February Revolution 1917 events and dates. Uprising in Petrograd

- revolutionary events that took place in Russia in early March (according to the Julian calendar - at the end of February - beginning of March) 1917 and led to the overthrow of the autocracy. In Soviet historical science it was characterized as “bourgeois”.

Its objectives were to introduce a constitution, establish a democratic republic (the possibility of maintaining a constitutional parliamentary monarchy was not excluded), political freedoms, and resolve land, labor and national issues.

The revolution was led to a significant deterioration in the socio-economic situation of the Russian Empire due to the protracted First World War, economic devastation, and the food crisis. It became increasingly difficult for the state to maintain the army and provide food to the cities; dissatisfaction with the military hardships grew among the population and among the troops. At the front, left-wing party agitators were successful, calling on soldiers to disobey and revolt.

The liberal-minded public was outraged by what was happening at the top, criticizing the unpopular government, the frequent change of governors and ignoring the State Duma, whose members demanded reforms and, in particular, the creation of a government responsible not to the Tsar, but to the Duma.

The aggravation of the needs and misfortunes of the masses, the growth of anti-war sentiment and general dissatisfaction with the autocracy led to mass protests against the government and the dynasty in large cities and primarily in Petrograd (now St. Petersburg).

At the beginning of March 1917, due to transport difficulties in the capital, supplies deteriorated, food cards were introduced, and the Putilov plant temporarily suspended work. As a result, 36 thousand workers lost their livelihood. Strikes in solidarity with the Putilovites took place in all districts of Petrograd.

On March 8 (February 23, old style), 1917, tens of thousands of workers took to the streets of the city, carrying slogans of “Bread!” and “Down with autocracy!” Two days later, the strike had already covered half of the workers in Petrograd. Armed squads were formed at the factories.

On March 10-11 (February 25-26, old style), the first clashes between strikers and the police and gendarmerie took place. Attempts to disperse the protesters with the help of troops were not successful, but only escalated the situation, since the commander of the Petrograd Military District, fulfilling the order of Emperor Nicholas II to “restore order in the capital,” ordered the troops to shoot at the demonstrators. Hundreds of people were killed or injured, and many were arrested.

On March 12 (February 27, old style) the general strike escalated into an armed uprising. A massive transfer of troops to the side of the rebels began.

The military command tried to bring new units to Petrograd, but the soldiers did not want to participate in the punitive operation. One military unit after another took the side of the rebels. Revolutionary-minded soldiers, having seized an armory, helped detachments of workers and students arm themselves.

The rebels occupied the most important points of the city, government buildings, and arrested the tsarist government. They also destroyed police stations, seized prisons, and released prisoners, including criminals. Petrograd was overwhelmed by a wave of robberies, murders and robbery.

The center of the uprising was the Tauride Palace, where the State Duma previously met. On March 12 (February 27, old style), the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was formed here, the majority of which were Mensheviks and Trudoviks. The first thing the Council took up was solving the problems of defense and food supply.

At the same time, in the adjacent hall of the Tauride Palace, the Duma leaders, who refused to obey the decree of Nicholas II on the dissolution of the State Duma, formed the “Provisional Committee of State Duma Members,” which declared itself the bearer of supreme power in the country. The committee was headed by Duma Chairman Mikhail Rodzianko, and the body included representatives of all Duma parties, with the exception of the far right. The committee members created a broad political program for the transformations necessary for Russia. Their first priority was to restore order, especially among the soldiers.

On March 13 (February 28, old style), the Provisional Committee appointed General Lavr Kornilov to the post of commander of the troops of the Petrograd District and sent its commissioners to the Senate and ministries. He began to perform the functions of the government and sent deputies Alexander Guchkov and Vasily Shulgin to Headquarters for negotiations with Nicholas II on the abdication of the throne, which took place on March 15 (March 2, old style).

On the same day, as a result of negotiations between the Provisional Committee of the Duma and the executive committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, a Provisional Government was created, headed by Prince Georgy Lvov, which took full power into its own hands. The only representative of the Soviets who received a ministerial post was the Trudovik Alexander Kerensky.

On March 14 (March 1, old style), a new government was established in Moscow, and throughout March throughout the country. But in Petrograd and locally, the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies gained great influence.

The coming to power simultaneously of the Provisional Government and the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies created a situation of dual power in the country. A new stage of the struggle for power between them began, which, together with the inconsistent policies of the Provisional Government, created the preconditions for the October Revolution of 1917.

The material was prepared based on information from open sources

The February Revolution in a nutshell will help you gather your thoughts before the exam and remember what you remember about this topic and what you don't. This historical event was significant for the history of Russia. It opened the door to further revolutionary upheavals, which will not end soon. Without mastering this topic, it is pointless to try to understand further events.

