Civil War leaders. The most famous generals of the white movement

In the civil war, a variety of forces opposed the Bolsheviks. These were Cossacks, nationalists, democrats, monarchists. All of them, despite their differences, served the White cause. Having been defeated, the leaders of the anti-Soviet forces either died or were able to emigrate.

Alexander Kolchak

Although the resistance to the Bolsheviks never became fully united, it was Alexander Vasilyevich Kolchak (1874-1920) that is considered by many historians to be the main figure of the White movement. He was a professional military man and served in the navy. In peacetime, Kolchak became famous as a polar explorer and oceanographer.

Like other career military men, Alexander Vasilyevich Kolchak gained a wealth of experience during the Japanese campaign and the First World War. With the coming to power of the Provisional Government, he emigrated to the United States for a short time. When news of the Bolshevik coup arrived from his homeland, Kolchak returned to Russia.

The admiral arrived in Siberian Omsk, where the Socialist Revolutionary government made him minister of war. In 1918, officers carried out a coup, and Kolchak was named Supreme Ruler of Russia. Other leaders of the White movement at that time did not have as large forces as Alexander Vasilyevich (he had an army of 150,000 at his disposal).

In the territory under his control, Kolchak restored the legislation of the Russian Empire. Moving from Siberia to the west, the army of the Supreme Ruler of Russia advanced to the Volga region. At the peak of their success, White was already approaching Kazan. Kolchak tried to attract as many Bolshevik forces as possible in order to clear Denikin’s road to Moscow.

In the second half of 1919, the Red Army launched a massive offensive. The Whites retreated further and further into Siberia. Foreign allies (Czechoslovak Corps) handed over Kolchak, who was traveling east on the train, to the Socialist Revolutionaries. The admiral was shot in Irkutsk in February 1920.

Anton Denikin

If in the east of Russia Kolchak was at the head of the White Army, then in the south the key military leader for a long time was Anton Ivanovich Denikin (1872-1947). Born in Poland, he went to study in the capital and became a staff officer.

Then Denikin served on the border with Austria. He spent the First World War in Brusilov's army, took part in the famous breakthrough and operation in Galicia. The Provisional Government briefly made Anton Ivanovich commander of the Southwestern Front. Denikin supported Kornilov's rebellion. After the failure of the coup, the lieutenant general was in prison for some time (Bykhovsky prison).

Having been released in November 1917, Denikin began to support the White Cause. Together with generals Kornilov and Alekseev, he created (and then single-handedly led) the Volunteer Army, which became the backbone of the resistance to the Bolsheviks in southern Russia. It was Denikin that the Entente countries relied on when they declared war on Soviet power after its separate peace with Germany.

For some time Denikin was in conflict with the Don Ataman Pyotr Krasnov. Under pressure from the allies, he submitted to Anton Ivanovich. In January 1919, Denikin became the commander-in-chief of the VSYUR - the Armed Forces of the South of Russia. His army cleared the Bolsheviks from Kuban, the Don Territory, Tsaritsyn, Donbass, and Kharkov. The Denikin offensive stalled in Central Russia.

The AFSR retreated to Novocherkassk. From there, Denikin moved to Crimea, where in April 1920, under pressure from opponents, he transferred his powers to Peter Wrangel. Then came the departure to Europe. While in exile, the general wrote his memoirs, “Essays on the Russian Time of Troubles,” in which he tried to answer the question of why the White movement was defeated. Anton Ivanovich blamed the Bolsheviks exclusively for the civil war. He refused to support Hitler and criticized collaborators. After the defeat of the Third Reich, Denikin changed his place of residence and moved to the USA, where he died in 1947.

Lavr Kornilov

The organizer of the unsuccessful coup, Lavr Georgievich Kornilov (1870-1918), was born into the family of a Cossack officer, which predetermined his military career. He served as a scout in Persia, Afghanistan and India. During the war, having been captured by the Austrians, the officer fled to his homeland.

At first, Lavr Georgievich Kornilov supported the Provisional Government. He considered the leftists to be the main enemies of Russia. Being a supporter of strong power, he began to prepare an anti-government protest. His campaign against Petrograd failed. Kornilov, along with his supporters, was arrested.

With the onset of the October Revolution, the general was released. He became the first commander-in-chief of the Volunteer Army in southern Russia. In February 1918, Kornilov organized the First Kuban to Ekaterinodar. This operation became legendary. All leaders of the White movement in the future tried to be equal to the pioneers. Kornilov died tragically during an artillery shelling of Yekaterinodar.

Nikolai Yudenich

General Nikolai Nikolaevich Yudenich (1862-1933) was one of Russia's most successful military leaders in the war against Germany and its allies. He led the headquarters of the Caucasian Army during its battles with the Ottoman Empire. Having come to power, Kerensky dismissed the military leader.

With the onset of the October Revolution, Nikolai Nikolaevich Yudenich lived illegally in Petrograd for some time. At the beginning of 1919, using forged documents, he moved to Finland. The Russian Committee, which met in Helsinki, proclaimed him commander-in-chief.

Yudenich established contact with Alexander Kolchak. Having coordinated his actions with the admiral, Nikolai Nikolaevich unsuccessfully tried to enlist the support of the Entente and Mannerheim. In the summer of 1919, he received the portfolio of Minister of War in the so-called North-Western government, formed in Revel.

In the fall, Yudenich organized a campaign against Petrograd. Basically, the White movement in the civil war operated on the outskirts of the country. Yudenich's army, on the contrary, tried to liberate the capital (as a result, the Bolshevik government moved to Moscow). She occupied Tsarskoye Selo, Gatchina and reached the Pulkovo Heights. Trotsky was able to transport reinforcements to Petrograd by rail, thereby nullifying all attempts by the Whites to gain the city.

By the end of 1919, Yudenich retreated to Estonia. A few months later he emigrated. The general spent some time in London, where Winston Churchill visited him. Having come to terms with defeat, Yudenich settled in France and retired from politics. He died in Cannes from pulmonary tuberculosis.

Alexey Kaledin

When the October Revolution broke out, Alexei Maksimovich Kaledin (1861-1918) was the chieftain of the Don Army. He was elected to this post several months before the events in Petrograd. In the Cossack cities, primarily in Rostov, sympathy for the socialists was strong. Ataman, on the contrary, considered the Bolshevik coup to be criminal. Having received alarming news from Petrograd, he defeated the Soviets in the Donskoy Region.

