Years of life : 12 August 1 740 - 5 July 1764 .

The son of the niece of Empress Anna Ioannovna, Princess Anna Leopoldovna of Muckleburg and Anton-Ulrich, Duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg, was born on August 12, 1740 and by Anna Ioannovna's manifesto, dated October 5, 1740, he was declared heir to the throne. After the death of Anna Ioannovna (October 17, 1740), John was proclaimed emperor, and the manifesto of October 18 announced the awarding of the regency until John came of age to Biron. After the overthrow of Biron by Minikh (November 8), the regency passed to Anna Leopoldovna, but already on the night of December 25, 1741, the ruler with her husband and children, including Emperor John, were arrested in the palace by Elizabeth Petrovna, and the latter was proclaimed empress. She intended to send the deposed emperor and his entire family abroad, and on December 12, 1741 they were sent to Riga, under the supervision of Lieutenant General V.F. Saltykova; but then Elizabeth changed her intentions, and, before reaching Riga, Saltykov received orders to travel as quietly as possible and wait in Riga for new orders.

The prisoners stayed in Riga until December 13, 1742, when they were transported to the Dynamunde fortress. Elizabeth finally decided not to let John and his parents, as dangerous pretenders, out of Russia. In January 1744, a decree was issued to transport the former ruler and her family to the city of Ranenburg (Ryazan province), and the executor of the order, captain-lieutenant Vyndomsky, almost brought them to Orenburg. June 27, 1744 to Chamberlain Baron N.A. Corfu was ordered to take the family of royal prisoners to the Solovetsky monastery, and John, both during this journey and during his stay in Solovki, was to be completely separated from his family, and no outsider was to have access to him except only a specially assigned overseer. Korf took the prisoners only to Kholmogory and, presenting to the government all the difficulties of transporting them to Solovki and keeping them secret there, convinced them to leave them in this city. Here John spent about 12 years in complete solitary confinement; the only person with whom he could see was Major Miller, who was watching him, and, in turn, was almost deprived of the opportunity to communicate with other persons guarding the family of the former emperor. Rumors about John's stay in Kholmogory spread, and the government decided to take new precautions.

At the beginning of 1756, the sergeant of the life campaign Savin was ordered to secretly take John out of Kholmogory and secretly deliver him to Shlisselburg, and Colonel Vyndomsky, the chief bailiff of the Brunswick family, was given a decree: “the remaining prisoners should be kept as before, even more strictly and with adding more guards so as not to show that the prisoner was being taken out; to our office and upon the prisoner’s departure to report that he is under your guard, as we reported before.” In Shlisselburg, the secret had to be kept no less strictly: the commandant of the fortress himself was not supposed to know who was being held there under the name of a “famous prisoner”; Only three officers of the team guarding him could see John and knew his name; they were forbidden to tell John where he was; Even a field marshal could not be allowed into the fortress without a decree from the Secret Chancellery. With the accession of Peter III, John's position did not improve, but rather changed for the worse, although there were rumors about Peter's intention to free the prisoner.

The instructions given by Count A.I. Shuvalov to the chief bailiff of Ivan, Prince Churmantyev, ordered, among other things: “If the prisoner begins to create any disorder or displease you, or says something obscene, then put him on a chain until he pacifies, and if he does not listen, then beat you discretion with stick and whip." In the decree of Peter III, Churmantyev dated January 1, 1762, he was ordered: “If, beyond your aspirations, whoever dares to take a prisoner away from you, in this case, resist as much as possible and do not give the prisoner alive into your hands.” In the instructions given upon the accession of Catherine N.I. to the throne. Panin, to whom she entrusted the main supervision of the maintenance of the Shlisselburg prisoner, this last point was expressed even more clearly: “If, beyond expectation, it happens that someone comes with a team or alone, even if it is a commandant or some other officer, without a name in his own hand Her Imperial Majesty, by signing an order or without a written order from her, and wanted to take a prisoner from you, then do not give him to anyone and consider everything as a forgery or an enemy hand. If the hand is so strong that it is impossible to escape, then the prisoner is killed , and don’t give him into anyone’s hands alive.”

According to some news, after Catherine’s accession, Bestuzhev drew up a plan for her marriage to John. It is true that Catherine saw John at this time and, as she herself admitted later in the manifesto, found him damaged in mind. The reports of the officers assigned to him portrayed John as crazy, or at least easily losing his mental balance. However, John knew his origins, despite the mystery surrounding him, and called himself a sovereign. Despite the strict prohibition of teaching him anything, he learned to read and write from someone, and then he was allowed to read the Bible. The secret of John’s stay in Shlisselburg was not preserved, and this completely destroyed him. Second Lieutenant of the Smolensk Infantry Regiment Vasily Yakovlevich Mirovich, who was stationed in the garrison of the fortress, decided to release him and proclaim him emperor; on the night of July 4-5, 1764, he began to carry out his plan and, having won over the garrison soldiers to his side with the help of forged manifestos, arrested the commandant of the fortress, Berednikov, and demanded the extradition of John.

The bailiffs at first resisted with the help of their team, but when Mirovich aimed a cannon at the fortress, they surrendered, having previously, according to the exact meaning of the instructions, killed John. After a thorough investigation, which revealed the complete absence of accomplices among Mirovich, the latter was executed. During the reign of Elizabeth and her immediate successors, the very name of John was persecuted: the seals of his reign were altered, the coin was transfused, all business papers with the name of Emperor John were ordered to be collected and sent to the Senate; Manifestos, sworn papers, church books, forms of commemoration of persons of the Imperial House in churches, sermons and passports were ordered to be burned, other files were to be kept under seal and when making inquiries with them not to use the title and name of John, hence the name of these documents “deeds with a well-known title” ". Only the report of the Senate, approved by the highest authority on August 19, 1762, stopped the further destruction of the affairs of John’s time, which threatened to violate the interests of private individuals. The surviving documents were partly published in their entirety, partly processed in the edition of the Moscow Archive of the Ministry of Justice.

Russian Biographical Dictionary / www.rulex.ru / Soloviev “History of Russia” (volumes XXI and XXII); Hermabn "Geschichte des Russischen Staates"; M. Semevsky "Ivan VI Antonovich" ("Notes of the Fatherland", 1866, vol. CLXV); Brickner "Emperor John Antonovich and his relatives 1741 - 1807" (M., 1874); “The internal life of the Russian state from October 17, 1740 to November 25, 1741” (publications of the Moscow Archive of the Ministry of Justice, vol. I, 1880, vol. II, 1886); Bilbasov "The History of Catherine II" (vol. II); some information in the articles "Russian Antiquity": "The fate of the family of the ruler Anna Leopoldovna" (1873, vol. VII) and "Emperor John Antonovich" (1879, vol. XXIV and XXV). V. Mn.

Family tragedies of the Romanovs. Difficult choice Sukina Lyudmila Borisovna

Emperor Ivan VI Antonovich (02.08.1740-04.07.1764) Years of reign - 1740-1741

Emperor Ivan VI Antonovich (08/02/1740-07/04/1764)

Years of reign – 1740-1741

The reign of Emperor Ivan Antonovich is the shortest in the history of Russia. Throughout that single year when he was considered a sovereign, Ivan did not sit on the throne, but lay in his infant cradle. Unlike his predecessors and successors on the imperial throne, he simply did not have time to feel like a king and receive at least some joy from his high position. The unfortunate baby, whose life was ruined by the imperial crown, could not even suspect what passions were boiling around his person, what tangles of intrigue were twisting at his court and what decrees and orders were being issued in his name.

The day after the death of Empress Anna Ioannovna, October 18, her will was printed and read out, according to which Ivan Antonovich was declared emperor, and Duke Ernst Johann Biron was appointed regent until he reached the age of 17. All military and civilian ranks of the empire had to swear allegiance to both of them - and swore allegiance.

According to Anna's will, Biron was endowed with unlimited powers. He could freely manage finances and political affairs, conclude international treaties, command the army and navy, and even control the fate of the Brunswick family itself - the emperor’s closest relatives. On October 19, Emperor Ivan Antonovich “issued” a decree by which Biron was granted the exclusive title: “His Highness the Regent of the Russian Empire, Duke of Courland, Livonia and Semigall.” And only four days later they decided to order that the emperor’s own father, Prince Anton Ulrich, be titled “His Imperial Highness.”