It is worth saying that the events of February 1917 are very important for modern Russia. This year, 2017, marks the centenary of those events. I think that the country faces the same problems as Tsarist Russia faced then: a monstrously low standard of living of the population, the authorities’ disregard for their people, who feed these authorities; lack of will and desire at the top to change something in a positive direction. But there were no televisions then... What do you think about this - write in the comments.

Causes of the February Revolution

The inability of the authorities to solve a number of crises that the state faced during the First World War:

Transport crisis: due to the extremely short length of railways, a transport shortage has arisen.
Food crisis: the country had extremely low yields, plus peasant land shortages and the inefficiency of noble estates led to a disastrous food situation. Famine has become severe in the country.
Weapons crisis: for more than three years the army has experienced a severe shortage of ammunition. Only towards the end of 1916 did Russian industry begin to operate on the scale necessary for the country.
The unresolved worker and peasant question in Russia. The share of the proletariat and skilled working class has increased significantly compared to the first years of the reign of Nicholas II. The issue of neither child labor nor labor insurance was resolved. The salary was extremely low. If we talk about peasants, land shortage remained. Plus, during wartime, taxes on the population increased monstrously, and all horses and people were mobilized. The people did not understand why they were fighting and did not share the patriotism that the leaders experienced in the first years of the war.
Crisis at the top: in 1916 alone, several high-ranking ministers were replaced, which gave rise to the prominent right-wing V.M. Purishkevich should call this phenomenon “ministerial leapfrog.” This expression has become popular.

The distrust of the common people, and even members of the State Duma, increased even more due to the presence of Grigory Rasputin at the court. Shameful rumors circulated about the royal family. Only on December 30, 1916, Rasputin was killed.

The authorities tried to solve all these crises, but to no avail. The Special Meetings convened were not successful. Since 1915, Nicholas II took command of the troops, despite the fact that he himself held the rank of colonel.

In addition, at least since January 1917, a conspiracy against the tsar was brewing among the highest generals of the army (General M.V. Alekseev, V.I. Gurko, etc.) and the Fourth State Duma (cadet A.I. Guchkov, etc. ). The tsar himself knew and suspected of the impending coup. And he even ordered in mid-February 1917 to strengthen the Petrograd garrison with loyal units from the front. He had to give this order three times, because General Gurko was in no hurry to carry it out. As a result, this order was never carried out. Thus, this example already shows sabotage of the emperor’s orders by the highest generals.

Course of events

The course of events of the February revolution was characterized by the following points:

The beginning of spontaneous popular unrest in Petrograd and a number of other cities, presumably due to an acute shortage of food on International Women's Day (according to the old style - February 23).
Switching to the side of the rebel army. It consisted of the same workers and peasants who keenly understood the need for change.
The slogans “Down with the Tsar” and “Down with the Autocracy” immediately arose, which predetermined the fall of the monarchy.
Parallel authorities began to emerge: Councils of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies, based on the experience of the First Russian Revolution.
On February 28, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma announced the transfer of power into its own hands as a result of the termination of the Golitsyn government.
On March 1, this committee received recognition from England and France. On March 2, representatives of the committee went to the tsar, who abdicated in favor of his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich, and he abdicated on March 3 in favor of the Provisional Government.

Results of the revolution

The monarchy in Russia fell. Russia became a parliamentary republic.
Power passed to the bourgeois Provisional Government and the Soviets, many believe that dual power began. But in reality there was no dual power. There are a lot of nuances here, which I revealed in my video course “History. Preparation for the Unified State Exam for 100 points.”
Many see this revolution as the first step .

Best regards, Andrey Puchkov

February Revolution Reasons and reasons for the revolution

The causes of the revolution were the whole mass of problems facing Russian society, which were actually not resolved after the First Russian Revolution and significantly worsened during the First World War (agrarian, labor and national issues, the preservation of the class and autocratic system, the decline in the authority of the authorities, which even lost the support Duma and nobility, the economic crisis and associated social deprivations, dissatisfaction with the continuation of an unsuccessful war, the rapid growth of a mass movement, etc.).

Three reasons for the February Revolution:

shortages of bread in Petrograd that began in the second half of February 1917 (due to transport difficulties and rumors of a sharp worsening of the food crisis, which led to a significant increase in demand for bread);
the workers' strike at the Putilov plant in Petrograd, which began on February 18, 1917, demanding higher wages;
February 23, 1917 - spontaneous demonstrations of women workers dedicated to International Women's Day, demanding a solution to food problems, an end to the war and the return of their husbands from the front.