Alexey Maksimovich Kaledin acted from Novocherkassk. In November, another white general, Mikhail Alekseev, arrived there. Meanwhile, the Cossacks for the most part hesitated. Many war-weary front-line soldiers eagerly responded to the slogans of the Bolsheviks. Others were neutral towards Lenin's government. Almost no one disliked the socialists.

Having lost hope of restoring contact with the overthrown Provisional Government, Kaledin took decisive steps. He declared independence. In response to this, the Rostov Bolsheviks rebelled. Ataman, enlisting the support of Alekseev, suppressed this uprising. The first blood was shed on the Don.

At the end of 1917, Kaledin gave the green light to the creation of the anti-Bolshevik Volunteer Army. Two parallel forces appeared in Rostov. On the one hand, it was the Volunteer generals, on the other, the local Cossacks. The latter increasingly sympathized with the Bolsheviks. In December, the Red Army occupied Donbass and Taganrog. Meanwhile, the Cossack units had completely disintegrated. Realizing that his own subordinates did not want to fight Soviet power, the ataman committed suicide.

Ataman Krasnov

After Kaledin's death, the Cossacks did not sympathize with the Bolsheviks for long. When the Don was established, yesterday’s front-line soldiers quickly began to hate the Reds. Already in May 1918, an uprising broke out on the Don.

Pyotr Krasnov (1869-1947) became the new ataman of the Don Cossacks. During the war with Germany and Austria, he, like many other white generals, participated in the glorious The military always treated the Bolsheviks with disgust. It was he who, on the orders of Kerensky, tried to recapture Petrograd from Lenin’s supporters when the October Revolution had just taken place. Krasnov's small detachment occupied Tsarskoye Selo and Gatchina, but the Bolsheviks soon surrounded and disarmed him.

After the first failure, Pyotr Krasnov was able to move to the Don. Having become the ataman of the anti-Soviet Cossacks, he refused to obey Denikin and tried to pursue an independent policy. In particular, Krasnov established friendly relations with the Germans.

Only when capitulation was announced in Berlin did the isolated chieftain submit to Denikin. The commander-in-chief of the Volunteer Army did not tolerate his dubious ally for long. In February 1919, Krasnov, under pressure from Denikin, left for Yudenich’s army in Estonia. From there he emigrated to Europe.

Like many leaders of the White movement who found themselves in exile, the former Cossack chieftain dreamed of revenge. Hatred of the Bolsheviks pushed him to support Hitler. The Germans made Krasnov the head of the Cossacks in the occupied Russian territories. After the defeat of the Third Reich, the British handed Pyotr Nikolaevich over to the USSR. In the Soviet Union he was tried and sentenced to capital punishment. Krasnov was executed.

Ivan Romanovsky

Military leader Ivan Pavlovich Romanovsky (1877-1920) during the tsarist era was a participant in the war with Japan and Germany. In 1917, he supported Kornilov’s speech and, together with Denikin, served an arrest in the city of Bykhov. Having moved to the Don, Romanovsky participated in the formation of the first organized anti-Bolshevik detachments.

The general was appointed Denikin's deputy and headed his headquarters. It is believed that Romanovsky had a great influence on his boss. In his will, Denikin even named Ivan Pavlovich as his successor in the event of an unexpected death.

Due to his directness, Romanovsky conflicted with many other military leaders in the Dobrarmiya, and then in the All-Soviet Union of Socialists. The white movement in Russia had an ambivalent attitude towards him. When Denikin was replaced by Wrangel, Romanovsky left all his posts and left for Istanbul. In the same city he was killed by Lieutenant Mstislav Kharuzin. The shooter, who also served in the White Army, explained his action by saying that he blamed Romanovsky for the defeat of the AFSR in the civil war.

Sergey Markov

In the Volunteer Army, Sergei Leonidovich Markov (1878-1918) became a cult hero. The regiment and colored military units were named after him. Markov became famous for his tactical talent and his own courage, which he demonstrated in every battle with the Red Army. Participants in the White movement treated the memory of this general with special reverence.

Markov's military biography in the tsarist era was typical for an officer of that time. He took part in the Japanese campaign. On the German front he commanded a rifle regiment, then became the chief of staff at several fronts. In the summer of 1917, Markov supported the Kornilov rebellion and, together with other future white generals, was under arrest in Bykhov.

At the beginning of the civil war, the military man moved to the south of Russia. He was one of the founders of the Volunteer Army. Markov made a great contribution to the White Cause in the First Kuban Campaign. On the night of April 16, 1918, he and a small detachment of volunteers captured Medvedovka, an important railway station, where volunteers destroyed a Soviet armored train, and then broke out of encirclement and escaped pursuit. The result of the battle was the salvation of Denikin’s army, which had just completed an unsuccessful assault on Ekaterinodar and was on the verge of defeat.

Markov's feat made him a hero for the whites and a sworn enemy for the reds. Two months later, the talented general took part in the Second Kuban Campaign. Near the town of Shablievka, his units encountered superior enemy forces. At a fateful moment for himself, Markov found himself in an open place where he had set up an observation post. Fire was opened on the position from a Red Army armored train. A grenade exploded near Sergei Leonidovich, fatally wounding him. A few hours later, on June 26, 1918, the soldier died.

Peter Wrangel

(1878-1928), also known as the Black Baron, came from a noble family and had roots associated with the Baltic Germans. Before becoming a military man, he received an engineering education. The craving for military service, however, prevailed, and Peter went to study to become a cavalryman.

Wrangel's debut campaign was the war with Japan. During the First World War he served in the Horse Guards. He distinguished himself by several exploits, for example by capturing a German battery. Once on the Southwestern Front, the officer took part in the famous Brusilov breakthrough.

During the days of the February Revolution, Pyotr Nikolaevich called for troops to be sent to Petrograd. For this, the Provisional Government removed him from service. The black baron moved to a dacha in Crimea, where he was arrested by the Bolsheviks. The nobleman managed to escape only thanks to the pleas of his own wife.

As an aristocrat and supporter of the monarchy, for Wrangel the White Idea was the only position during the Civil War. He joined Denikin. The military leader served in the Caucasian Army and led the capture of Tsaritsyn. After the defeats of the White Army during the march to Moscow, Wrangel began to criticize his superior Denikin. The conflict led to the general's temporary departure to Istanbul.

Soon Pyotr Nikolaevich returned to Russia. In the spring of 1920, he was elected commander-in-chief of the Russian army. Crimea became its key base. The peninsula turned out to be the last white bastion of the civil war. Wrangel's army repulsed several Bolshevik attacks, but was ultimately defeated.