Many courtiers also drew attention to some “strangeness” of the late empress’s will. In the event that Ivan Antonovich died without leaving any offspring, the throne should have gone to the eldest of the male children “from the same marriage” of Anna Leopoldovna. This order effectively deprived Princess Anne of not only the right to divorce her unloved husband Anton Ulrich, but also the possibility of remarriage if he died before her. Her children, born from another man, could under no circumstances inherit the imperial throne. But at the same time, Duke Biron could remain regent for other minor sovereigns from the Brunswick family. But no one then dared to object to this order of things, established not without the participation of the experienced courtier Osterman and Biron himself. It was passed down from mouth to mouth that just before her death, Empress Anna managed to whisper her last parting word to her favorite: “I suppose.”

But to establish the power of the regent, the patronage of the late empress alone was clearly not enough. And in the very first days of his reign, Biron tried to win the recognition of his subjects with favors and fair decisions. Manifestos were issued on strict observance of laws and righteous trials, an amnesty was declared for prisoners, with the exception of thieves, robbers, murderers and embezzlers; The poll tax was reduced in 1740. The regent showed fatherly concern for the soldiers and officers. In winter, the sentries were ordered to be given fur coats so that they would not suffer from the cold (since the time of Peter I, the military had to stand guard in light European-style uniforms). Luxury was limited by law, the pursuit of which ruined the nobility under Anna Ioannovna. From now on, it was forbidden to wear a dress made of fabric whose cost exceeded 4 rubles per arshin.

But all Biron’s tricks were in vain. The nobility was indignant that for the next 17 years, and possibly longer, Russia would be ruled by a temporary foreigner who had risen so high only thanks to a “shameful connection” with the former empress. Conspiracies were brewing at court and in the guard. They were slowly warmed up by Princess Anna Leopoldovna, whose power and freedom were limited by the Duke of Courland. Prince Anton Ulrich was also not happy with his position, also oppressed in every possible way by Biron, who was trying to deprive the emperor’s father of his last powers and leverage over the guard and court. Not without their participation, rumors began to spread that Anna Ioannovna’s will was not real and the signature on it was not made by her hand.

Biron suspected that the Prince and Princess of Brunswick were just waiting for an opportunity to deprive him of his regency, and began to act himself. More than anything, he wanted the parents of the infant emperor to leave Russia. In front of them, he repeatedly said that he wanted to invite the young Holstein Prince Peter, the grandson of Peter I, the nephew of Princess Elizabeth, to St. Petersburg. This young man also had rights to the Russian throne and was a serious competitor to the Brunswickers. At the same time, Biron spread rumors that Anna Leopoldovna and her husband hated Russia and Russians. Anna calls her new subjects “canals,” and Anton Ulrich threatens that when he becomes regent, he will arrest all the generals and ministers and drown them in the Neva. However, due to the absurdity of these rumors, very few believed them.

In relations with the emperor's parents, Biron had to balance between showing them obvious honor and threats and harassment. On October 23, on behalf of Ivan Antonovich, he issued a decree to pay Anna and Anton an annual allowance of 200 thousand each (a huge amount even for the emperor’s closest relatives; Princess Elizabeth, for example, received only 50 thousand rubles a year). But on the same day, the Duke forced the Prince of Brunswick to publicly, in the presence of senators and ministers, renounce his claims to the regency and certify with his signature the authenticity of Anna Ioannovna’s will. A few days later, he forced Anton Ulrich to renounce all his military posts and military ranks under the pretext of the need to fulfill his father's duty and be closely with the infant emperor. Biron had reason to fear Anton’s influence in the troops: he, being a lieutenant colonel of the Semenovsky Guards Regiment and a colonel of the Braunschweig Cuirassier Regiment, enjoyed some popularity among the Guards officers. On November 1, the Military College received a decree from the regent, written on behalf of the emperor, that all his military ranks and titles were to be attributed to the prince. Anton Ulrich was actually turned into a private citizen, connected with the highest power in Russia only by blood ties. The courtiers began to call Biron behind his back the “new Boris Godunov,” hinting at a possible complete usurpation of the throne in the future.

But Biron did not have to enjoy this victory for long. While fighting with the Brunswick family, the regent lost sight of much more serious enemies. His secret ill-wishers were other influential Germans at court - Minich and Osterman. Count Osterman took a break from intrigue for a while; he called in sick and locked himself in his home to reflect on possible scenarios. Field Marshal Minich turned out to be more decisive. At first he supported Biron, but the Duke seemed to have forgotten that he owed him a lot and was in no hurry to give rewards and privileges. Minich was smart, observant and saw perfectly well that dissatisfaction with the regent was spreading among the officers and soldiers of the court regiments. The guards were outraged by Biron's arbitrariness and the fact that he wanted to reform the guard, prohibit nobles from serving as privates in it and send them as junior officers to army units in the provinces, and recruit soldiers from the lower strata of the population into the guard regiments. Under these conditions, why not lead the rebels, and at the same time return to the Brunswick couple the power taken from them by the Duke? For such a service one could then demand any gratitude.

Minich relied on Anna Leopoldovna, who surpassed her husband in strength of character. Soon an opportunity presented itself to talk with the princess face to face. Anna Leopoldovna needed a new page for her retinue, and she wanted to choose him from among the students of the cadet corps. Minich, being the chief of cadets, personally introduced her to the four best students.

The meeting took place on November 7. When, after a short conversation, the young men were released, Anna asked Minich to stay and began to complain to him about her situation. She said that she had heard from faithful people that the regent was preparing their departure from Russia. Apparently, she will have to leave, but she would like to take her son-emperor with her, because she, as a mother, cannot part with the baby and leave him to the mercy of fate. Minich in response promised to do everything to protect her from Biron’s tyranny.

The next morning, the field marshal again unexpectedly appeared in the princess's chambers and invited her to stage a coup and arrest the regent. Anna Leopoldovna at first pretended to be scared and began to refuse, claiming that she could not risk Minich’s life and the fate of his family to solve her own problems. But then the princess allowed the field marshal to persuade her. They decided to do everything in secret, without involving any other persons in the conspiracy. It was impossible to hesitate not only for fear that their idea would be discovered, but also because soon the Preobrazhensky regiment, commanded by Minikh, was supposed to hand over its watch guarding the palaces of the emperor and regent to another unit. It was urgent to take advantage of the favorable moment, while the conspirators legally controlled all the entrances and exits from Biron’s chambers.

On the same day, Minikh dined with Levenvold at Biron’s. The Duke, as if anticipating trouble, was thoughtful, and his face showed concern. Minich, on the contrary, showed enviable self-control. When Levenvold suddenly unexpectedly asked if the field marshal had to make unexpected night forays during military campaigns, he was only embarrassed for a second and immediately replied that he did not remember such a thing, but would never refuse to take advantage of a favorable opportunity. No one paid any attention to his brief confusion or the ambiguity of his answer at that moment.

At eleven o'clock in the evening, Minich left Biron's house and immediately began to give orders regarding the “extraordinary night enterprise.” At two o'clock in the morning the field marshal summoned his adjutant, Lieutenant Colonel Manstein. Together they went to the Winter Palace. Through the dressing room, Minikh and the adjutant went into the private chambers of Princess Anna Leopoldovna and woke up her favorite, maid of honor Julia Mengden, since only she had round-the-clock access to the bedrooms of the prince and princess.

Only Anna Leopoldovna came out to see Minich. She was determined. After talking with her for a few minutes, Minikh called the guard officers who were in the palace. Anna announced to the guards that she was tired of enduring insults and oppression from the regent and decided to arrest him, entrusting this matter to Minich. The officers swore to obey their field marshal in everything and help him carry out the princess's orders. Anna allowed them all to touch her hand, and then kissed each one, sealing the oath with this friendly gesture. The guard soldiers, to whom the officers repeated everything they had heard in the princess’s chambers, also expressed their readiness to participate in the coup. Minikh left forty people to guard the emperor and his parents, and took eighty with him to the Summer Palace, to Biron.

