history. He did something that even his father Nicholas I, a strong and powerful ruler, did not dare to do.
"I want to be alone with my conscience." The Emperor asked everyone to leave the office. On the table in front of him lay a document that was supposed to turn the entire Russian history upside down - the Law on the Liberation of Peasants. They had been waiting for him for many years, the best people of the state fought for him. The law not only eliminated the shame of Russia - serfdom, but also gave hope for the triumph of goodness and justice. Such a step for a monarch is a difficult test, for which he has been preparing all his life, from year to year, since childhood...
His teacher Vasily Andreevich Zhukovsky spared neither effort nor time to instill in the future Emperor of Russia a sense of goodness, honor, and humanity. When Alexander II ascended the throne, Zhukovsky was no longer around, but the emperor retained his advice and instructions and followed them until the end of his life. Having accepted Russia, exhausted by the Crimean War, he began his reign by giving Russia peace.
Historians often reproach the emperors of the first half of the 19th century for not trying to implement or trying with all their might to complicate the abolition of serfdom. Only Alexander II decided to take this step. His reform activities are often accused of being half-hearted. Was it really easy for the monarch to carry out reforms if his support, the Russian nobility, did not support his endeavors. Alexander II required enormous courage to balance between the possibility of a threat from the noble opposition, on the one hand, and the threat of a peasant revolt, on the other.
To be fair, we note that there have been attempts to carry out peasant reform before. Let's turn to the background. In 1797, Emperor Paul I issued a decree on a three-day corvee, although the wording of the law remained unclear, whether the law did not allow or simply did not recommend the use of peasant labor in corvee more than three days a week. It is clear that the landowners were for the most part inclined to adhere to the latter interpretation. His son, Alexander I, once said: “If education had been at a higher level, I would have abolished slavery, even if it cost me my life.” Nevertheless, after Count Razumovsky approached him in 1803 for permission to free fifty thousand of his serfs, the tsar did not forget about this precedent, and as a result, in the same year, the decree “On Free Plowmen” appeared. According to this law, landowners received the right to release their peasants if it would be beneficial to both parties. During the 59 years of the law, the landowners released only 111,829 peasants, of which 50 thousand were serfs of Count Razumovsky. Apparently, the nobility was more inclined to hatch plans for the reconstruction of society rather than begin its implementation with the liberation of their own peasants.
Emperor Nicholas
Nicholas I in 1842 issued the Decree “On Obligated Peasants,” according to which peasants were allowed to be freed without land, providing it for the performance of certain duties. As a result, 27 thousand people became obligated peasants. The need to abolish serfdom was beyond doubt. “The state of serfdom is a powder magazine under the state,” wrote the chief of gendarmes A.H. Benkendorf in a report to Nicholas I. During the reign of Nicholas I, preparations for peasant reform were already underway: the basic approaches and principles for its implementation were developed, and the necessary material was accumulated.
But Alexander II abolished serfdom. He understood that he had to act carefully, gradually preparing society for reforms. In the first years of his reign, at a meeting with a delegation of Moscow nobles, he said: “There are rumors that I want to give freedom to the peasants; it's unfair and you can say it to everyone left and right. But, unfortunately, a feeling of hostility between peasants and landowners exists, and as a result there have already been several cases of disobedience to the landowners. I am convinced that sooner or later we must come to this. I think that you are of the same opinion as me. It is better to begin the destruction of serfdom from above, rather than wait for the time when it begins to be destroyed of its own accord from below.” The emperor asked the nobles to think and submit their thoughts on the peasant issue. But I never received any offers.
Count S.S. Lanskoy
Then Alexander II turned to another option - the creation of a Secret Committee “to discuss measures to organize the life of the landowner peasants” under his personal chairmanship. The committee held its first meeting on January 3, 1857. The committee included Count S.S. Lanskoy, Prince Orlov, Count Bludov, Minister of Finance Brock, Count Adlerberg, Prince V.A. Dolgorukov, Minister of State Property Muravyov, Prince Gagarin, Baron Korf and Y.I. Rostovtsev. He managed the affairs of the Butkov committee. Committee members agreed that serfdom needed to be abolished, but warned against making radical decisions. Only Lanskoy, Bludov, Rostovtsev and Butkov spoke out for the real liberation of the peasants; the majority of committee members proposed only measures to alleviate the situation of the serfs. Then the emperor introduced his brother, Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich, into the committee, who was convinced of the need to abolish serfdom.
Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich The Grand Duke was an extraordinary person and thanks to his active influence, the committee began developing measures. On the advice of the Grand Duke, Alexander II took advantage of the situation in the Baltic provinces, where landowners were dissatisfied with the existing fixed norms of corvee and quitrent and would like to abolish them. Lithuanian landowners decided that it was better for them to completely abandon the ownership of serfs, retaining land that could be rented out profitably. A corresponding letter was drawn up to the emperor, and he, in turn, handed it over to the Secret Committee. The discussion of the letter went on for a long time in the committee; the majority of its members did not share this idea, but Alexander ordered to “approve the good intentions of the Lithuanian nobles” and create official committees in the Vilna, Kovno and Grodno provinces to prepare proposals for organizing peasant life. Instructions were sent to all Russian governors in case local landowners “would like to resolve the matter in a similar way.” But no takers showed up. Then Alexander sent a rescript to the St. Petersburg Governor General with the same instructions to create a committee.