Main events of the February Revolution

February 23-26, 1917 - a strike at the Putilov plant and a women’s demonstration escalated into citywide strikes and clashes with the police, army and Cossacks (red flags and slogans “Down with the Tsar!” and “Down with War!” appeared at the demonstrations, as a result of the clashes people are dying). Nicholas II, who was at that time at the headquarters of the high command in Mogilev, gave the order to stop the unrest in the capital.
February 27, 1917 - a turning point in the revolution:

armed uprising in Petrograd: several government regiments killed their officers at night and went over to the side of the rebels, after which during the day the rebels throughout the city freed prisoners from prisons, seized weapons, occupied the Tauride Palace, where the State Duma met, and arrested the tsarist government;
the emergence in the Tauride Palace of two bodies of new power: the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (from representatives of the “Progressive Bloc”, headed by the Octobrist M.V. Rodzianko) and the Petrograd Council of Workers’ Deputies (created on the model of the Soviets of 1905, headed by the Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze). Advice

relied on mass support and real military force in the person of the Petrograd garrison 1. However, the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries who dominated it believed that they should not take power, since the revolution was bourgeois in nature and bourgeois parties should rule, while the task of the socialists was to control them.

On the night of March 1 to 2, the creation of the Provisional Government headed by G. E. Lvov (by agreement between the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the Petrograd Soviet). Leading positions in the government were occupied by representatives of liberal parties - P. N. Milyukov, A. I. Guchkov, M. V. Rodzianko and others, the only socialist was the Minister of Justice, Socialist Revolutionary A. F. Kerensky. A dual power immediately arose between the Provisional Government (“power without force”, since it had no authority and trust in society) and the Petrograd Soviet (“force without power”, since it had broad social support of workers, soldiers, peasants, and relied on the Petrograd garrison );

Abolition of the monarchy: on the evening of March 2, Nicholas II, under pressure from the high military command, signed a Manifesto abdicating the throne in favor of his younger brother Mikhail, but on March 3, Mikhail abdicated in favor of the Constituent Assembly (the issue of the future form of government was to be decided at the Constituent Assembly).

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Sentinels guard the arrested royal ministers.

This is an article about the events of February 1917 in the history of Russia. For the events of February 1848 in the history of France, see February Revolution of 1848

February revolution(Also February bourgeois-democratic revolution) - a revolution in the Russian Empire, the result of which was the fall of the monarchy, the proclamation of a republic and the transfer of power to the Provisional Government.

Reasons and prerequisites: economic, political, social

Society's lack of opportunity to influence power is the limited capabilities of the State Duma and the lack of control of the government (and at the same time limited powers of the government).

The emperor could no longer single-handedly decide all issues, but he could radically interfere with pursuing a consistent policy without bearing any responsibility.

Under these conditions, politics could not express the interests of not only the majority, but also any significant part of the population, which caused spontaneous discontent, and restrictions on public expression of protest led to the radicalization of the opposition.

The draft composition of the Provisional Government, represented by representatives of the Cadets, Octobrists and a group of members of the State Council. Edited by Emperor Nicholas II.

The February Revolution was not only a consequence of the failures of the Russian government during the First World War. But it was not the war that was the cause of all the contradictions that existed in Russia at that time; the war exposed them and accelerated the fall of tsarism. The war accelerated the crisis of the autocratic system.

The war affected the system of economic ties - primarily between city and countryside. The food situation in the country has worsened; the decision to introduce “food appropriation” did not improve the situation. Famine began in the country. The highest state power was also discredited by a chain of scandals surrounding Rasputin and his entourage, who were then called “dark forces.” By 1916, outrage over Rasputinism had already reached the Russian armed forces - both officers and lower ranks. The fatal mistakes of the tsar, combined with the loss of confidence in the tsarist government, led it to political isolation, and the presence of an active opposition created fertile ground for a political revolution.

On the eve of the February Revolution in Russia, against the backdrop of an acute food crisis, the political crisis is deepening. For the first time, the State Duma came forward with demands for the resignation of the tsarist government; this demand was supported by the State Council.

The political crisis was growing. On November 1, 1916, at a meeting of the State Duma, P. N. Milyukov made a speech. “Stupidity or treason?” - with this question P. N. Milyukov characterized the phenomenon of Rasputinism on November 1, 1916 at a meeting of the State Duma.

The State Duma's demand for the resignation of the tsarist government and the creation of a “responsible government” - responsible to the Duma, led to the resignation on November 10 of the chairman of the government, Sturmer, and the appointment of a consistent monarchist, General Trepov, to this post. The State Duma, trying to defuse discontent in the country, continued to insist on the creation of a “responsible government” and the State Council joins its demands. On December 16, Nicholas II sent the State Duma and State Council for the Christmas holidays until January 3.

Growing crisis

Barricades on Liteiny Prospekt. Postcard from the State Museum of Political History of Russia

On the night of December 17, Rasputin was killed as a result of a monarchist conspiracy, but this did not resolve the political crisis. On December 27, Nicholas II dismissed Trepov and appointed Prince Golitsyn chairman of the Council of Ministers. During the transfer of affairs, he received from Trepov two decrees signed by the tsar on the dissolution of the State Duma and the State Council with undated dates. Golitsyn had to find a compromise through behind-the-scenes negotiations with the leaders of the State Duma and resolve the political crisis.