The further development of events is reminiscent of a not very well-written adventure novel, when everything works out for the heroes as if by itself. But it turns out that sometimes this happens in life. Mnich stopped his detachment two hundred paces from the palace, as he feared that the guard might make a noise and warn the duke. But Manstein managed to surprisingly easily and quickly come to an agreement with the guard officers, who even offered their help to the conspirators. Minikh gave his adjutant an officer and twenty soldiers and ordered Biron to be arrested. Manstein and his small detachment freely entered the Duke’s personal chambers: the guards let him through, thinking that he was going to the regent with some important message. And then an unexpected difficulty arose: Manstein had never been in Biron’s bedroom and did not know exactly which door led there. He did not dare to wake up the servants, so as not to make too much noise. At random, the adjutant pushed one of the locked double doors, whose latches had, by a strange accident, been forgotten to latch, and found himself in the ducal bedroom. Then an ugly scene unfolded.

Biron and his wife were fast asleep and woke up only when Manstein roughly threw back the curtains of the bed and began to speak loudly. The Birons jumped up at once and shouted: “Guard!” To this, Manstein sarcastically remarked that he had brought many guards with him. The Duke tried to resist and began to fight with the soldiers. But the forces were unequal, the guards severely beat the regent, tore his shirt, so that he was left almost completely naked. When they finally pinned him down, they gagged him with a handkerchief, tied his hands with an officer's scarf, then wrapped him in a blanket and took him to the guardhouse. Here they found a soldier's overcoat for him to cover his nakedness, and in this form he was taken to the Winter Palace. Biron’s wife wanted to run after her husband in only a nightgown, but one of the soldiers grabbed her outside the gate and brought her to Manstein with the question of what to do with the regent’s wife. Manstein ordered to take her back to the palace, but the soldier was too lazy to do this, and he pushed the unfortunate half-naked woman into a pile of snow lying in the yard (November that year turned out to be cold and snowy). There a certain guards captain saw her, dressed her somehow, took her to the palace and asked her not to leave her chambers in order to avoid trouble.

That same night, the regent's brother, Gustav Biron, and the Duke's loyal minion, Bestuzhev, were arrested. Both did not even immediately understand what had happened. At six in the morning Minikh reported to Anna Leopoldovna that the plan had been successfully accomplished. Osterman was invited to the Winter Palace and was informed about the changes that had taken place. This time the all-powerful nobleman was forced to come to terms with the leading role of Minich.

Returning home, Minich and his son immediately compiled a list of awards and new appointments at court. Princess Anna was declared the new ruler instead of Biron and was awarded the highest order of St. Andrew the First-Called in Imperial Russia, Prince Anton received the highest military rank of generalissimo, which he had long dreamed of, Minich himself was appointed first minister. They just didn’t know how to mark Osterman so as not to give him power and not to offend him. Then they remembered that the count had long been talking about the rank of great admiral, which he counted on for his care of the fleet. They decided to award him with this honorary, but not important, title. The project was taken to Princess Anna Leopoldovna for signature, and she approved everything.

It was necessary to decide what to do with Biron and his family. Still, the former regent had great authority, so no one could single-handedly determine his fate. Anna Leopoldovna, Princess Elizaveta Petrovna, Minikh and Osterman gathered in the Winter Palace. At this “small council” it was decided to send the Birons to the Alexander Nevsky Monastery, and the next day to transport them to the Shlisselburg fortress.

Biron's months-long case began. The Duke was accused of many things: the “seizure” of the regency, neglect of the health of the former empress, the desire to remove the royal family from Russia, oppression of the Russians, and even the fact that he dared to accept personal gifts from Anna Ioannovna. Based on the totality of all these mostly absurd accusations, on April 18, 1741, Biron was sentenced to death, but was pardoned by ruler Anna Leopoldovna. From Shlisselburg the Duke was sent to Pelym, where he was kept under strict supervision in a house specially built for this purpose according to the design of Minich himself.

Biron's fate began to change for the better again only after power again passed to the junior branch of the House of Romanov. Elizaveta Petrovna transferred him to a free settlement in Yaroslavl. Emperor Peter III invited Biron to live in St. Petersburg and returned his orders and honorary ranks. Catherine II restored the Duke to the Courland throne, having obtained the consent of the Polish king. Biron returned to his native Mitava, but did not find agreement with the local nobility there. He pursued a too openly pro-Russian policy, at the same time he tried to limit the privileges of the nobles and alleviate the situation of the serfs, and patronized the Jews. A few years later, Biron got tired of fighting the Courland knighthood and in 1769 renounced power in favor of his son Peter, whom he had once intended as a groom for Anna Leopoldovna. Biron died on December 17, 1772 at the age of 82 in Mitau, having long outlived not only his mistress, Empress Anna Ioannovna, but also everyone who deprived him of power and kept him in prison and exile. He was buried with honor, dressed in St. Andrew's robe, in the ducal crypt.

But Anna Leopoldovna, who carried out a coup and deprived Biron of power over Russia, of course, could not assume that the fate of the disgraced Duke would be much more prosperous than her own. She celebrated the victory and prepared to enjoy its fruits.

On November 9, 1740, Anna Leopoldovna declared herself ruler under her young son, the emperor, and no one objected to this. The distribution of awards, ranks and positions planned by Minich also took place. Many courtiers had their debts forgiven and bonuses paid from the treasury. Everyone seemed happy. But still there were skeptics at court who believed that this coup was unlikely to be the last. If Princess Anne decided to do this, others will too.

Anna Leopoldovna wanted to rule, but she did not know how to do this at all. It would be difficult to find a person less capable of being regent. The princess was naturally shy, unsociable, and had an expression of eternal gloom on her face. In her youth, her mother, Duchess Ekaterina Ivanovna, more than once scolded her for her unsociability. In addition, Anna was young and did not have the necessary experience in government affairs. Despite her upbringing at the German and Russian courts, the princess grew up as a slob, showing almost complete neglect of her appearance. Unlike other ladies of the Romanov family, she did not strive for the glittering fun and luxurious entertainment that her new position as ruler could provide. She preferred to spend the whole day in her personal chambers undressed, unkempt, tying her disheveled hair with a scarf. Her best friend and confidante was her maid of honor, Julia Mengden, brought from Germany. It was this girl, who fully shared the views and lifestyle of her mistress, who was given seven caftans embroidered with silver braid, taken from Biron and his son. Practical Yulia tore the jewelry off her clothes with her own hands and gave it to be melted down. This silver was used to make four candlesticks, six plates and two boxes. In addition, the regent friend repeatedly gave Mengden significant sums of money and even presented her with the Ober Palen manor, which previously belonged to the treasury, not far from Dorpat (now the city of Tartu in Estonia).

This is how the author of the book “The Kingdom of Women,” K. Valishevsky, described the character and lifestyle of Anna Leopoldovna:

“Of all the contemporaries and people close to her, only the son of Field Marshal (Minich. - L.S.) attributed to her mental, heartfelt qualities and dedication to business. Others paint her as mentally limited and physically lazy, spending the whole day in bed reading novels. Only her imagination developed early, as a result of reading. She, however, was very pious, placed images in all corners of her rooms, made sure that lamps were lit everywhere; and subsequently, in captivity, she indulged in pious pursuits, in the company of two choristers and a sexton... Not liking to appear in public, she reduced court appearances as much as possible, rarely appeared at receptions and dismissed most of the servants who surrounded her aunt in such abundance. The palace was soon filled with emptiness and silence. The regent was almost invisible, she did not like to dress and usually spent time before dinner with Julia Mengden.”

Anna Leopoldovna's seclusion suited Minich. He, as first minister, could govern the country on its behalf. But he had no support in the government. And the relationship with Anna gradually began to deteriorate. Minikh was known as a brave warrior and a capable commander, but at the same time he was a heavy and boring person, he lacked the polish and natural dexterity that his competitor Osterman was fully endowed with.

Count Osterman, in turn, understood that he could not count on closeness to Anna Leopoldovna, who still continued to feel gratitude to Minich and was not ready for a change of favorites. He bet on her husband, Prince Anton Ulrich. Relations between the spouses were very cool, and in connection with this, the court was divided in two: into supporters of the prince and princess. Osterman and Prince Anton gradually managed to take away from Munnich part of his civilian political powers, leaving him with only the command of the ground forces and the supply of the army. And then, in the process of considering Biron’s case, new circumstances of Minich’s participation in his elevation to regent were revealed.