In December 1857, both royal rescripts were published in newspapers. So, with the help of glasnost (by the way, this word came into use at that time), the matter moved forward. For the first time, the country began to openly talk about the problem of the abolition of serfdom. The Secret Committee ceased to be such, and at the beginning of 1858 it was renamed the Main Committee for Peasant Affairs. And by the end of the year, committees were already working in all provinces.
On March 4, 1858, the Zemstvo Department was formed within the Ministry of Internal Affairs for the preliminary consideration of projects coming from the provinces, which were then transferred to the Main Committee. Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs A.I. Levshin was appointed chairman of the Zemstvo Department; the most important role in his work was played by the head of the department, Y.A. Solovyov, and the director of the economic department, N.A. Milyutin, who soon replaced Levshin as deputy minister.
Ya.I.Rostovtsev N.A.Milyutin
At the end of 1858, reviews finally began to arrive from provincial committees. To study their proposals and develop general and local provisions for the reform, two editorial commissions were formed, the chairman of which was appointed by the emperor as the chief head of military educational institutions, Ya. I. Rostovtsev. General Rostovtsev was sympathetic to the cause of liberation of the peasants. He established a completely trusting relationship with Milyutin, who, at the request of the chairman, attracted liberal-minded officials and public figures, staunch supporters of the reform Yu.F. Samarin, Prince Cherkassky, Ya.A. Solovyov and others, to the activities of the commissions. They were opposed by members of the commissions who were opponents of the reform, among whom Count P.P. Shuvalov, V.V. Apraksin and Adjutant General Prince I.F. Paskevich stood out. They insisted on maintaining land ownership rights for landowners, rejected the possibility of providing land to peasants for ransom, except in cases of mutual consent, and demanded that landowners be given full power on their estates. Already the first meetings took place in a rather tense atmosphere.
With the death of Rostovtsev, Count Panin was appointed in his place, which was perceived by many as a curtailment of activities to liberate the peasants. Only Alexander II was unperturbed. To his aunt Grand Duchess Elena Pavlovna, who expressed concerns about this appointment, he replied: “You don’t know Panin; his convictions are the exact execution of my orders.” The Emperor was not mistaken. Count Panin strictly followed his instructions: not to change anything during the preparation of the reform, to continue to follow the intended course. Therefore, the hopes of the serf owners, who dreamed of cardinal concessions in their favor, were not destined to come true.
V.N.Panin
At the same time, at meetings of the editorial commissions, Panin behaved more independently, trying to gradually, very carefully make concessions to landowners, which could lead to significant distortions of the project. The struggle between supporters and opponents of the reform sometimes became quite serious.
On October 10, I860, the emperor ordered the closure of the editorial commissions, which had worked for about twenty months, and the activities of the Main Committee to be resumed again. Due to the illness of the chairman of the committee, Prince Orlov, Alexander II appointed his brother, Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich, to this post. In a small committee, several groups formed, none of which could achieve a clear majority. At the head of one of them, which included the chief of gendarmes, Prince V.A. Dolgorukov, Minister of Finance A.M. Knyazhevich and others, was M.N. Muravyov. These committee members sought to reduce land allotment rates. A special position in the committee was occupied by Count Panin, who challenged many of the provisions of the editorial draft, and Prince P.P. Gagarin, who insisted on the liberation of peasants without land. For a long time, Grand Duke Constantine was unable to gather a solid majority of supporters of the draft editorial commissions. To ensure an advantage, he tried, by resorting to the power of persuasion and making some concessions, to win Panin over to his side, and he still succeeded. Thus, an absolute majority of supporters of the project was formed - fifty percent plus one vote: five members of the Main Committee against four.
Many were waiting for the onset of 1861. Grand Duke Constantine noted in his diary: “January 1, 1861. This mysterious year of 1861 began. What will he bring us? With what feelings will we look at him on December 31? Should the peasant question and the Slavic question be resolved in it? Isn't this alone enough to call it mysterious and even fatal? Maybe this is the most important era in the thousand-year existence of Russia?
Emperor Alexander II in his office The last meeting of the Main Committee was chaired by the emperor himself. Ministers who were not members of the committee were invited to the meeting. Alexander II stated that, when submitting the project for consideration by the State Council, he would not tolerate any tricks or delays, and set a deadline for completion of the consideration of February 15, so that the content of the resolutions could be published and communicated to the peasants before the start of field work. “This is what I desire, demand, command!” - said the emperor.
In a detailed speech at a meeting of the State Council, Alexander II gave historical information about attempts and plans to resolve the peasant issue in previous reigns and during his reign and explained what he expected from members of the State Council: “Views on the presented work may be different. Therefore, I will listen to all different opinions willingly, but I have the right to demand one thing from you: that you, putting aside all personal interests, act not as landowners, but as state dignitaries, invested with my trust.”
But even in the State Council, approval of the project was not easy. Only with the support of the emperor did the decision of the minority receive the force of law. Preparations for the reform were nearing completion. By February 17, 1861, the State Council completed its consideration of the project.
On February 19, 1861, on the sixth anniversary of his accession, Alexander II signed all the reform laws and the Manifesto on the abolition of serfdom.