In exile, the Black Baron lived in Belgrade. He created and headed the EMRO - the Russian All-Military Union, then transferring these powers to one of the grand dukes, Nikolai Nikolaevich. Shortly before his death, while working as an engineer, Peter Wrangel moved to Brussels. There he died suddenly of tuberculosis in 1928.

Andrey Shkuro

Andrei Grigorievich Shkuro (1887-1947) was a born Kuban Cossack. In his youth he went on a gold-mining expedition to Siberia. During the war with the Kaiser’s Germany, Shkuro created a partisan detachment, nicknamed the “Wolf Hundred” for its daring.

In October 1917, the Cossack was elected as a deputy to the Kuban Regional Rada. Being a monarchist by conviction, he reacted negatively to the news about the Bolsheviks coming to power. Shkuro began to fight the Red commissars when many of the leaders of the White movement had not yet had time to loudly declare themselves. In July 1918, Andrei Grigorievich and his detachment expelled the Bolsheviks from Stavropol.

In the fall, the Cossack became the head of the 1st Officer Kislovodsk Regiment, then the Caucasian Cavalry Division. Shkuro's boss was Anton Ivanovich Denikin. In Ukraine, the military defeated the detachment of Nestor Makhno. Then he took part in the campaign against Moscow. Shkuro went through battles for Kharkov and Voronezh. In this city his campaign fizzled out.

Retreating from Budyonny's army, the lieutenant general reached Novorossiysk. From there he sailed to Crimea. Shkuro did not take root in Wrangel’s army due to a conflict with the Black Baron. As a result, the white military leader ended up in exile even before the complete victory of the Red Army.

Shkuro lived in Paris and Yugoslavia. When World War II began, he, like Krasnov, supported the Nazis in their fight against the Bolsheviks. Shkuro was an SS Gruppenführer and in this capacity fought with the Yugoslav partisans. After the defeat of the Third Reich, he tried to break into the territory occupied by the British. In Austrian Linz, the British extradited Shkuro along with many other officers. The white military leader was tried together with Pyotr Krasnov and sentenced to death.

The White movement in Russia is an organized military-political movement that was formed during the Civil War in 1917-1922. The White movement united political regimes that were distinguished by common socio-political and economic programs, as well as recognition of the principle of individual power (military dictatorship) on a national and regional scale, and a desire to coordinate military and political efforts in the fight against Soviet power.

Terminology

For a long time, the White movement was synonymous with the historiography of the 1920s. the phrase "general's counter-revolution". In this we can note its difference from the concept of “democratic counter-revolution”. Those belonging to this category, for example, the Government of the Committee of Members of the Constituent Assembly (Komuch), the Ufa Directory (Provisional All-Russian Government) proclaimed the priority of collegial rather than individual management. And one of the main slogans of the “democratic counter-revolution” became: leadership and continuity from the All-Russian Constituent Assembly of 1918. As for the “national counter-revolution” (Central Rada in Ukraine, governments in the Baltic states, Finland, Poland, the Caucasus, Crimea), then they, unlike the White movement, put the proclamation of state sovereignty in the first place in their political programs. Thus, the White movement can rightfully be considered as one of the parts (but the most organized and stable) of the anti-Bolshevik movement on the territory of the former Russian Empire.

The term White Movement during the Civil War was used mainly by the Bolsheviks. Representatives of the White movement defined themselves as bearers of legitimate “national power”, using the terms “Russian” (Russian Army), “Russian”, “All-Russian” (Supreme Ruler of the Russian State).

Socially, the White movement proclaimed the unification of representatives of all classes of Russian society at the beginning of the twentieth century and political parties from monarchists to social democrats. Political and legal continuity from pre-February and pre-October 1917 Russia was also noted. At the same time, the restoration of previous legal relations did not exclude their significant reform.

Periodization of the White movement

Chronologically, 3 stages can be distinguished in the origin and evolution of the White movement:

First stage: October 1917 - November 1918 - formation of the main centers of the anti-Bolshevik movement

Second stage: November 1918 - March 1920 - Supreme Ruler of the Russian State A.V. Kolchak is recognized by other White governments as the military-political leader of the White movement.

Third stage: March 1920 - November 1922 - activity of regional centers on the outskirts of the former Russian Empire

Formation of the White Movement

The White movement arose in conditions of opposition to the policies of the Provisional Government and the Soviets (the Soviet “vertical”) in the summer of 1917. In preparation for the speech of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Infantry General L.G. Kornilov, both military (“Union of Army and Navy Officers”, “Union of Military Duty”, “Union of Cossack Troops”) and political (“Republican Center”, “Bureau of Legislative Chambers”, “Society for the Economic Revival of Russia”) structures took part.

The fall of the Provisional Government and the dissolution of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly marked the beginning of the first stage in the history of the White movement (November 1917-November 1918). This stage was distinguished by the formation of its structures and gradual separation from the general counter-revolutionary or anti-Bolshevik movement. The military center of the White movement became the so-called. “Alekseevskaya organization”, formed on the initiative of Infantry General M.V. Alekseev in Rostov-on-Don. From the point of view of General Alekseev, it was necessary to achieve joint actions with the Cossacks of the South of Russia. For this purpose, the South-Eastern Union was created, which included the military (“Alekseevskaya organization”, renamed after the arrival of General Kornilov in the Volunteer Army on the Don) and civil authorities (elected representatives of the Don, Kuban, Terek and Astrakhan Cossack troops, as well as the “Union mountaineers of the Caucasus").

Formally, the first white government could be considered the Don Civil Council. It included generals Alekseev and Kornilov, the Don ataman, cavalry general A.M. Kaledin, and among political figures: P.N. Milyukova, B.V. Savinkova, P.B. Struve. In their very first official statements (the so-called “Kornilov Constitution”, “Declaration on the Formation of the South-Eastern Union”, etc.) they proclaimed: an irreconcilable armed struggle against Soviet power and the convening of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly (on new elective grounds). The resolution of major economic and political issues was postponed until its convening.

Unsuccessful battles in January-February 1918 on the Don led to the retreat of the Volunteer Army to Kuban. Here the continuation of armed resistance was expected. During the 1st Kuban (“Ice”) campaign, General Kornilov died during the unsuccessful assault on Ekaterinodar. He was replaced as commander of the Volunteer Army by Lieutenant General A.I. Denikin. General Alekseev became the Supreme Leader of the Volunteer Army.