The field marshal's nerves could not stand it, and he committed a rash act - he asked for resignation, secretly hoping that it would not be accepted and they would begin to persuade him to stay, and he would demand guarantees and new privileges for himself. But Osterman managed to turn things around in such a way that Anna Leopoldovna signed a decree on the resignation of her first minister, and Minikh suddenly found himself out of work.

Minikh was not only fired, he was insulted. Prince Anton ordered the decree on the resignation of the field marshal to be read in all squares of the capital to the beat of drums. When Anna Leopoldovna found out about this, she sent the former nobleman her apologies for her husband’s tactlessness. The imperial family did not know what to do with Minich now. They were afraid to leave him in the capital, but they were also afraid to send him abroad or to the provinces. Minikh was a decisive man, and he was respected among the troops as a brave and fair military leader. Some at court proposed exiling him, like other disgraced temporary workers, to Siberia, but Julia Mengden, whose brother was married to the field marshal’s sister, did not allow this. Minich remained in the capital, which created a nervous atmosphere in the palace. Just in case, the palace guard was doubled, and the prince and princess slept in new rooms every night so that they could not be captured as quickly as Biron. This continued until Minich moved away from the Winter Palace - to the other bank of the Neva.

After the fall of Minich, Osterman's power became almost unlimited. Some foreign ambassadors even wrote to their governments that under the young and inexperienced Prince and Princess of Brunswick, the Count had now become “a real Tsar of All Russia.” But the position of this “technical sovereign” still remained fragile: the Russian nobles did not trust him as a German and did not want to completely submit to his will. And then a new favorite loomed on the political horizon, whom contemporaries were already comparing to Biron.

We have already mentioned more than once that Anna Leopoldovna never loved her husband, Prince Anton Ulrich. Even before her wedding with him, she was passionately in love with the Polish-Saxon envoy, Count Linar, young, educated, elegant, smartly dressed and shining with impeccable manners, which he learned in his service at the Dresden court, which was then not inferior to Versailles. Because of this affair, in 1735, at the request of Empress Anna Ioannovna, the handsome count was recalled by his government to his homeland. In 1741, he reappeared in Russia and no longer considered it necessary to hide his tender relationship with Anna Leopoldovna. To give him official status at court, Linar was declared the groom of the maid of honor Mengden and awarded the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called. He was to receive his resignation from his king in Dresden and enter Russian service with the rank of chief chamberlain. He took 35 thousand rubles to Saxony, allegedly received from his fiancee, to deposit them in a Dresden bank.

Linar was smart, had extensive connections in Europe and experience in diplomatic affairs. Such a favorite was dangerous both for Osterman and for Prince Anton, who could have lost not only his wife, but also everything else overnight. Therefore, the rejected husband and still the first dignitary of the state began to look for allies in the fight against Anna Leopoldovna and her friends. All these court passions and intrigues could not serve to strengthen the already fragile throne of the infant emperor Ivan Antonovich. Moreover, in the heat of the struggle at the throne, the rulers of the state missed the opportunities that opened up for Russia to expand its influence on international affairs. In Europe, a conflict flared up over the inheritance of the last Austrian emperor, in which the Russian Empire could act as an arbiter and sharply increase its political authority. But the Brunswick family and Osterman had no time for this. All their political attempts in the international arena turned out to be untimely and unsuccessful. Indignation grew within the country over the stupid rule of the heirs of Empress Anna Ioannovna. The guards were especially dissatisfied, as they found themselves relegated to the background and had not received any awards or privileges for a long time. Guards officers increasingly began to glance towards the thirty-year-old princess Elizaveta Petrovna, who had entered into mature years. The imperial family and Osterman noticed the growth of her popularity, but did not know what to do about it.

Tsarevna (Tsesarevna) Elizaveta Petrovna- the daughter of Peter the Great - long before this she unexpectedly found herself the odd man out in the imperial family. Her childhood years can be called quite happy. The father singled out Elizabeth’s older sister, Princess Anna, more, but he did not forget his second daughter either, he was affectionate and generous with her, he loved to spin her around in a dance at court balls, stroke her on the head and pat her on the cheek. The sisters were also very close to each other; the age difference between them was not even two years. Anna gave the impression of a more serious and intelligent child, but Elizabeth was unusually charming: with a pretty face, a slender graceful figure, a cheerful disposition and a sharp, but not evil, tongue. Everyone in the family called her affectionately and mockingly - Lisetka, and could not imagine any home entertainment without her participation. Like many of the young Romanovs, Elizabeth learned all the sciences and arts necessary for a socialite and a person of the imperial house easily, but without much diligence. During her father’s lifetime, no one considered Lisetka as a possible contender for the throne, and she herself did not think about it - there are so many pleasures in the life of the emperor’s daughter that there is simply no time left to think about something serious.

Cloudless happiness ended with the death of Peter. In the eyes of their mother, Empress Catherine I, Anna and Elizabeth quickly turned from beloved daughters into unwanted competitors in the fight for the throne. Catherine did everything possible to get both of them married abroad. This was not so simple, since both princesses were born before the official marriage between their father and mother. Anna managed to marry the Duke of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorp, but nothing worked out with Elizabeth. The suitors refused her one after another, and then she herself learned to refuse those whose marriage infringed on her own pride. And after the death of her mother, she had only one thing left - to try to maintain her position as a slowly aging princess at the courts of her relatives, one after another replacing her on the throne.

Under the young Emperor Peter II, Elizabeth's life was quite bearable. She managed to make friends with her nephew and even become necessary for him. The princess had access to many important matters and had considerable influence at court. In addition, the emperor was also her closest relative - her nephew. Sister Anna died soon after leaving for Germany, and her son Karl Peter Ulrich, another nephew of Elizabeth, was still too young and was far away.

Things got much worse for her during the reign of Anna Ioannovna. Elizabeth had to humble her pride and try her best not to contradict her cousin, the empress. She, being generally a suspicious person, was wary towards her, but did not particularly oppress her. Anna remembered well that Elizabeth’s father, Peter the Great, treated her family very mercifully, and her marriage, accompanied by actual exile to Courland, was the least of the evils that could happen to her if the emperor’s attitude was not so favorable. Anna limited herself to constantly monitoring the life and connections of her cousin. The constable Shcheglovity was introduced into Elizabeth's palace as an agent of the Empress and Field Marshal Minich, who acted as housekeeper. To spy on the princess, special cab drivers were hired, who secretly followed her crew during walks around the city and trips to the suburbs. The main thing, from Anna Ioannovna’s point of view, was to prevent Elizabeth from colluding with her little nephew, the Holstein Duke Peter, about whom the Empress repeatedly said in irritation: “The little devil still lives in Holstein.”

Fortunately, Elizabeth managed to find a common language with the Empress’s favorite Biron. They both needed each other, so they felt all the fragility of their own position at the imperial court and could no longer rely on anyone within the royal family. Biron made sure that Elizabeth did not need financially and could maintain her usual way of life with hunting trips and organizing home holidays at her small court.

Elizabeth has changed in appearance. She retained her former pretty features, but had noticeably gained weight. True, many contemporaries said that her fullness gave her figure significance, and the majestic posture acquired over the years only strengthened this impression. Liveliness and gaiety are a thing of the past. But the princess’s face was often illuminated by a benevolent smile, which immediately endeared her interlocutors to her. Elizabeth could not help but know that she was under constant surveillance. Many nobles politely avoided her, so as not to spoil their reputation by intimacy with the disgraced daughter of Peter the Great. And Elizabeth herself tried once again not to compromise people she knew well. She led a modest and rather secluded life, surrounded by a few courtiers and personal servants.

It cannot be said that Elizabeth was a complete recluse. Periodically, rumors appeared in St. Petersburg about her next fans and favorites. There was nothing special about it. Already from the 2nd half of the 17th century, the royal court and the Romanov family turned a blind eye to the fact that unmarried adult princesses allowed themselves love affairs and even secret marriages with courtiers and nobility. Some of them did not disdain commoners close to the court. One of them, the court singer Razumovsky, became truly dear to the heart of the lonely princess Elizabeth, and subsequently this amorous relationship brought him and his descendants the title of count.