On March 5, 1861, the Manifesto was read in churches after mass. At the divorce ceremony in the Mikhailovsky Manege, Alexander II himself read it to the troops.
Reading the Manifesto
The manifesto on the abolition of serfdom provided peasants with personal freedom. From now on, they could not be sold, bought, donated, or relocated at the request of the landowner. Peasants now had the right to own property, freedom to marry, could independently enter into contracts and conduct legal cases, could acquire real estate in their own name, and had freedom of movement.
The peasant received a land allotment as a means of personal freedom. The size of the land plot was established taking into account the terrain and was not the same in different regions of Russia. If previously a peasant had more land than the fixed allotment for a given area, then the “extra” part was cut off in favor of the landowner. Such “segments” made up a fifth of all lands. The allotment was given to the peasant for a ransom. The peasant paid a quarter of the ransom amount to the landowner in a lump sum, and the rest was paid by the state. The peasant had to repay his debt to the state within 49 years. Before purchasing the land from the landowner, the peasant was considered “temporarily obligated”, paid the landowner a quitrent and worked off corvée. The relationship between the landowner and the peasant was regulated by the Charter.
The peasants of each landowner's estate united into rural societies - communities. They discussed and resolved their general economic issues at village meetings. The village headman, elected for three years, had to carry out the decisions of the assemblies. Several adjacent rural communities made up the volost. The volost elder was elected at a general meeting, and he subsequently performed administrative duties.
The activities of rural and volost administrations, as well as the relationships between peasants and landowners, were controlled by global intermediaries. They were appointed by the Senate from among the local noble landowners. Conciliators had broad powers and followed the directions of the law. The size of the peasant allotment and duties for each estate should have been determined once and for all by agreement between the peasants and the landowner and recorded in the Charter. The introduction of these charters was the main activity of the peace mediators.
When assessing the peasant reform, it is important to understand that it was the result of a compromise between landowners, peasants and the government. Moreover, the interests of the landowners were taken into account as much as possible, but there was probably no other way to liberate the peasants. The compromise nature of the reform already contained future contradictions and conflicts. The reform prevented mass protests by peasants, although they still took place in some regions. The most significant of them were the peasant uprisings in the village of Bezdna, Kazan province, and Kandeevka, Penza province.
And yet, the liberation of more than 20 million landowners with land was a unique event in Russian and world history. The personal freedom of peasants and the transformation of former serfs into “free rural inhabitants” destroyed the previous system of economic tyranny and opened up new prospects for Russia, creating the opportunity for the broad development of market relations and the further development of society. The abolition of serfdom paved the way for other important transformations, which were to introduce new forms of self-government and justice in the country, and push for the development of education.
The undeniably great merit in this is Emperor Alexander II, as well as those who developed and promoted this reform, fought for its implementation - Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich, N.A. Milyutin, Y.I. Rostovtsev, Yu.F. Samarin, Y.A. Solovyov and others.
Literature
o Great Reform. T. 5: Reform figures. - M., 1912.
o Ilyin, V.V. Reforms and counter-reforms in Russia. - M., 1996.
o Troitsky, N.A. Russia in the 19th century. - M., 1997.
Alexander II did not have a strong will, like his father. More precisely, he was a weak-willed man, but at the same time stubborn. In those cases when he came to the firm conviction that this or that measure was vitally necessary for his empire, he went ahead, regardless of the opinion of his dignitaries and courtiers. The first act, which marked an official statement about the need to abolish serfdom, was the extremely unintelligible speech of Alexander II, delivered on March 30, 1856 to representatives of the Moscow nobility. In his speech, Alexander II said the following: “There are rumors that I want to give freedom to the peasants; this is unfair - and you can say this to everyone left and right; but a feeling of hostility between peasants and their landowners, unfortunately, exists, and this has already led to several cases of disobedience to the landowners. I am convinced that sooner or later we must come to this. I think that you are of the same opinion as me; therefore, it is much better for this to happen from above than from below.”
On January 3, 1857, a Secret Committee was opened “to discuss measures to organize the life of the landowner peasants” under the chairmanship of the Tsar himself. This committee included the following persons: Chairman of the State Council Prince A. F. Orlov (with the right to chair in the absence of the Tsar), Ministers: Internal Affairs - S. S. Lanskoy, Finance - P. F. Brock, State Property - - M. N. Muravyov (later received the name “hangman”), the court - Count V. F. Adlerberg, the chief manager of communications K. V. Chevkin, the chief of gendarmes Prince V. A. Dolgorukov and members of the State Council - Prince P P. Gagarin, Baron M. A. Korf, Ya. I. Rostovtsev and Secretary of State V. P. Butkov. Almost all members of the committee were quite reactionary, and Orlov, Muravyov, Chevkin and Gagarin were ardent serf owners.