During the spring-summer of 1918, centers of counter-revolution were formed, many of which later became elements of the all-Russian White movement. In April-May, uprisings began on the Don. Soviet power was overthrown here, elections of local authorities were held and cavalry general P.N. became the military ataman. Krasnov. Coalition inter-party associations were created in Moscow, Petrograd and Kyiv, providing political support for the White movement. The largest of them were the liberal “All-Russian National Center” (VNTs), in which the majority were cadets, the socialist “Union of the Revival of Russia” (SVR), as well as the “Council of the State Unification of Russia” (SGOR), from representatives of the Bureau of Legislative Chambers of the Russian Empire , Union of Trade and Industrialists, Holy Synod. The All-Russian Scientific Center enjoyed the greatest influence, and its leaders N.I. Astrov and M.M. Fedorov headed the Special Meeting under the Commander of the Volunteer Army (later the Special Meeting under the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia (VSYUR)).

The issue of “intervention” should be considered separately. The assistance of foreign states and the Entente countries was of great importance for the formation of the White movement at this stage. For them, after the conclusion of the Brest-Litovsk Peace, the war with the Bolsheviks was seen in the prospect of continuing the war with the countries of the Quadruple Alliance. Allied landings became centers of the White movement in the North. In Arkhangelsk in April, the Provisional Government of the Northern Region was formed (N.V. Tchaikovsky, P.Yu. Zubov, Lieutenant General E.K. Miller). The landing of allied troops in Vladivostok in June and the appearance of the Czechoslovak Corps in May-June became the beginning of the counter-revolution in the East of Russia. In the Southern Urals, back in November 1917, the Orenburg Cossacks, led by ataman Major General A.I., opposed Soviet power. Dutov. Several anti-Bolshevik government structures emerged in the East of Russia: the Ural Regional Government, the Provisional Government of Autonomous Siberia (later the Provisional Siberian (regional) Government), the Provisional Ruler in the Far East, Lieutenant General D.L. Croatian, as well as the Orenburg and Ural Cossack troops. In the second half of 1918, anti-Bolshevik uprisings broke out on the Terek, in Turkestan, where the Socialist Revolutionary Transcaspian regional government was formed.

In September 1918, at the State Conference held in Ufa, a Provisional All-Russian Government and a socialist Directory were elected (N.D. Avksentyev, N.I. Astrov, Lieutenant General V.G. Boldyrev, P.V. Vologodsky, N. .V. Tchaikovsky). The Ufa Directory developed a draft Constitution that proclaimed continuity from the Provisional Government of 1917 and the disbanded Constituent Assembly.

Supreme Ruler of the Russian State Admiral A.V. Kolchak

On November 18, 1918, a coup took place in Omsk, during which the Directory was overthrown. The Council of Ministers of the Provisional All-Russian Government transferred power to Admiral A.V. Kolchak, proclaimed the Supreme Ruler of the Russian State and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army and Navy.

Kolchak’s coming to power meant the final establishment of a regime of one-man rule on an all-Russian scale, relying on the structures of executive power (the Council of Ministers headed by P.V. Vologodsky), with public representation (the State Economic Conference in Siberia, Cossack troops). The second period in the history of the White movement began (from November 1918 to March 1920). The power of the Supreme Ruler of the Russian State was recognized by General Denikin, Commander-in-Chief of the North-Western Front, Infantry General N.N. Yudenich and the government of the Northern region.

The structure of the white armies was established. The most numerous were the forces of the Eastern Front (Siberian (Lieutenant General R. Gaida), Western (Artillery General M.V. Khanzhin), Southern (Major General P.A. Belov) and Orenburg (Lieutenant General A.I. Dutov) army). At the end of 1918 - beginning of 1919, the AFSR was formed under the command of General Denikin, troops of the Northern Region (Lieutenant General E.K. Miller) and the Northwestern Front (General Yudenich). Operationally, they were all subordinate to the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, Admiral Kolchak.

Coordination of political forces also continued. In November 1918, the Political Meeting of the three leading political associations of Russia (SGOR, VNTs and SVR) was held in Iasi. After the proclamation of Admiral Kolchak as Supreme Ruler, attempts were made to internationally recognize Russia at the Versailles Peace Conference, where the Russian Political Conference was created (chairman G.E. Lvov, N.V. Tchaikovsky, P.B. Struve, B.V. Savinkov, V. A. Maklakov, P.N. Milyukov).

In the spring and autumn of 1919, coordinated campaigns of the white fronts took place. In March-June, the Eastern Front advanced in diverging directions towards the Volga and Kama, to join the Northern Army. In July-October, two attacks on Petrograd by the North-Western Front were carried out (in May-July and in September-October), as well as a campaign against Moscow by the Armed Forces of Southern Russia (in July-November). But they all ended unsuccessfully.

By the fall of 1919, the Entente countries abandoned military support for the White movement (in the summer, a gradual withdrawal of foreign troops from all fronts began; until the fall of 1922, only Japanese units remained in the Far East). However, the supply of weapons, the issuance of loans and contacts with white governments continued without their official recognition (with the exception of Yugoslavia).

The program of the White movement, which was finally formed during 1919, provided for an “irreconcilable armed struggle against Soviet power”, after the liquidation of which, it was planned to convene an All-Russian National Constituent Assembly. The assembly was supposed to be elected in majoritarian districts on the basis of universal, equal, direct (in large cities) and two-stage (in rural areas) suffrage by secret ballot. The elections and activities of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly of 1917 were recognized as illegitimate, since they occurred after the “Bolshevik revolution”. The new Assembly had to resolve the issue of the form of government in the country (monarchy or republic), elect the head of state, and also approve projects of socio-political and economic reforms. Before the “victory over Bolshevism” and the convening of the National Constituent Assembly, the highest military and political power belonged to the Supreme Ruler of Russia. Reforms could only be developed, but not implemented (the principle of “non-decision”). In order to strengthen regional power, before the convening of the All-Russian Assembly, it was allowed to convene local (regional) assemblies, designed to be legislative bodies under individual rulers.

The national structure proclaimed the principle of “Unified, Indivisible Russia,” which meant the recognition of the actual independence of only those parts of the former Russian Empire (Poland, Finland, the Baltic republics) that were recognized by the leading world powers. The remaining state new formations on the territory of Russia (Ukraine, the Mountain Republic, the Caucasus republics) were considered illegitimate. For them, only “regional autonomy” was allowed. The Cossack troops retained the right to have their own authorities and armed formations, but within the framework of all-Russian structures.