Alexey Grigorievich Razumovsky (1709–1771) Born into the family of a simple Ukrainian Cossack, he ended up at court thanks to his natural talent - an expressive voice and a good ear for music. He was noticed in 1731 among the singers on the choir in a small church in the Chernigov village of Chemar, where envoys of Princess Elizabeth, who loved church choral singing and looked everywhere for singers for her choir, visited. Razumovsky was handsome with a soft southern beauty, he did not have any special political abilities or ambitions, he was distinguished by some laziness and did not pretend to power, unlike Biron. He soon became Elizabeth's page-chamber, replacing his predecessor Shubin, who had fallen out of favor. After the coup d'etat and the accession of Elizabeth Petrovna to the imperial throne, Razumovsky was awarded the ranks of general and chamberlain. In 1756, the Empress granted her lover the rank of Field Marshal and gave the Anichkovs a palace in St. Petersburg. Alexei Razumovsky's closeness to the queen helped his talented brother Kirill make a brilliant career. Having received his education abroad, Kirill Grigorievich Razumovsky traveled extensively throughout Europe and became one of the most cultured people of his time. Upon returning to Russia, he headed the Academy of Sciences, and then became hetman in Ukraine.

Alexey Grigorievich Razumovsky was happy with his relationship with Elizabeth and did not prevent others from pursuing court careers. It was rumored that he had only one drawback - he was “restless when drunk.” But this sin at the Russian court could neither surprise nor shock anyone, so everyone, including Elizabeth herself, treated it condescendingly. Razumovsky agreed with his beloved in everything and was always submissive to her will, which earned him the special trust of the princess. Some sources claim that Razumovsky was not just Elizabeth’s lover, but also her morganatic husband (they allegedly got married secretly). He repeatedly proved his loyalty and devotion to the princess, and then to the empress, in word and deed.

People close to Elizabeth included the sons of her father’s former associates: brothers Alexander Ivanovich and Pyotr Ivanovich Shuvalov, Mikhail Larionovich Vorontsov. They served the princess as faithfully as their fathers had once served Peter the Great. Perhaps their friendship was not completely disinterested: having received nothing from the existing government, they hoped to make a career if their patroness rose. But at least Elizabeth could rely on them and hope that their advice would serve her well.

But the most devoted friend of the disgraced princess turned out to be her personal doctor Johann Hermann Lestok. This German came to Russia during the reign of Peter the Great, but ended up in exile in Siberia following a denunciation of “careless treatment” of the daughter of one of the court servants. Lestok was returned from Siberia by Catherine I, after which the young Elizabeth brought him closer to her, apparently sensing in him a reliable and grateful person. The doctor had a whole set of useful qualities: energy, cheerful disposition, the ability to conduct a conversation and make the necessary connections. Lestok deftly and easily collected the information Elizabeth needed, and was always aware of all court rumors, gossip and secrets. Lestok was friends with many foreigners at the court of Anna Ioannovna, but always respected the interests of the princess. When Minich promised the doctor all sorts of benefits for private denunciations against Elizabeth, he managed to politely but categorically refuse such a dubious honor.

After the death of Anna Ioannovna, Elizabeth was able to breathe more freely. The new rulers, the Brunswickers, were too busy fighting each other to pay serious attention to the princess. But at the same time they stopped giving her money in order to deprive her of the opportunity to support her supporters financially. Elizabeth began to be pitied in society. While her cousin Anna Leopoldovna was intriguing against her own husband Anton Ulrich and their family scandals were increasingly becoming known to the whole world, the disgraced princess served as a model of decent behavior. Sad and majestic, she occasionally appeared at official celebrations and gradually from a victim of circumstances turned in the eyes of her contemporaries into a symbol of the unjustly rejected empress - “Mother Elizabeth.”

Princess Elizaveta Petrovna was especially popular in the guard. There were rumors that during the overthrow of Biron, many guards thought that Elizabeth would become empress, and were, to put it mildly, surprised by the proclamation of Anna Leopoldovna as regent. The princess diligently and skillfully supported the love of the guards officers and soldiers for themselves. She never refused when married guardsmen asked her to baptize their newborn children, and then established almost family relations with her godmothers. Elizabeth often spent the night in the Smolny, or Smolyan, courtyard that belonged to her, located next to the barracks, and here she received guards soldiers and officers. Evil tongues at the imperial court gossiped that the princess held assemblies for the lower ranks of the Preobrazhensky regiment. Prince Anton and Osterman were very worried about Elizabeth’s friendship with the guards, but Anna Leopoldovna, carried away by the arrangement of her love affairs, brushed aside rumors about this as if they were annoying flies, considering it all the whim of an old maid.

The political prospects of the daughter of Peter the Great finally seriously interested foreign ambassadors: French, English and Swedish. The governments of these countries were unhappy that Russia under Anna Leopoldovna was still trying to meddle in European affairs out of old memory. For some reason, those abroad believed that Elizabeth would return the country to pre-Petrine antiquity with its unhurried internal life and indifference to external issues that did not directly concern her. Foreign ambassadors began to make efforts to persuade the princess to carry out a coup d'etat. Sweden even started a war against Russia, one of the goals of which was the alleged desire to elevate the thirteen-year-old Duke of Holstein, Karl Peter Ulrich, to the throne.

Elizabeth herself hesitated all the time. She either made promises to her foreign allies or took them back. She did not have a loyal and decisive person who could lead the guard’s campaign to storm the bedrooms of Anna Leopoldovna and her husband. True, the servants in the Winter Palace said that once the retired Field Marshal Minikh came to the princess and swore that for her he was ready to repeat the same maneuver that ensured the transfer of power to her cousin, but Elizabeth refused his services, saying that she would decide for herself that her to do. But Elizaveta Petrovna did not have enough energy or will to act independently. Thirty-two-year-old, plump beyond her age and lazy from forced idleness, the princess least of all imagined herself in the role of an Amazon in a helmet, rushing at the head of an armed detachment to the Winter Palace to overthrow her distant relatives from the throne.

But the Brunswick family itself provoked Elizabeth and her entourage to take decisive action. In July 1741, the guards loyal to the princess were agitated by rumors that they wanted to marry her to Prince Louis, Anton Ulrich’s brother. Louis of Brunswick was predicted to take the then vacant throne of Duke of Courland. Anna Leopoldovna wanted to kill two birds with one stone with this marriage. On the one hand, she would repeat the trick previously performed by Peter the Great with her aunt Anna Ivanovna: marriage would automatically remove Elizabeth from Russia to Courland and, at least for the near future, would deprive the princess of the opportunity to claim the imperial crown. On the other hand, she would have connected Elizaveta Petrovna with her family through double ties of kinship and could appeal both to the conscience of the princess herself and to public opinion, in the event of attempts on her part on the throne occupied by Ivan Antonovich, who in this case found himself in a double role - nephew and cousin of the applicant. But the ruler’s matrimonial plans failed. Elizabeth stated that she never intended to get married. Anna Leopoldovna, who had just given birth to her daughter Catherine and did not leave her bedroom on this occasion, tried to put pressure on her cousin through the courtiers, but they unanimously refused to take part in such a delicate matter.

The project of marrying Elizabeth to the French Prince Conti ended just as unsuccessfully. Allegedly, the wife of the court painter Caravacca approached her with such a proposal. But when the French ambassador Marquis Joachim Jean Shetardie de la Trotti began asking Elizabeth herself about this, the princess replied that this was an empty rumor. To consider other options after a decisive refusal to Prince Louis of Brunswick and statements that she would never marry would be extremely careless and insulting to Anna Ioannovna and Anton Ulrich.

Then they began to hint to Elizabeth that as an unmarried girl (the secret marriage with Razumovsky did not count) she was not needed at court, and she could be tonsured as a nun, remembering the old tradition of the royal family. In response, the princess intensified her secret relations with foreign ambassadors and agents of European governments. Some of these contacts were traced by Anna Leopoldovna's spies. A scandal in the Romanov family became inevitable. To sort things out, all they needed was a reason.