When discussing the issue of abolition of serfdom, the committee noted that unrest of minds “...with further development can have consequences that are more or less harmful, even dangerous. Moreover, the state of serfdom in itself is an evil that requires correction,” that “... in order to calm minds and strengthen the future well-being of the state (i.e., the autocratic-noble system.) it is necessary to begin without delay a detailed review ... of all of the currently issued decrees on serfs... so that this revision would positively indicate the beginnings on which the liberation of our serfs can begin, however, a gradual liberation, without drastic and abrupt upheavals, according to plan, carefully and maturely thought out in every detail." In accordance with this decision, on February 28 of the same year, a special “Preparatory Commission for the revision of decrees and assumptions about the state of serfdom” was established, consisting of Gagarin, Korf, Adjutant General Rostovtsev, and Secretary of State Butkov. The “Preparatory Commission” was supposed to consider legislation on the peasant question (laws on “free cultivators” and “obligated peasants”), as well as various notes and projects on the issue of the abolition of serfdom. However, the members of the commission, having considered all these materials, were unable to come to any definite decision and limited themselves to expressing their personal opinion on this issue.
The most detailed note is Rostovtsev's note, dated April 20, 1857. At the beginning of this note, the author points out the need to abolish serfdom. “None of the thinking, enlightened people who love their fatherland,” he wrote, “can be against the liberation of the peasants. A person should not belong to a person. A person should not be a thing." Having expressed his point of view so decisively, Rostovtsev, outlining the history of the peasant question in the first half of the 19th century, criticizes the existing legislation on peasants, as well as various projects for the abolition of serfdom and comes to the conclusion that they cannot be adopted. Firstly, he pointed out, the liberation of peasants without land, as well as with a small plot of it, is impossible. Secondly, providing peasants with sufficient allotment without compensation will be unfair, as it will ruin the land owners. The redemption of the land, in Rostovtsev’s opinion, also cannot be carried out, since there are not enough funds for a one-time redemption; a multi-time redemption is dangerous for the state: it would last quite a long time and could cause peasant unrest. From Rostovtsev’s point of view, the only acceptable project could be the project of the Poltava landowner Posen.
Rostovtsev argued that the Russian people were unlikely to be able to take advantage of the “sudden” freedom, for which they were not at all prepared either by their upbringing or by government measures that made it easier for them to experience this freedom. “Consequently,” he wrote, “necessity itself points to transitional measures. That is, serfs should be prepared for freedom gradually, not strengthening their desire for liberation, but opening up all possible paths for them.” Guided by this, Rostovtsev outlined three stages of the abolition of serfdom.
The first is the immediate “softening” of serfdom. In his opinion, this will reassure the peasants, who will see that the government cares about improving their lot. The second stage is the gradual transition of peasants to obliged or “free cultivators.” At this stage, the peasants remain only “firm to the land,” receiving the right to dispose of their property, and become completely free in family life. This period was apparently supposed to be quite long, since, according to Rostovtsev, the peasant in this situation “will not want change soon” and will only gradually “ripen to complete freedom.” Finally, the third and final stage is the transition to complete freedom of all categories of serfs (landowners, appanages, state peasants and serf workers). Rostovtsev’s program, set out in the note discussed above, was essentially no different from the decisions of the secret committees of the reign of Nicholas I, which recognized the need to abolish serfdom and at the same time postponed its implementation indefinitely. This program, as well as the projects of the secret committees, actually meant the preservation of serfdom. At the same time, it did not differ in any originality. Even its entire argument was borrowed from the arsenal of the secret committees of the previous reign.
The second member of the “Preparatory Commission,” P. P. Gagarin, in his note dated May 5, 1857, tried to prove that the liberation of peasants with land could lead to a complete decline in agriculture. Guided by the fact that agricultural products are produced in large farms, and not in small ones, which are purely natural in nature “and generally have neither enterprise based on improving the economy, nor the means available to landowners,” Gagarin did not consider it possible to allocate land to the peasants upon release.
At the same time, “to strengthen the settled way of life of the peasants,” Gagarin recommended providing them with an estate for use. At the same time, he considered it “fair” and “useful” for the landowners to retain patrimonial power over the peasants, leaving the former to deal with them “for misdemeanors and minor crimes.” Mediation between landowners and peasants was to be entrusted to the district leader of the nobility. Gagarin's note provided for the complete dispossession of the peasants, while still maintaining the patrimonial power of the landowners. This project was fully consistent with the laws of 1816-1819, which abolished serfdom in the Baltic provinces. The third member of the “Preparatory Commission,” M. A. Korf, also submitted a note. He believed that the reasons for the failure to resolve the peasant question in the last 50 years were explained by the fact that “the matter was always started not from below, not from the root, but from above, from the top.” According to Korf, only the local nobility was able to resolve this issue. Therefore, he considered it necessary to instruct the nobility to comprehensively discuss the terms of the proposed reform. For this purpose, Korf proposed sending a circular addressed to the leaders of the nobility, proposing to begin discussing the conditions for the abolition of serfdom, guided only by the following considerations: 1) avoid harsh and violent means, 2) avoid any measures “of this kind that, while delivering benefits to one side, would directly or indirectly aggravate the other,” and 3) avoid measures that would require exorbitant funds from the state treasury, which would prevent the completion of the entire matter. Korf set a six-month deadline for discussing all these issues.