In 1919, the development of all-Russian bills on agrarian and labor policy took place. Bills on agrarian policy boiled down to the recognition of peasant ownership of land, as well as “the partial alienation of landowners’ land in favor of peasants for ransom” (Declaration on the land issue of the governments of Kolchak and Denikin (March 1919)). Trade unions, the right of workers to an 8-hour working day, to social insurance, and to strikes were preserved (Declarations on the Labor Question (February, May 1919)). The property rights of former owners to city real estate, industrial enterprises and banks were fully restored.

It was supposed to expand the rights of local self-government and public organizations, while political parties did not participate in elections, they were replaced by inter-party and non-party associations (municipal elections in the south of Russia in 1919, elections of the State Zemstvo Council in Siberia in the fall of 1919).

There was also “white terror”, which, however, did not have the character of a system. Criminal liability was introduced (up to and including the death penalty) for members of the Bolshevik Party, commissars, employees of the Cheka, as well as workers of the Soviet government and military personnel of the Red Army. Opponents of the Supreme Ruler, “independents,” were also persecuted.

The White movement approved all-Russian symbols (restoration of the tricolor national flag, the coat of arms of the Supreme Ruler of Russia, the anthem “How Glorious is Our Lord in Zion”).

In foreign policy, “loyalty to allied obligations”, “all treaties concluded by the Russian Empire and the Provisional Government”, “full representation of Russia in all international organizations” (statements of the Supreme Ruler of Russia and the Russian Political Conference in Paris in the spring of 1919) were proclaimed.

The regimes of the White movement, in the face of defeats at the fronts, evolved towards “democratization”. So, in December 1919 - March 1920. the rejection of dictatorship and an alliance with the “public” were proclaimed. This was manifested in the reform of political power in the south of Russia (dissolution of the Special Conference and the formation of the South Russian government, responsible to the Supreme Circle of the Don, Kuban and Terek, recognition of the de facto independence of Georgia). In Siberia, Kolchak proclaimed the convening of the State Zemstvo Council, endowed with legislative powers. However, it was not possible to prevent the defeat. By March 1920, the Northwestern and Northern fronts were liquidated, and the Eastern and Southern fronts lost most of their controlled territory.

Activities of regional centers

The last period in the history of the Russian White movement (March 1920 - November 1922) was distinguished by the activities of regional centers on the outskirts of the former Russian Empire:

- in Crimea (Ruler of the South of Russia - General Wrangel),

- in Transbaikalia (Ruler of the Eastern Outskirts - General Semenov),

- in the Far East (Ruler of the Amur Zemsky Territory - General Diterichs).

These political regimes sought to move away from the no-decision policy. An example was the activity of the Government of the South of Russia, headed by General Wrangel and former agricultural manager A.V. Krivoshein in Crimea, in the summer-autumn of 1920. Reforms began to be implemented, providing for the transfer of “seized” landowners’ land into ownership to the peasants and the creation of a peasant zemstvo. Autonomy was allowed for the Cossack regions, Ukraine and the North Caucasus.

The government of the Eastern outskirts of Russia, headed by Lieutenant General G.M. Semenov pursued a course of cooperation with the public by holding elections to the Regional People's Conference.

In Primorye in 1922, elections were held for the Amur Zemsky Council and the Ruler of the Amur Region, Lieutenant General M.K. Diterichs. Here, for the first time in the White movement, the principle of restoring the monarchy was proclaimed through the transfer of power of the Supreme Ruler of Russia to a representative of the Romanov dynasty. Attempts were made to coordinate actions with the rebel movements in Soviet Russia (“Antonovshchina”, “Makhnovshchina”, Kronstadt uprising). But these political regimes could no longer count on all-Russian status, due to the extremely limited territory controlled by the remnants of the white armies.

Organized military-political confrontation with Soviet power ceased in November 1922 - March 1923, after the occupation of Vladivostok by the Red Army and the defeat of the Yakut campaign of Lieutenant General A.N. Pepelyaev.

Since 1921, the political centers of the White movement moved to Abroad, where their final formation and political demarcation took place (“Russian National Committee”, “Meeting of Ambassadors”, “Russian Council”, “Parliamentary Committee”, “Russian All-Military Union”). In Russia, the White movement is over.

Main participants of the White movement

Alekseev M.V. (1857-1918)

Wrangel P.N. (1878-1928)

Gayda R. (1892-1948)

Denikin A.I. (1872-1947)

Drozdovsky M.G. (1881-1919)

Kappel V.O. (1883-1920)

Keller F.A. (1857-1918)

Kolchak A.V. (1874-1920)

Kornilov L.G. (1870-1918)

Kutepov A.P. (1882-1930)

Lukomsky A.S. (1868-1939)

May-Maevsky V.Z. (1867-1920)

Miller E.-L. K. (1867-1937)

Nezhentsev M.O. (1886-1918)

Romanovsky I.P. (1877-1920)

Slashchev Y.A. (1885-1929)

Ungern von Sternberg R.F. (1885-1921)

Yudenich N.N. (1862-1933)

Internal contradictions of the White movement

The white movement, which united in its ranks representatives of various political movements and social structures, could not avoid internal contradictions.

The conflict between military and civilian authorities was significant. The relationship between military and civil power was often regulated by the “Regulations on Field Command of Troops,” where civil power was exercised by the governor-general, dependent on the military command. In conditions of mobility of the fronts, the fight against the insurgent movement in the rear, the military sought to exercise the functions of civilian leadership, ignoring the structures of local self-government, resolving political and economic problems by order (the actions of General Slashchov in the Crimea in February-March 1920, General Rodzianko in Northwestern Front in the spring of 1919, martial law on the Trans-Siberian Railway in 1919, etc.). Lack of political experience and ignorance of the specifics of civil administration often led to serious mistakes and a decline in the authority of white rulers (the power crisis of Admiral Kolchak in November-December 1919, General Denikin in January-March 1920).

The contradictions between the military and civilian authorities reflected the contradictions between representatives of various political trends that were part of the White movement. The right (SGOR, monarchists) supported the principle of unlimited dictatorship, while the left (the Union of the Revival of Russia, Siberian regionalists) advocated “broad public representation” under military rulers. Of no small importance were disagreements between the right and the left on land policy (on the conditions for the alienation of landowners' land), on the labor issue (on the possibility of trade union participation in the management of enterprises), on local self-government (on the nature of the representation of socio-political organizations).