This was the appearance of the Swedish manifesto, deliberately left by soldiers in one of the Finnish villages. The manifesto said that the Swedes were fighting Russia not for reasons of their own benefit, but in the name of restoring justice, liberating Russians from the dominance of foreigners and placing a sovereign of Russian blood on the throne. Osterman and Prince Anton were alarmed. The document was clearly inspired by Elizaveta Petrovna's friends. Rumors had long been circulating in the capital that instead of the baby Ivan, the throne would soon be taken by his cousin from Holstein - the grandson of Peter the Great, who had only three years left before coming of age, and that an independent emperor would again appear in Russia, without any regents or regents. Otherwise, the throne may not even go to the children of Anton Ulrich, but to the children of Anna Leopoldovna, born from her love affair with Linar, and the country will no longer be ruled by the Romanovs themselves, but by their bastards.

Osterman and Prince Anton took urgent measures to prevent the text of the manifesto from being disseminated among the people. They reported everything to the ruler. Anna Leopoldovna at first, as always, wanted to brush it off, but then she decided to call Elizaveta Petrovna for a frank conversation.

On Monday, November 23, one of the usual kurtags (receptions) took place in the Winter Palace. The Marquis of Shetardy noticed that Anna Leopoldovna looked gloomier than usual and kept walking in circles around the hall. Then she retired to a secluded room and called Elizabeth there. After some time, the princess came out, traces of strong excitement were visible on her face.

Anna Leopoldovna demanded that Elizabeth stop meeting with Shetardy, whom she wanted to expel from the country. The princess replied that Osterman, as the first minister, should order the French ambassador not to see her, since she herself did not dare to say such things to a respected foreigner. Annoyed at being contradicted, the ruler began to speak to Elizabeth in a commanding tone, and she also raised her voice. Anna stated that she became aware of the princess’s relations with the enemy army and the political intrigues of her doctor Lestocq. Elizaveta Petrovna denied everything. Anna Leopoldovna promised, if there was evidence, to arrest Lestocq and interrogate him. Both ladies were extremely irritated and dissatisfied with the results of the conversation.

This was Elizabeth's first serious clash with the ruler. She revealed to the princess the full danger of her position. If Lestocq is arrested and tortured, it is difficult to say whether he will be able to keep their common secrets, and then a monastery and exile will be inevitable. Elizabeth decided to act. She did not yet know that she had less than a day left for her final thoughts.

The next day, November 24, at the first hour of the day, a government order was received in the barracks of all guards regiments to prepare for an imminent campaign in Finland against the Swedes. But those around Elizaveta Petrovna immediately realized that this was just an excuse. In fact, they want to take the guard away from the capital in order to leave the princess without any support. Vorontsov, Razumovsky, Shuvalov and Lestok approached Elizabeth and began to insist that she immediately, with the help of the guards, carry out a coup, otherwise anything could soon happen to her.

Elizabeth hesitated. She was never a desperate adventurer. But her attempts to present to her comrades the full danger of this undertaking led to nothing; they stood their ground. Vorontsov, in order to strengthen the spirit of the princess, said that such a thing, which requires considerable courage, could only be accomplished by her, connected by blood ties with Peter the Great. Lestocq, fearing a quick arrest, demanded that the grenadiers be immediately sent for and led to the Winter Palace. Much later, the court physician claimed that it was he who managed to finally convince Elizabeth. He drew two pictures on two playing cards from a deck lying on the table. One of them depicted the princess in a monastery, where her hair was cut off and turned into a nun, and the other depicted her on the throne in the imperial crown and surrounded by a jubilant crowd. Lestocq suggested that Elizabeth choose one of two cards and end the bickering there. She decisively chose the second and expressed her readiness to lead a detachment of guards.

Finally they sent for the grenadier officers. They came to the princess at night, between 11 and 12 o’clock, and themselves suggested that she immediately carry out a coup, since the next morning they could be sent on a campaign, and then they would no longer help her. Elizabeth asked if she could rely on them, and the grenadiers swore loyalty and devotion to her to the end, no matter what the circumstances. The princess began to cry and ordered to leave her alone. Kneeling down, she prayed in front of the icon. There is a legend that at this time she swore to herself and God never to sign a death warrant. After the prayer, Elizabeth came out to the officers with a cross in her hands and led them to the oath. The princess promised to soon personally appear at the barracks and lead the soldiers to the palace.

From the book History of Russia in stories for children author

Emperor John and the regency of Biron 1740 On August 12, 1740, Anna Ioannovna had the joy of seeing this heir: Princess Anna, who after baptism was called Grand Duchess Anna Leopoldovna, had a son, John. The Empress accepted with the tenderness of her mother

From the book History of Russia in stories for children author Ishimova Alexandra Osipovna

Ruler Anna Leopoldovna from 1740 to 1741 For a long time there was no such fun in St. Petersburg as on the day that came after the alarming night, when in the morning the news spread through all the houses that the terrible Duke of Courland was no longer giving out his formidable orders in

author Klyuchevsky Vasily Osipovich

Anna Ioannovna (1693–1740) Peter the Second was in power for only three years, the boy caught a cold and died. According to tradition, already at the bedside of the dying man, a fierce dispute also began;

From the book Complete Course of Russian History: in one book [in modern presentation] author Soloviev Sergey Mikhailovich

Empress Anna Ioannovna (1730–1740) There were no more male heirs. It was necessary to decide which of the descendants of Peter the Great through the female line could be given the throne. The best contender would be Elizaveta Petrovna, Peter's daughter. The Dolgorukys hoped to imprison

From the book Complete Course of Russian History: in one book [in modern presentation] author Soloviev Sergey Mikhailovich

Anna Leopoldovna and the infant emperor Ivan Antonovich (1740–1741) A strange thing, however, was noticed by Soloviev, delving into documents of the 18th century. Immediately after the announcement of baby John as Emperor of Russia, another decree was issued, which suggested that in the case of a childless

From the book A Crowd of Heroes of the 18th Century author Anisimov Evgeniy Viktorovich

Emperor Ivan Antonovich: the iron mask of Russian history This island at the very source of the cold and dark Neva from Lake Ladoga was the first piece of enemy Swedish land that Peter I set foot on at the very beginning of the Northern War. No wonder he renamed

From the book Romanov Dynasty. Puzzles. Versions. Problems author Grimberg Faina Iontelevna

Ruler Anna Leopoldovna (ruled from 1740 to 1741) and “the most Russian emperor” Biron failed to marry his son to Anna Leopoldovna. She was married to Duke Anton-Ulrich of Brunswick-Lüneburg. However, Anna Ioannovna did not leave the throne in her will.

author Istomin Sergey Vitalievich

From the book I Explore the World. History of Russian Tsars author Istomin Sergey Vitalievich

From the book Alphabetical reference list of Russian sovereigns and the most remarkable persons of their blood author Khmyrov Mikhail Dmitrievich

From the book Northern Palmyra. The first days of St. Petersburg author Marsden Christopher

From the book All the Rulers of Russia author Vostryshev Mikhail Ivanovich

EMPEROR IVAN VI ANTONOVICH (1740–1764) Son of the niece of Empress Anna Ivanovna, Princess Anna Leopoldovna of Mecklenburg and Duke Anton-Ulrich of Brunswick. Born on August 12, 1740 in St. Petersburg and declared by Anna Ivanovna’s manifesto of October 5, 1740

author Sukina Lyudmila Borisovna

Empress Anna Ioannovna (01/28/1693-10/17/1740) Years of reign - 1730-1740 Anna Ioannovna, who in some historical novels and popular science books is represented as almost a usurper of the Russian imperial throne, had every right to take the throne. She was a daughter

From the book Family Tragedies of the Romanovs. Difficult choice author Sukina Lyudmila Borisovna

Family of Emperor Ivan (John) VI Antonovich 08/02/1740-07/04/1764 Years of reign: 1740-1741 Mother - Duchess Anna (Elizabeth) Leopoldovna (12/07/1718-03/07/1746), daughter of the sister of Empress Anna Ioannovna, Princess Ekaterina Ivanovna and Karl Leopold, Prince of Mecklenburg-Schwerin. Since 1739

From the book I Explore the World. History of Russian Tsars author Istomin Sergey Vitalievich

Empress Anna Ioannovna Years of life 1693–1740 Years of reign 1730–1740 Father - Ivan V Alekseevich, senior Tsar and Sovereign of All Rus', co-ruler of Peter I. Mother - Praskovya Fedorovna Saltykova. Anna Ivanovna (Ioannovna), Empress of All Russia, was the middle daughter of Tsar John

From the book I Explore the World. History of Russian Tsars author Istomin Sergey Vitalievich

Emperor Ivan VI Years of life 1740–1764 Years of reign 1740–1741 Father - Prince Anton Ulrich of Brunswick-Bevern-Lunenburg. Mother - Elizabeth-Catherine-Christina, in Orthodoxy Anna Leopoldovna of Brunswick, granddaughter of Ivan V, Tsar and Great Sovereign of All Russia. Ivan VI Antonovich

Ivan VI Antonovich (Ioann Antonovich)
Years of life: 12 (23) August 1740-5 (16) July 1764
Reign: 1740-1741

Russian emperor from the Welf dynasty from October 1740 to November 1741, great-grandson of Ivan V.