Of all three, only Korf’s note attempted to put the issue of the abolition of serfdom on a practical footing. On June 21, Prince A.F. Orlov, chairman of the Secret Committee on Peasant Affairs, sent the Tsar, in accordance with his request, to the resort in Kissingen a “most submissive” report, transmitting the three notes discussed above, as well as the opinion of S.S. Lansky. Orlov reported that it was not possible to consider all these materials in the Secret Committee due to the departure of most of its members on vacation. On August 14 and 17, the Committee discussed the question raised by Alexander II of how to begin the reform. Guided by the fact that “not only the landowners and peasants, but even the government itself” is not yet prepared for reform and that it is possible to begin to liberate the peasants “not suddenly, but gradually.” Preparations for the reform began with timid attempts to improve the serf system and went through several stages. The first stage begins with Alexander II’s speech to the Moscow nobility on December 30, 1856. The Tsar tried to convince his listeners that sooner or later, as he put it, “we must come” to the liberation of the peasants, “it is better to abolish serfdom from above than to wait until then.” time when it will begin to cancel itself from below.” Almost simultaneously, the tsar instructed the Ministry of Internal Affairs to develop proposals on ways to resolve the peasant issue. The first project provided for the gradual abolition of serfdom in individual provinces and the liberation of peasants without land, following the example of the Baltic provinces (present-day Latvia and Estonia). To further develop the issue, the Secret Committee on Peasant Affairs was formed in January 1857 under the leadership of the emperor.
The second stage of preparing the reform begins with an official letter (rescript) from Alexander II to the Vilna Governor-General V.I. Nazimov. The Tsar proposed creating elected noble committees in the provinces he led (Vilna, Kovno and Grodno) to discuss reform projects. The tsar's rescript also indicated the main ideas of the reform: peasants receive personal freedom and retain their estate land (house, yard, vegetable gardens). For this they pay a ransom. The field land remains the property of the landowner, and only by voluntary agreement with him can the peasants receive a field allotment.
The rescript to Nazimov was published in print. Preparations for the reform became public. The nobility of other provinces began to ask the emperor's highest permission to create similar elected committees in their own countries. By the beginning of 1859, they were created in 45 provinces of the European part of Russia. Various opinions emerged on the issue discussed. The most consistent were the proposals of the Tver Committee, headed by the famous liberal A.M. Unkovsky. The Tver nobles considered it necessary to carry out the reform in a short time and provide the peasants not only with estate land, but also with field plots. Most of the nobility adhered to more conservative views.
The third and decisive stage in the preparation of the reform is associated with the transformation of the Secret Committee into the Main Committee for Peasant Affairs (beginning of 1858) and the formation of Editorial Commissions at the beginning of 1859. The practical preparation of a package of laws has begun, taking into account all the opinions that have emerged.
A dignitary close to the Tsar was placed at the head of the Editorial Commissions - the head of military educational institutions, Adjutant General Ya.I. Rostovtsev. An excellent organizer, ready to fulfill the emperor’s plans, he set to work with his characteristic energy and efficiency. The most talented officials of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and other departments were included in the Editorial Commissions, and “informed people” from the provinces, as well as representatives of local noble committees, were selected as experts by Ya. I. Rostovtsev. By October, the necessary bills were prepared. The protocols of the commissions and all materials were printed in a circulation of 3 thousand copies and sent by the provinces to interested parties in St. Petersburg. A total of 27 weighty volumes were published. The basis was formulated by Ya.I. Rostovtsev principles: 1) peasants should immediately feel that their life has improved; 2) landowners must be sure that their interests are protected; 3) so that the strong local government does not waver for a minute and public order in the country is not violated. At the beginning of February, a discussion of the prepared bills began in the State Council. Most of its members took conservative positions. Here the role of the autocratic monarch was revealed. All amendments aimed at worsening the bills were rejected by the tsar, even if the majority of those present voted for them. No one dared to object if the king said: “So be it.”
On February 17, 1861, the State Council completed its discussion of the laws, and on the appointed day, February 19, they were signed by the Tsar. Thus, in a time unprecedented for Russian legislation, one of the most important reforms in the history of the country was prepared. This is the merit of the statesmen who prepared it.