The implementation of the principle of “One, Indivisible Russia” caused conflicts not only between the White movement and new state formations on the territory of the former Russian Empire (Ukraine, the Caucasus republics), but also within the White movement itself. Serious friction arose between Cossack politicians who sought maximum autonomy (up to state sovereignty) and white governments (the conflict between Ataman Semenov and Admiral Kolchak, the conflict between General Denikin and the Kuban Rada).

Controversies also arose regarding foreign policy “orientation.” Thus, in 1918, many political figures of the White movement (P.N. Milyukov and the Kiev group of cadets, the Moscow Right Center) spoke about the need for cooperation with Germany to “eliminate Soviet power.” In 1919, a “pro-German orientation” distinguished the Civil Administration Council of the Western Volunteer Army regiment. Bermondt-Avalov. The majority in the White movement advocated cooperation with the Entente countries as Russia's allies in the First World War.

Conflicts that arose between individual representatives of political structures (leaders of the SGOR and the National Center - A.V. Krivoshein and N.I. Astrov), within the military command (between Admiral Kolchak and General Gaida, General Denikin and General Wrangel, General Rodzianko and General Yudenich, etc.).

The above contradictions and conflicts, although they were not irreconcilable and did not lead to a split in the White movement, nevertheless violated its unity and played a significant role (along with military failures) in its defeat in the Civil War.

Significant problems for the white authorities arose due to the weakness of governance in the controlled territories. So, for example, in Ukraine, before the occupation of the Armed Forces of the South by troops, it was replaced during 1917-1919. four political regimes (the power of the Provisional Government, the Central Rada, Hetman P. Skoropadsky, the Ukrainian Soviet Republic), each of which sought to establish its own administrative apparatus. This made it difficult to quickly mobilize into the White Army, fight the insurgent movement, implement the laws adopted, and explain to the population the political course of the White movement.

The essence of the Civil War and its “culprits”

Leaders of political parties began a discussion on this issue. The Bolsheviks believed that the Civil War, a more acute form of class struggle, was imposed on workers and peasants by former exploiters who were trying to restore the monarchy. Opponents of the Bolsheviks argued that the Bolsheviks were the first to use violence and the opposition was forced to take part in the Civil War.

From a universal human point of view, the Civil War is a historical drama, a tragedy of the people. It brought suffering, sacrifices, destruction of the economy and culture. The culprits were both “red” and “white”. History justifies only those who made compromises without wanting to shed blood. This compromise position was occupied by the so-called “third force” - the parties of the Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, and anarchists.

The civil war, due to its vast expanse, resulted in different forms: military operations of the fronts of regular armies, armed clashes of individual detachments, mutinies and uprisings behind enemy lines, partisan movement, banditry, terror, etc.

"White" movement

Heterogeneous in composition: Russian officers, the old bureaucracy, monarchist parties and groups, liberal cadet parties, Octobrists, a number of left-wing political movements that fluctuated between “whites” and “reds,” workers and peasants dissatisfied with surplus appropriation, the establishment of a dictatorship and the suppression of democracy .

The program of the white movement: the restoration of a united and indivisible Russia, the convening of a national assembly on the basis of universal suffrage, civil liberties, land reform, progressive land legislation.

However, in practice, the solution to many issues caused discontent among the overwhelming majority of the population: agrarian question- decided in favor of the landowner, canceling the Decree on Land. The peasantry wavered between two evils - surplus appropriation carried out by the Bolsheviks, and the actual restoration of landownership; national question- the slogan of a single indivisible Russia was associated among the national bourgeoisie with the bureaucratic oppression of the monarchical center. He clearly conceded to the Bolshevik idea of the right of nations to self-determination, even to the point of secession; work question~ trade unions and socialist parties were banned.

"Red" movement

The basis was the dictatorship of the Bolshevik Party, which relied on the most lumpen layers of the working class and the poorest peasantry. The Bolsheviks managed to create a strong Red Army, which in 1921 numbered 5.5 million people, of which 70 thousand were workers, more than 4 million peasants and 300 thousand members of the Bolshevik Party.

The Bolshevik leadership pursued sophisticated political tactics of attracting bourgeois specialists. Former officers and alliances with the middle peasants were brought in, while relying on the poor. However, for the Bolsheviks themselves it was not clear which of the peasants should be classified as the middle peasant, who as the poor peasant and the kulak - all this was a political situation.

Two dictatorships and petty-bourgeois democracy

The civil war resulted in a struggle between two dictatorships - “white” and “red”, between which, as between a rock and a hard place, petty-bourgeois democracy found itself. Petty-bourgeois democracy could not stand anywhere (in Siberia - the Committee of the Constituent Assembly (Komuch) was overthrown by A.V. Kolchak; in the south - the Directory, liquidated by A.I. Denikin, did not last long; in the north - the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik government of N.V. Tchaikovsky was overthrown by Soviet power).

Results and lessons of the Civil War

* the country lost more than 8 million people as a result of the Red and White Terror, famine and disease; about 2 million people emigrated, and this is the political, financial, industrial, scientific and artistic elite of pre-revolutionary Russia;

the war undermined the country's genetic fund and became a tragedy for the Russian intelligentsia, which was looking for truth and truth in the revolution, but found terror;

economic damage amounted to 50 billion gold rubles. Industrial production in 1920 compared to 1913 decreased by 7 times, agricultural production by 38%;

The task of political parties is to seek a peaceful path of transformation and preserve civil peace.

Reasons for the Bolshevik victory

o thanks to the policy of “war communism” they were able to mobilize resources and create a strong army;

o the “white” movement made a number of mistakes: they canceled the Bolshevik Decree on Land; the Bolsheviks pursued more flexible tactics of negotiations and temporary alliances with anarchists, socialists (Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks); on the national question, the white movement put forward the slogan “Russia is united and indivisible,” and the Bolsheviks were more flexible - “the right of nations to self-determination, even to the point of secession”;

o created a powerful propaganda network (political literacy courses, propaganda trains, posters, films, leaflets);

o proclaimed patriotism - the defense of the socialist Fatherland from the White Guards as proteges of interventionists and foreign states;

o career prospects for growth opened up for workers and peasants: promoted workers and peasants who joined the party occupy administrative positions in the city and countryside.

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M.N. Tukhachevsky, V.I. Chapaev, P.N. Wrangel and Romanovsky I.P.