Son of Duke Anton Ulrich of Brunswick and Anna Leopoldovna.

In official sources, Ivan is referred to as John III, that is, the account is traced back to the first Russian Tsar; in later historiography there was a tendency to call him Ivan (John) VI, considering him from.

Reign of Ivan VI

After the death of the Empress, 2-month-old Ivan Antonovich (son of Anna Leopoldovna, niece of Anna Ioannovna), was proclaimed emperor. Anna Ioannovna wanted to leave the throne for the descendants of her father Ivan V and was very worried that it would pass to the descendants of Peter I. Therefore, in her will she indicated that the heir was Ivan Antonovich, and in the event of his death, the other children of her niece Anna Leopoldovna in order of precedence in case of their birth
Under Ivan, Duke E.I. was appointed regent. Biron, and after the latter was overthrown by the guards after 2 weeks of Ivan’s reign, Anna Leopoldovna was declared the new regent. Unable to rule the country, Anna gradually transferred her power to Minich, and was soon replaced by Osterman, who dismissed the field marshal.

Overthrow of Ivan VI

A year later there was a new revolution. Elizabeth, the daughter of Peter the Great, together with the Preobrazhenians arrested Osterman, Emperor Ivan VI, his parents and everyone around them.

On November 25, 1741 he was overthrown. First, Ivan VI Antonovich was sent into exile with his parents, then transferred to solitary confinement. The place of detention of the former emperor was constantly changing and was kept in terrible secrecy.

On December 31, 1741, a decree of Empress Elizabeth was announced on the surrender by the population of all coins with the name of Ivan Antonovich for melting down. Later, a decree was published on the destruction of all portraits depicting Ivan Antonovich and on the replacement of business documents with the name of the emperor with new ones.

Ivan VI and Peter III in Shlisselburg.

In 1742, the entire family was secretly transferred to the suburb of Riga - Dunamünde, then in 1744 to Oranienburg, and then, away from the border, to the north of the country - to Kholmogory, where little Ivan Antonovich was completely isolated from his parents.

In 1746, Ivan was left without a mother; she died from long northern campaigns.

Since 1756, Ivan Antonovich was in solitary confinement in the Shlisselburg fortress. In the fortress, Ivan (officially referred to as a “famous prisoner”) was completely isolated from people. But documents indicate that the prisoner-emperor knew about his royal origins, knew how to read and write, and dreamed of monastic life. Since 1759, signs of inappropriate behavior began to be observed in Ivan Antonovich.

While Ivan was in captivity, many attempts were made to free the deposed emperor and restore him to the throne.

In 1764, Ivan, at the age of 24, was killed by guards during an attempt by officer V.Ya. Mirovich, together with part of the garrison, release him and proclaim him emperor instead of Catherine II.

Mirovich was arrested and executed in St. Petersburg as a state criminal.

The “famous prisoner,” former Emperor Ivan Antonovich, is believed to be buried in the Shlisselburg fortress; but in fact, he is the only one of the Russian emperors whose burial place is currently unknown.

Ivan did not marry, he did not have children.

The son of Prince Anton-Ulrich of Brunswick and Luneburg and Anna Leopoldovna of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, John VI (23.8.1740 - 16.7.1764) was crowned Emperor and Autocrat of All Russia at three months of age. The regent for her young son was Anna Leopoldovna (12/18/1718 - 3/21/1746). Already in 1741, John VI and his mother were overthrown from the throne by Elizaveta Petrovna, daughter of Peter I. Anna Leopoldovna and her entire family, except John, were sent into exile. John Antonovich spent his entire life in captivity and died in the Shlisselburg fortress, and his mother died in Kholmogory and was buried in the Annunciation Church of the Alexander Nevsky Lavra in St. Petersburg.

+Emperor John 6 Ivan Antonovich.

John VI Antonovich (1740 - 1764) - the son of the granddaughter of Tsar John V, Anna Leopoldovna, and Duke Anton-Ulrich of Brunswick-Lüneburg. After the death of Empress Anna Ioannovna, he was proclaimed Emperor of All Russia on October 18, 1740 (three months old). The ruler under the young emperor was his mother, Anna Leopoldovna. After the palace coup on November 25, 1741, organized by supporters of Elizabeth Petrovna, and the overthrow of the Brunswick dynasty, John Antonovich was arrested, like his entire family, and was kept in captivity separately from his relatives. Since 1756 he was in the Shlisselburg fortress. He was killed by guards during an attempt to free him, undertaken by Lieutenant Mirovich, on the night of July 5, 1764

+John 6 with his mother Anna Leopoldovna.

The son of the niece of Empress Anna Ioannovna, Princess Anna Leopoldovna of Mecklenburg and Prince Anton-Ulrich of Braraunschweig-Lüneburg. Enthroned after the death of Anna Ioannovna, Emperor from 10/17/1740 to 11/25/1741. Before her death, Anna Ioannovna signed a manifesto in which John was declared heir to the throne, and Duke Biron as regent until he came of age (17 years old). After the death of the empress, her niece Anna Leopoldovna carried out a coup on the night of November 8-9, 1740, declared herself ruler, and sent Biron into exile. And a year later, also on the night of November 24-25, 1741, Tsarevna Elizaveta Petrovna (daughter of Peter I), together with the officers and soldiers of the Preobrazhensky Regiment loyal to her, arrested the ruler in the palace. Anna Leopoldovna, along with her family and Emperor John VI, was sent to Riga and promised to be transported abroad in exchange for renouncing all rights to the Russian throne. However, after an attempt by Elizabeth’s opponents to organize a coup in favor of John VI, she changed her mind. For security reasons, Anna Leopoldovna's family, after a series of transfers, was sent to Kholmogory, and John VI was separated from the family and kept separately. He stayed there for about 12 years completely alone, the only person who saw him was Major Miller, who was watching him. However, rumors about his stay in Kholmogory quickly spread, and it was decided to transfer John VI to Shlisselburg. In Shlisselburg he was kept in solitary confinement. Only three officers knew who this prisoner was. However, John knew who he was and called himself sovereign. One of the guards taught him to read, and John was allowed to read the Bible. With the coming to power of Peter III, John's position only worsened. Peter ordered to beat him and put him in chains for the slightest disobedience. He himself decided to examine the prisoner incognito. Under the guise of an officer, he visited John VI and found that his home was sparsely furnished, the prisoner himself was dressed poorly, and spoke incoherently. However, to the question who is he? - he answered “Emperor Ivan”. It turned out that he remembers his parents and from them and from the soldiers he knows about his origin. After Peter III, power passed to Catherine II. She replaced John's entourage and issued a decree ordering that the captive be persuaded to accept monasticism. When any of his supporters tried to free him, the guards were ordered to kill John. After some time, Catherine was informed that the prisoner agreed to accept the monastic rank. Despite the strict observance of the secret, the second lieutenant of the Smolensk infantry regiment, Vasily Yakovlevich Mirovich, who was stationed in the garrison of the fortress, recognized it and decided to carry out a coup, freeing John and proclaiming him emperor. With the help of forged manifestos, he won over the garrison soldiers to his side, arrested the commandant of the fortress and demanded the extradition of John. After a short resistance, the guards surrendered, having first followed Catherine’s instructions and killed the prisoner. After a thorough investigation, determining that Mirovich had no accomplices, he was sentenced to death and his head was cut off. The soldiers who helped him were driven through the ranks, six people were sent to hard labor, and the remaining 41 people were sent to the Siberian Corps. Many contemporaries believed that the attempt to free John was carefully thought out by Catherine herself, and Mirovich was just an executor. There are no documentary sources confirming this hypothesis, but a number of competent sources consider it plausible. Mirovich was the grandson of an associate of Hetman Mazepa, this affected his career and damaged his pride. Probably, Catherine was looking for a suitable person and, having learned about Mirovich, invited him to stage an attempt to free John VI. The fact that Mirovich was confident in his impunity is also evidenced by the fact that, standing on the scaffold, he waited until the last minute for a messenger from the empress with a decree of pardon.