Report of the retinue, Major General A.S. Apraksin, to Alexander II about the unrest of peasants in Spassky district
Kazan province and about their execution in the village. To the abyss. April 16, 1861
From the day the manifesto was published until the receipt of the approved Regulations on peasants emerging from serfdom in the Kazan province. everything seemed calm, although the landowners were already somewhat complaining about the lazy performance of work by the peasants, saying, however, that they had noticed this from the very beginning of the question of the abolition of serfdom. The general illiteracy of the landowner peasants is so great that among them we can positively say that there are no people who read well and understand the meaning of printed articles, and most of them can barely read in their warehouses. Having received the Regulations, they first turned to the landowners, courtyard people, priests and local leaders for an explanation, but seeing that no one was reading their dreamed will into the Regulations, i.e., that corvée had not been abolished and the land should remain in the possession of the landowners, they They began to distrust the educated class and looked for readers among the literate peasants. These interpreters, receiving money from the peasants for this and out of self-interest, some, as one might assume, out of hatred against the landowners, realized that they could take advantage of the ignorance of the peasants under the present circumstances, and began to make the most absurd interpretations of the new legislation. One of the main such interpreters. The Abyss of Spassky U., the peasant Anton Petrov, became some kind of prophet among them, even aroused fanaticism, captivating the peasants with his stories, in accordance with the prevailing idea and concepts of will in their minds, reinforcing all arguments in the name of [your] Majesty. . and the almighty God, who granted him the right to declare freedom to the peasants and deliverance from the landowners, to which he made the use of one of the points of the sample charter document, which says: “after the 10th revision, so many were set free”; he explained to them that this means that the sovereign gave you freedom already in 1858, the landowners hid it, therefore all the land belongs to you, and all the grain collected and sold over the course of 2 years must be collected from the landowners. Another example of a similar explanation relates to the rules on the procedure for putting into effect the “Regulations on peasants emerging from serfdom”, where it is stated in paragraph two that from the date of promulgation of the highest approved Regulations on peasants emerging from serfdom cease... and then, without reading what followed, he explained this article to them this way: that the word stops means everything stops, or pure will, an expression by which they understood complete freedom from all duties and responsibilities and the right to the whole earth. In addition to these two examples, there were many others, which are impossible to count all, but which produced complete disobedience of the peasants towards the authorities established by the government and persons who could have influence on them. Complaints from the landowners about the refusal of the peasants to carry out work began to be incessantly received from the leaders of the nobility to the governor, so after a conference with him on April 8, I went to Spassky district, where the leader of the nobility complained about important violations of order. Arriving in the mountains. Spassk On the 9th, I sent to ask for the leader and police officer, who were then in one of the largest estates of Spassky district. With. The abyss of the landowner of the actual secret [counselor] Mikhail Nikolaevich Musin-Pushkin, who is among 831 souls with 10,639 des. land. In general, the peasants of this village are all very prosperous. At 5 o'clock in the morning on the 10th he came to me in the mountains. Spassk is the leader of the nobility and conveyed the following: in the village. An interpreter from the peasants of the same estate, Anton Petrov, appeared to the Abyss, who found pure will in the Regulations and began to preach about it in all the surrounding areas. Peasants came to him from all sides, even from fairly distant villages, guarded his house day and night and did not let anyone in, so that, having no power, it was impossible to take a preacher or prophet, as they revered him. In Spassky district It is estimated that there are about 23,000 souls of landowner peasants. The reserve division's troops are not located in this district and only in the mountains. Spassk has one disabled team. In addition, the Volga and Kama separate this district from others in the same province and impede rapid communications, especially during times of mud. The leader, telling me that no admonitions from him, not even from the priest, served to convince the peasants of the village. Abyss, and as soon as anyone began to reason with the peasants, the crowd raised cries of “will, freedom,” thereby wanting to destroy any possibility of bringing to obedience even those of them who could come to their senses. Seeing this state of affairs, I immediately wrote an order to the commander of the 4th reserve battalion of the Tarutino Infantry Regiment, located in the mountains. Tetyushi, send 2 companies to the village. Nikolskoye, located from the village. Abyss 7 versts away, he himself went to the village with the district leader of the nobility. The abyss to try the measures of meekness and... exhortations. Arriving at the office, I sent the police officer to tell the crowd gathered in the village to come to the village office, where the adjutant of the Emperor arrived, obliged to explain to them all the misunderstandings they encountered, to which they replied: “We won’t go, but let him come here himself,” - and then, as usual, the general cry of “will, freedom” began. After which the district leader of the nobility went to them and also convinced them to follow him without resistance for explanations to the sovereign’s adjutant who had arrived, presenting to them all the terrible consequences of their disobedience to the authorities and the means to which the government would have to resort to bring them into obedience; but, having received the same answer from the peasants that they would not go, the leader of the nobility announced to them that the sovereign’s adjutant, Count. Apraksin will wait for them for another half hour, and if they do not come to their senses, he will take strict measures to curb their disobedience. The answer to this was the repetition of the cry “will, will.” After waiting unsuccessfully for more than an hour, I went to the village. Nikolskoye, having decided not to do anything against the peasants of the village. Abyss until the arrival of the army I required, while from the news I received I learned that in the village. A huge number of peasants from the surrounding villages have gathered and are still gathering in the Abyss, which is why, in order to strengthen the expected 2 companies, I have now sent an order to the head of the disabled team of the mountains. Bring Spassk to the village. Nikolskoye on the 11th in the evening for all people free from work. Having thus gathered 231 troops on the evening of the 11th, I decided to act with him the next day, because 2 more companies had arrived from the mountains. Chistopol, moved by order of the head of the province, I could not expect earlier than 4 or 5 days, but it was dangerous to leave things in this situation, because there was a crowd of people in the village. The abyss grew with incredible speed; no authorities were any longer recognized. Having appointed their stewards from among the peasants at the direction of Anton Petrov, they boasted that they had expelled the police officer and the district leader of the nobility from the village, and