Dzyanaya Anastasia

1. Mikhail Nikolaevich Tukhachevsky 1893 --1937

Leader of the Red Movement. Soviet military leader who made a significant contribution to the organization of the Red Army. Marshal of the Soviet Union (1935). civil war Chapaev Wrangel

He voluntarily joined the Red Army, worked in the Military Department of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, joined the All-Union Communist Party, was appointed military commissar of the Moscow Defense District, and in June 1918 was appointed commander of the newly created 1st Army of the Eastern Front. From scattered detachments he formed three regular divisions, staffing their command staff with mobilized officers. He was almost shot during the July rebellion raised by the commander of the Eastern Front, M. A. Muravyov. At the beginning of September 1918, he prepared and carried out a successful operation with the army to capture Simbirsk, in which he showed his leadership qualities for the first time. Military historians note “a deeply thought-out plan of the operation, the bold and rapid concentration of the main forces of the army in the decisive direction, the timely delivery of tasks to the troops, as well as their decisive, skillful and proactive actions.”

As in subsequent army and front-line operations, Tukhachevsky demonstrated “the skillful use of decisive forms of maneuver during the operation, courage and swiftness of action, the correct choice of the direction of the main attack and the concentration of superior forces and means on it.”

In October, Tukhachevsky's troops took Samara. In December 1918, Lenin identified the south as the main direction of the war, and Tukhachevsky was appointed assistant commander of the Southern Front, and in January 1919, commander of the 8th Army of the Southern Fleet. As a result of disagreements between Commander-in-Chief Vatsetis and Army Commander Tukhachevsky, on the one hand, and front commander Gittis (commissars A.L. Kolegaev, G.Ya. Sokolnikov and I.I. Khodorovsky), on the other, front operations did not lead to a decisive defeat of the Don Army white.

In March 1919, the armies of the Supreme Ruler of Russia, Admiral Kolchak, went on the offensive in the east. General Khanzhin's Western Army defeated the 5th Army and broke through the center of the Red Army's Eastern Front. On April 5, Tukhachevsky took command of the 5th Army. In May, as part of the general counteroffensive of the Eastern Front, the 5th army switched from retreat to offensive and defeated the group of General Wojciechowski. At the same time, the 25th Infantry Division (chief of division V.I. Chapaev) distinguished itself. In June 1919, the 5th Army carried out the Bir operation against the superior forces of the Whites and ensured the Red Army's access to the Southern Urals. On February 4, 1920, Tukhachevsky was appointed commander of the Caucasian Front, tasked with completing the defeat of General Denikin’s Volunteer Army and capturing the North Caucasus before the war with Poland began. In the front line, the Reds were somewhat inferior to the Whites in strength and means, so when planning the Tikhoretsk offensive operation, forces were massed in the direction of the main attack. A feature of the planning of the operation was also the delivery of a series of successive strikes, coordinated by target, place and time. In turn, General Denikin was also preparing an offensive to capture Rostov and Novocherkassk. After the Strike Group of the 10th Army broke through the White defenses, the front commander ordered the 1st Cavalry Army to be brought into the breakthrough to build on the success on Tikhoretskaya. As a result of the offensive of the Volunteer Corps on February 20, the Whites captured Rostov and Nakhichevan, which, according to Denikin, “caused an explosion of exaggerated hopes in Yekaterinodar and Novorossiysk... However, the movement to the north could not develop, because the enemy was already deep in our rear - to Tikhoretskaya." On March 1, the Volunteer Corps left Rostov, and the White armies began to retreat to the Kuban River. The success of the Tikhoretsk operation made it possible to move on to the Kuban-Novorossiysk operation, during which on March 17, the 9th Army of the Caucasian Front under the command of I.P. Uborevich captured Yekaterinodar, crossed the Kuban and captured Novorossiysk on March 27. “The main result of the North Caucasus strategic offensive operation was the final defeat of the main grouping of the Armed Forces of southern Russia.”

2. Vasily Ivanovich Chapaev 1887-1919

Commander of the Red Army, participant in the First World War and the Civil War.

In the fall of 1908, Vasily was drafted into the army and sent to Kyiv. But already in the spring of the following year, for unknown reasons, Chapaev was transferred from the army to the reserve and transferred to first-class militia warriors. According to the official version, due to illness. The version about his political unreliability, because of which he was transferred to the warriors, is not confirmed by anything. Before the World War, he did not serve in the regular army. He worked as a carpenter. From 1912 to 1914, Chapaev and his family lived in the city of Melekess (now Dimitrovgrad, Ulyanovsk region) on Chuvashskaya Street. Here his son Arkady was born. At the beginning of the war, on September 20, 1914, Chapaev was called up for military service and sent to the 159th reserve infantry regiment in the city of Atkarsk.

Chapaev went to the front in January 1915. He fought in the 326th Belgorai Infantry Regiment of the 82nd Infantry Division in the 9th Army of the Southwestern Front in Volyn and Galicia. Was injured. In July 1915 he graduated from the training team, received the rank of junior non-commissioned officer, and in October - senior officer. He finished the war with the rank of sergeant major. For his bravery he was awarded the St. George medal and soldiers' St. George crosses of three degrees.

I met the February revolution in a hospital in Saratov; On September 28, 1917 he joined the RSDLP. He was elected commander of the 138th reserve infantry regiment stationed in Nikolaevsk. On December 18, the district congress of Soviets elected him military commissar of the Nikolaev district. In this position he led the dispersal of the Nikolaev district zemstvo. Organized the district Red Guard of 14 detachments. He took part in the campaign against General Kaledin (near Tsaritsyn), then (in the spring of 1918) in the campaign of the Special Army to Uralsk. On his initiative, on May 25, a decision was made to reorganize the Red Guard detachments into two Red Army regiments: them. Stepan Razin and them. Pugachev, united in the Pugachev brigade under the command of Chapaev. Later he took part in battles with the Czechoslovaks and the People's Army, from whom he recaptured Nikolaevsk, renamed Pugachev in honor of the brigade. On September 19, 1918, he was appointed commander of the 2nd Nikolaev Division. From November 1918 to February 1919 - at the Academy of the General Staff. Then - Commissioner of Internal Affairs of the Nikolaev district. From May 1919 - brigade commander of the Special Aleksandrovo-Gai Brigade, from June - head of the 25th Infantry Division, which participated in the Bugulma and Belebeyevskaya operations against Kolchak’s army. Under the leadership of Chapaev, this division occupied Ufa on June 9, 1919, and Uralsk on July 11. During the capture of Ufa, Chapaev was wounded in the head by a burst from an aircraft machine gun.