Anna Leopoldovna.

Anna Leopoldovna.

Daughter of Catherine Ioannovna, niece of Peter I, and Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin Karl-Leopold. In 1739, Anna was married to Prince Anton-Ulrich of Brunswick-Lüneburg. On August 12, 1740, her son John was born, who in October was declared emperor under the regency of Duke Biron. Weak and indecisive Anna Leopoldovna could not dare to make a coup in her favor; the ambitious and energetic Field Marshal B.K. Minikh did it for her. In November 1740, the field marshal carried out a coup in favor of Anna Leopoldovna

- sometimes also called Ivan III (according to the kings), the son of the niece of Empress Anna Ioannovna, Princess Anna Leopoldovna of Mecklenburg, and Duke Anton-Ulrich of Brunswick-Lüneburg, b. On August 12, 1740, and by Anna Ioannovna’s manifesto, dated October 5, 1740, he was declared heir to the throne. After the death of Anna Ioannovna (October 17, 1740), Ivan was proclaimed emperor, and the manifesto of October 18. announced the awarding of the regency until Ivan came of age, that is, until he turned 17 years old. Duke of Courland Biron. After the overthrow of Biron by Minich (November 8), the regency passed to Anna Leopoldovna, but already on the night of December 25. 1741 ruler with her husband and children, including the emperor. Ivan, were arrested in the palace by Elizaveta Petrovna and the latter was proclaimed empress. At first, she intended to send the deposed emperor and his entire family abroad, and on December 12. In 1741 they were sent from St. Petersburg to Riga, under the supervision of Lieutenant General. V. F. Saltykova; but then Elizabeth changed her intentions and, before reaching Riga, Saltykov received orders to travel as quietly as possible, delaying the journey under various pretexts, and to stop in Riga and wait for new orders. The prisoners stayed in Riga until December 13. 1742, when they were transported to the Dynamünde fortress. During this time, Elizabeth finally decided not to let Ivan and his parents, as dangerous pretenders, out of Russia. In January 1744, there was a decree on a new transportation of the former ruler and her family, this time to the city of Ranenburg (now the city of Ryazan province), and the executor of this order, captain-lieutenant Vyndomsky, almost brought them to Orenburg . On June 27, 1744, Chamberlain Baron N.A. Korfu was ordered by the decree of the Empress to take the family of royal prisoners to the Solovetsky Monastery, and Ivan, both during this trip and during his stay in Solovki, was to be completely separated from his family and none of outsiders should not have access to it, except for a specially assigned overseer.

Korf took the prisoners, however, only to Kholmogory and, presenting to the government all the difficulty of transporting them to Solovki and keeping them secret there, convinced them to leave them in this city. Here Ivan spent about 12 years in complete solitary confinement, cut off from all communication with people; the only person with whom he could see was Major Miller, who was watching him, and in turn was almost deprived of the opportunity to communicate with other persons guarding the family of the former emperor. Nevertheless, rumors about Ivan’s stay in Kholmogory spread, and the government decided to take new precautions. At the beginning of 1756, the sergeant of the life campaign Savin was ordered to secretly take Ivan out of Kholmogory and secretly deliver him to Shlisselburg, and Colonel Vyndomsky, the chief bailiff of the Brunswick family, was given the order: “The remaining prisoners will be kept as before, even more strictly and with adding more guards so as not to show that the prisoner was being taken out; to our office and upon departure of the prisoner to report that he is under your guard, as they reported before.” In Shlisselburg, the secret had to be kept no less strictly: the commandant of the fortress himself was not supposed to know who was being held there under the name of a “famous prisoner”; Only three officers of the team guarding him could see Ivan and knew his name; they were forbidden to tell Ivan where he was; Even a field marshal could not be allowed into the fortress without a decree from the Secret Chancellery.

With the accession of Peter III, Ivan's position did not improve, but rather changed for the worse, although there were rumors about Peter's intention to free the prisoner. The instructions given by gr. A.I. Shuvalov, Ivan’s chief bailiff (Prince Churmanteev), ordered, among other things: “If the prisoner begins to create any disorder or displease you, or says something obscene, then put him on a chain until he pacifies, and if he does not listens, then beat you with a stick and a whip." In the decree of Peter III, Churmanteev dated January 1, 1762, he was ordered: “If, beyond our expectations, whoever dares to take a prisoner away from you, in this case, resist as much as possible and do not give the prisoner alive into your hands.” In the instructions given upon Catherine’s accession to the throne by N.I. Panin, to whom she was entrusted with the main supervision of the maintenance of the Shlisselburg prisoner, this last point was expressed even more clearly: “If, beyond expectation, it happens that someone comes with a team or alone, even if it were the commandant or some other officer, without a personal order signed by Her I.V. or without a written order from me, and wanted to take the prisoner from you, then do not give him to anyone and consider everything as a forgery or an enemy hand. If this hand is so strong that it is impossible to escape, then the prisoner will be killed, and not given into the hands of anyone alive.”

According to some news, after Catherine’s accession, Bestuzhev drew up a plan for her marriage to Ivan. It is true that Catherine saw Ivan at this time and, as she herself admitted later in the manifesto, found him damaged in mind. Ivan was portrayed as crazy, or at least easily losing his mental balance, in the reports of the officers assigned to him. However, Ivan knew his origins, despite the mystery surrounding him, and called himself sovereign. Despite the strict prohibition of teaching him anything, he learned to read and write from someone, and then he was allowed to read the Bible. The secret of Ivan’s stay in Shlisselburg was not preserved, and this completely destroyed him. Second Lieutenant of the Smolensk Infantry Regiment Vas, stationed in the garrison of the fortress. Yak. Mirovich decided to release him and proclaim him emperor; on the night of July 4-5, 1764, he began to carry out his plan and, having won over the garrison soldiers to his side with the help of forged manifestos, arrested the commandant of the fortress, Berednikov, and demanded the extradition of Ivan. The bailiffs at first resisted with the help of their team, but when Mirovich aimed a cannon at the fortress, they surrendered, having previously, according to the exact meaning of the instructions, killed Ivan. After a thorough investigation, which revealed the complete absence of accomplices among Mirovich, the latter was executed.

During the reign of Elizabeth and her immediate successors, the very name I; was persecuted: the seals of his reign were altered, the coin was overflowed, all business papers with the name of the imp. Ivan was ordered to be collected and sent to the Senate; manifestos, sworn certificates, church books, forms of commemoration of persons of the Imp. houses in churches, sermons and passports were ordered to be burned, the rest of the files should be kept under seal and when making inquiries with them not to use the title and name of Ivan, hence the name of these documents “deeds with a well-known title.” Only the highest approved on August 19. In 1762, the Senate report stopped further destruction of the affairs of Ivan’s time, which threatened to violate the interests of private individuals. Recently, the surviving documents were partly published in their entirety, partly processed in the Moscow edition. archive min. Justice.

Literature: Soloviev, “History of Russia” (vols. 21 and 22); Hermann, "Geschichte des Russischen Staates"; M. Semevsky, “Ivan VI Antonovich” (Otech. Notes, 1866, vol. CLXV); Brickner, "Emperor John Antonovich and his relatives. 1741-1807" (M., 1874); “The internal life of the Russian state from October 17, 1740 to November 20, 1741” (published by the Moscow Architectural Ministry of Justice, vol. I, 1880, vol. II, 1886); Bilbasov, "Geschichte Catherine II" (vol. II); some minor information is also in the articles “Russian Antiquities”: “The fate of the family of the ruler Anna Leopoldovna” (1873, vol. VII) and “Emperor John Antonovich” (1879, vols. 24 and 25).

V. M-n.

Encyclopedia Brockhaus-Efron