throughout the night of the 12th, crowds of peasants, horse and foot, headed to the village. The Abyss, where the same Anton Petrov gave freedom, land, appointed officials, saying that he would soon completely liberate 34 provinces. He was not shown to the newly arriving crowds, saying that he was busy corresponding with Your Majesty; on the morning of the 12th there were already people in his crowd who had arrived from the Simbirsk and Samara provinces, from state-owned peasants and Tatars. Seeing this, I moved the team I had assembled at 5 o’clock in the morning to the village. The abyss. With me at that time were the district leader of the nobility, the police officer and 2 adjutants of the governor, Lieutenant Polovtsev and Captain Zlatnitsky. During the transition of the troops, crowds of people continued to gather in the village. The abyss. At the entrance at the beginning of the village, we saw a small table with bread and salt and 2 old men standing without hats, whom I asked: “For whom are these bread and salt prepared? “- To which they answered hesitantly: “For you, by order of the authorities,” (The authorities were appointed by the rebels.) But meanwhile, it was later explained that this was done to meet everyone who came to sign up as Anton Petrov’s accomplices. I ordered the table to be cleared and the old people to go home. Having reached the church standing in the middle of the village, I called the priest to once again test the measures of meekness, and he explained to me that he had repeatedly exhorted the people, but to no avail, and that the stubbornness aroused in him was so strong that there would hardly be any left. there was some hope of persuading him with words and persuasion, but I wanted to try the same measures again and personally see their futility, counting in this case on the moral effect of the presence of troops, which is why I asked him to go with the detachment. Ahead of us, almost at the end of the street, near Anton Petrov’s house and across its entire width, stood a solid mass, numbering up to 5,000 people. Having approached a distance of 180 steps, he stopped the team and for the first exhortation sent 2 adjutants of the governor, whose words they only tried to drown out with a cry of “will, will.” The adjutants returned, warning the peasants that if they did not hand over Anton Petrov and go home, they would be shot at; then I sent a priest, who, with a cross in his hands, admonished them for a long time and said that if they do not obey, then they should disperse, otherwise they will shoot; even after this admonition from the priest they continued their cries. Then I myself, driving up to the crowd, explained to them the assignment entrusted to me and ordered them to hand over Anton to Petrov or disperse, but nothing could affect the terrible tenacity and conviction of these people; they shouted: “We do not need a messenger from the king, but give us the king himself; shoot, but you will not shoot at us, but at Alexander Nikolaevich.” Then I silenced them and told them: “I feel sorry for you guys, but I must and will shoot; those who feel innocent, leave." But, seeing that no one was leaving and the crowd continued to shout and persist, I drove off and ordered one rank to fire a volley, after which an admonition was made again, but the crowd still shouted; then I was forced to fire several volleys; What prompted me to do this was that the peasants, noticing a significant gap between the volleys, began to come out of the courtyards in large numbers, shouting for stakes and threatening to surround and crush my small team. Finally, the crowd dispersed and cries were heard for the extradition of Anton Petrov, who, meanwhile, wanted to hide from the village with his backside, but was warned by 2 Cossacks, who seized the horse prepared for him. Then Anton Petrov left the house in front of the army, carrying the Regulations on Peasants over his head, and then he was taken along with the accomplices he handed over to me and sent under escort to the prison in the mountains. Spassk. After Petrov was handed over, work began on removing the bodies and providing aid to the wounded. According to verification, 51 people were killed and 77 wounded.
This decisive measure was taken by me due to the small number of troops and the every minute growing indignation, taking on enormous proportions. It was necessary to establish calm not only in this village, but throughout the entire population of several districts of the Kazan province, who had come out of complete obedience to all authorities and had reached such a degree of insolence that they came to their village. At a meeting, a peasant grabbed the landowner of the staff-captain of the Life Guards Hussars and [Imperial] Majesty's Regiment by the chest and told him: “Get out of here, you have nothing to do here!” In the village of Nikolskoye and Three Lakes, during my conversation with the peasants, where I explained to them that I was sent from the sovereign to clarify misunderstandings and restore order, moving a few steps away from me, the crowd said that I was not a real adjutant of your majesty, and dressed in a uniform by landowners in silver; In general, at this time the situation was not only for Messrs. the landowners, but even the commanders of the zemstvo police, it was unbearable and without the use of decisive measures taken by me, a general uprising could have occurred in the Kazan province. Now the excitement has been somewhat suppressed, work has begun, the former authorities have been restored, but malicious people are still spreading rumors that the liberation of the peasants. The abyss is completely over and that the count sent from the sovereign, patted the prophet Anton on the shoulder, put on him a golden dress and a sword and sent him to the sovereign, from where he will soon return with perfect will.
In my opinion, to establish complete calm in the Kazan province. It remains necessary to somewhat increase the number of troops stationed there, and approximately execute the main culprits, over whom a military judicial commission will be established.
Major General gr. Apraksin.
// The end of serfdom in Russia: documents, letters, memoirs, articles / compiled, total. ed. V.A. Fedorov. - M.: Moscow State University Publishing House, 1994. - P.320-324.
Peasant reform of 1861. There are rumors that I want to give freedom to the peasants...” from the speech of Alexander II
The power of the monarch, limited by the constitution - - a radical revolution in the life of society - - an apostate from the official faith - - the transition from manual labor to machine labor - - payments from peasants to the landowner in money or products - - a group of society with special rights and responsibilities - - a policy of intimidation violent measures - - social movement, service to the people - - unlimited power of the monarch - - tax in kind of the peoples of Siberia and the North -
Alexander II was born on April 17, 1818, and was declared heir to the throne on December 12, 1825. This was one of the boy’s first strong impressions. Captain K.K. was involved in his upbringing from the age of seven. Merder, a military officer, awarded for his bravery at Austerlitz. Contemporaries noted his high morality and kindness, strong-willed qualities and bright mind. Another mentor of the heir to the throne was the poet V.A. Zhukovsky, who drew up a “Teaching Plan” designed for 12 years and approved by Nicholas I. As a result, the heir received a comprehensive education. Alexander grew up in an atmosphere of goodwill. Teachers noted his curiosity, sociability, good manners, and courage. Merder considered laziness and lack of perseverance in achieving goals to be the main drawback of his pupil. Alexander was more eager to please his father and earn the praise of his teachers. Since 1839, he began to attend meetings of the State Council, where he showed himself to be an adherent of serfdom.