Vasily Ivanovich Chapaev died on September 5, 1919 as a result of a deep raid by the Cossack detachment of Colonel N. N. Borodin (1192 soldiers with 9 machine guns and 2 guns), which culminated in an unexpected attack on the well-guarded (about 1000 bayonets) and located in the deep rear of the city of Lbischensk (now the village of Chapaev, West Kazakhstan region of Kazakhstan), where the headquarters of the 25th division was located.

3. Pyotr Nikolaevich Wrangel 1878 - 1928

One of the Leaders of the White Movement

Participation in the Civil War

In August 1918 he entered the Volunteer Army, having by this time the rank of major general and being a Knight of St. George. During the 2nd Kuban campaign he commanded the 1st Cavalry Division, and then the 1st Cavalry Corps. On November 28, 1918, for successful military operations in the area of the village of Petrovskoye (where he was located at that time), he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant general.

Pyotr Nikolaevich was opposed to the conduct of battles along the entire front by mounted units. General Wrangel sought to gather the cavalry into a fist and throw it into the breakthrough. It was the brilliant attacks of Wrangel’s cavalry that determined the final result of the battles in the Kuban and North Caucasus.

In January 1919, for some time he commanded the Volunteer Army, and from January 1919, the Caucasian Volunteer Army. He was in strained relations with the Commander-in-Chief of the AFSR, General A.I. Denikin, as he demanded a speedy offensive in the Tsaritsyn direction to join the army of Admiral A.V. Kolchak (Denikin insisted on a speedy attack on Moscow).

Denikin, who soon arrived there, signed his famous “Moscow Directive,” which, according to Wrangel, “was a death sentence for the troops of the South of Russia.” In November 1919, he was appointed commander of the Volunteer Army operating in the Moscow direction. On December 20, 1919, due to disagreements and conflict with the commander-in-chief of the AFSR, he was removed from command of the troops, and on February 8, 1920, he was dismissed and left for Constantinople.

On April 2, 1920, the commander-in-chief of the AFSR, General Denikin, decided to resign from his post. The next day, a military council was convened in Sevastopol, chaired by General Dragomirov, at which Wrangel was elected commander-in-chief. According to the recollections of P. S. Makhrov, at the council, the first to name Wrangel was the chief of staff of the fleet, captain 1st rank Ryabinin. On April 4, Wrangel arrived in Sevastopol on the English battleship Emperor of India and took command.

General Wrangel, upon assuming the post of Commander-in-Chief of the AFSR, realizing the full extent of the vulnerability of Crimea, immediately took a number of preparatory measures in case of evacuation of the army - in order to avoid a repetition of the disasters of the Novorossiysk and Odessa evacuation. The baron also understood that the economic resources of Crimea were insignificant and incomparable with the resources of the Kuban, Don, and Siberia, which served as bases for the emergence of the White movement, and the region’s isolation could lead to famine.

A few days after Baron Wrangel took office, he received information about the Reds preparing a new assault on the Crimea, for which the Bolshevik command gathered a significant amount of artillery, aviation, 4 rifle and cavalry divisions here. Among these forces were also selected Bolshevik troops - the Latvian Division, the 3rd Infantry Division, which consisted of internationalists - Latvians, Hungarians, etc.

4. Romanowski Ivan Pavlovich 1877 - 1920

A prominent figure in the White movement in the South of Russia.

He served in the Life Guards of the 2nd Artillery Brigade. After graduating from the Academy of the General Staff, he participated in the Russian-Japanese War. Since September 1904 - chief officer for special assignments at the headquarters of the 18th Army Corps. In 1906-1909 - chief officer for assignments at the headquarters of the Turkestan Military District, in January - October 1909 - senior adjutant of the headquarters of the same district. I traveled to Bukhara and the Pamirs, to the borders of Afghanistan, to take plans of the area. The result of this work was a detailed map of the Pamirs.

From October 1909 he served in the Main Directorate of the General Staff as an assistant clerk in the mobilization department. Since 1910 - assistant to the head of the department in the department of the duty general of the General Staff. Since 1912 - colonel and head of the same department in charge of appointments in the army.

With the outbreak of the First World War he was assigned to the front. Since 1914, he was the chief of staff of the 25th Infantry Division, and was awarded the St. George's Arms for military services. Since 1915 - commander of the 206th Salyan Infantry Regiment. In one of the official documents - a proposal for the rank of general - his activities as a regiment commander were described as follows:

June 24 - The Salyan regiment brilliantly stormed the strongest enemy position... Colonel Romanovsky, together with his headquarters, rushed with the advanced chains of the regiment when they were under the most severe enemy fire. Some of those accompanying him were wounded, one was killed, and the commander himself... was covered with earth from an exploding shell... The Salyans did equally brilliant work on July 22. And this attack was led by the regiment commander at a distance of only 250 steps from the attacked area under the barrage of German fire... The outstanding organizational abilities of Colonel Romanovsky, his ability to educate a military unit, his personal courage, combined with wise prudence when it concerns his unit, the charm of his personality not only the ranks of the regiment, but also everyone with whom he came into contact, his broad education and faithful eye give him the right to occupy the highest position.

In June - October 1916 - chief of staff of the 13th Army Corps. Since October - Quartermaster General of the 10th Army Headquarters. In the same year he was promoted to major general. In March - July 1917 - chief of staff of the 8th Army under the army commander, General Lavr Kornilov. Soon after the appointment of General Kornilov as Supreme Commander-in-Chief (July 18, 1917), General Romanovsky was appointed Quartermaster General of his headquarters. An active participant in the speech of General Kornilov in August 1917. Together with Kornilov, A.I. Denikin and some other generals, at the beginning of September 1917 he was arrested by the Provisional Government and imprisoned in Bykhov prison.

Literature

1. N. Alekseev. From memories. // Armed forces in the South of Russia. January June

2. Wrangel P. N. Notes

3. L. Trotsky To the officers of Baron Wrangel’s army

4. Krasnov V. G. Wrangel. The tragic triumph of the baron: Documents. Opinions. Reflections.

5. Essay about V. Chapaev. V. A. Ivanova

6. Victor Banikin. Stories about Chapaev.

7. Khlebnikov N.M., Evlampiev P.S., Volodikhin Y.A. Legendary Chapaevskaya

8. Denikin A.I. March on Moscow (“Essays on the Russian Troubles”), Cherushev N.S. 1937: The Elite of the Red Army on Calvary.

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