Speech by Alexander II on March 30, 1856 before the Moscow provincial and district leaders of the nobility: There are rumors that I want to give freedom to the peasants; this is not fair, and you can say this to everyone left and right; but feelings of hostility between the peasants and their landowners, unfortunately, exist, and this has led to several cases of disobedience towards the landowners. I am convinced that sooner or later we must come to this. I think that you are of the same opinion as me, therefore, it is much better for this to happen from above than from below.
1. Serfs were not interested in the results of labor on the land of the landowner, therefore serfdom prevents the further development of agriculture; 2. The growth of peasant uprisings; 3. The desire of landowners to eliminate serfdom; 4. The lack of free labor hindered the further development of industry; 5. Europe looked at Russia as a country where slavery existed, so it was necessary to raise the country’s authority; 6. Defeat in the Crimean War. Reasons for the abolition of serfdom
Preparation of the peasant reform March 30, 1856, speech of Alexander I to representatives of the Moscow nobility January 3, 1857 - the Secret Committee was formed October 1857, address of V.I. Nazimov (liberation of peasants without land) November 20, 1857 - rescript of V.I. .Nazimov (release with land for ransom) February 1858 The Secret Committee was renamed the Main Committee (chairman - Konstantin Nikolaevich) March 1859 - creation of Editorial Commissions March 1859 - creation of Editorial Commissions (chairman - Y.I. Rostovtsev)
The main provisions of the reform I. Personal emancipation of peasants The landowner is not allowed: The peasant can: buy, marry without the consent of the landowner; give, engage in crafts and trade; make a will; transfer to other estates; send peasants to hard labor. enter military service; enter educational institutions. Conclusion: the peasant ceased to be the property of the landowner. Conclusion: former serfs received civil rights and equal rights with state peasants.
The size of the peasant's allotment. The size of the peasant's allotment. Russia Non-chernozem strip Chernozem strip Steppe strip maximum minimum segments to the landowner % of allotment Allotment used by peasants before the reform The size of the allotment ranged from 3 to 12 dessiatines 1 dessiatine = 1.1 hectares
Peasants paid the real cost of the land 20% themselves 80% state loan repaid did not repay free Temporarily liable (bears duties) Peasants must return 49 years Accrual of 6% per annum Procedure in "title=" Redemption amount 1.5 times > real value land 20% peasants paid themselves 80% state loan paid not paid free Temporarily liable (bears duties) Peasants must return 49 years Accrual of 6% per annum Procedure for execution in" class="link_thumb"> 14 !} Redemption amount 1.5 times > the real value of the land 20% peasants paid themselves 80% state loan paid not paid free Temporarily liable (bears duties) Peasants must return 49 years Accrual of 6% per annum Procedure for completing a redemption transaction real value of land 20% peasants paid themselves 80% state loan paid not paid free Temporarily liable (bears duties) Peasants must repay 49 years Accrual of 6% per annum Procedure for fulfillment in "> real value of land 20% peasants paid themselves 80% state loan paid not paid free Temporarily liable (bears duties) Peasants must return 49 years Accrual of 6% per annum Procedure for making a redemption transaction "> real value of land 20% peasants paid themselves 80% state loan paid did not pay free Temporarily liable (bears duties) Peasants must return 49 years Accrual of 6% per annum Procedure for making in" title=" Redemption amount 1.5 times > real value of land 20% peasants paid themselves 80% state loan paid not paid free Temporarily liable (bears duties) Peasants must return 49 years Accrual of 6% per annum Procedure committed in"> title="Redemption amount 1.5 times > the real value of the land 20% peasants paid themselves 80% state loan paid not paid free Temporarily liable (bears duties) Peasants must return 49 years Accrual of 6% per annum Procedure for"> !}
The main provisions of the reform The mediator is a person from the local nobles, appointed by the Senate, who monitors the implementation of the terms of the charter and resolves disputes between the landowner and the peasants. A peace mediator is a person from the local nobles, appointed by the Senate, who monitors the implementation of the terms of the charter and resolves disputes between the landowner and the peasants. GOVERNOR CONTROL VILLAGE ELDER VILLAGE ASSEMBLY VILLAGE ELDER VILLAGE ASSEMBLY HOUSEHOLDERS GOVERNOR MEDIATOR
The significance of the abolition of serfdom Progressive features Negative features 1. The emancipation of the peasants led to the emergence of free labor and an increase in hired labor in industry. This gave impetus to the rapid economic development of the country. The emergence of the main contradiction in the countryside: large landownership and land shortage of peasants. From that time on, the agrarian question became the main one in the village 2. The abolition of serfdom changed the social structure of society and raised the question of the need for other reforms. 2. The peasant remained economically dependent on the community, from which, according to the law, he could not leave.