In total, in Russia in January-February 1917, only at enterprises subject to the supervision of the factory inspection, 676 thousand people went on strike, including participants political strikes in January were 60%, and in February - 95%).

On February 14, State Duma meetings opened. They showed that events in Russia were beyond the control of the authorities, the State Duma abandoned the demand for the creation of a “responsible government” and limited itself to agreeing to the creation by the tsar of a “government of trust” - a government that the State Duma could trust, the Duma members were in complete confusion.

Subsequent events showed that there were more powerful forces in Russian society that did not want the political crisis to be resolved, and deeper reasons for the democratic revolution and the transition from monarchy to republic.

Difficulties in supplying the city with bread and rumors about the imminent introduction of bread rationing led to the disappearance of bread. Long queues lined up at the bread shops - “tails”, as they called it then.

February 18 (on Saturday at the Putilov plant - the largest artillery plant in the country and Petrograd, which employed 36 thousand workers - the workers of the Lafetno-stamping workshop (shop) went on strike, demanding a 50% increase in wages. February 20 (Monday) Administration The plant agreed to increase wages by 20% on the condition that they “start work immediately." The workers’ delegates asked for the Administration’s consent to begin work the next day. The administration did not agree and closed the gun-stamping “workshop” on February 21. In support of the strikers, they began to stop work on February 21 work and other workshops. On February 22, the plant administration issued an order to dismiss all workers of the Lafetno-stamping “workshop” and close the plant for an indefinite period - declared a lockout. .

As a result, 36 thousand workers of the Putilov plant found themselves in war conditions without work and without armor from the front.

On February 22, Nicholas II leaves Petrograd for Mogilev to the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

The main events

On February 24, demonstrations and rallies of Putilov workers resumed. Workers from other factories began to join them. 90 thousand workers went on strike. Strikes and political protests began to develop into a general political demonstration against tsarism.

Announcement by the commander of the Petrograd Military District S.S. Khabalov on the use of weapons to disperse demonstrations. February 25, 1917

On February 25, a general strike began, which covered 240 thousand workers. Petrograd was declared in a state of siege; by decree of Nicholas II, meetings of the State Duma and State Council were suspended until April 1, 1917. Nicholas II ordered the army to suppress workers' protests in Petrograd
On February 26, columns of demonstrators moved towards the city center. Troops were brought into the streets, but the soldiers began to refuse to shoot at the workers. There were several clashes with the police, and by evening the police cleared the city center of demonstrators.
On February 27 (March 12), early in the morning, an armed uprising of soldiers of the Petrograd garrison began - the training team of the reserve battalion of the Volyn regiment, numbering 600 people, rebelled. The soldiers decided not to shoot at the demonstrators and to join the workers. The team leader was killed. The Volynsky regiment was joined by the Lithuanian and Preobrazhensky regiments. As a result, a general workers' strike was supported by an armed uprising of soldiers. (On the morning of February 27, the rebel soldiers numbered 10 thousand, in the afternoon - 26 thousand, in the evening - 66 thousand, the next day - 127 thousand, on March 1 - 170 thousand, that is the entire garrison Petrograd.) The rebel soldiers marched in formation to the city center. On the way, the Arsenal - Petrograd artillery warehouse was captured. The workers received 40 thousand rifles and 30 thousand revolvers. The Kresty city prison was captured and all prisoners were released. Political prisoners, including the “Gvozdyov group,” joined the rebels and led the column. The City Court was burned. The rebel soldiers and workers occupied the most important points of the city, government buildings and arrested ministers. At approximately 2 p.m., thousands of soldiers came to the Tauride Palace, where the State Duma was meeting, and occupied all its corridors and the surrounding territory. They had no way back; they needed political leadership.

The Duma was faced with a choice: either join the uprising and try to take control of the movement, or perish along with tsarism. Under these conditions, the State Duma decided to formally obey the tsar’s decree on the dissolution of the Duma, but by decision of a private meeting of deputies, at about 17 o’clock it created the Temporary Committee of the State Duma, chaired by the Octobrist M. Rodzianko, by co-opting 2 deputies from each faction. On the night of February 28, the Provisional Committee announced that it was taking power into its own hands.

After the rebel soldiers came to the Tauride Palace, deputies of the left factions of the State Duma and representatives of trade unions created the Temporary Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies in the Tauride Palace. He distributed leaflets to factories and military units calling for them to elect their deputies and send them to the Tauride Palace by 7 p.m., 1 deputy from every thousand workers and from each company. At 21 o'clock, meetings of workers' deputies opened in the left wing of the Tauride Palace and the Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies was created, headed by the Menshevik Chkheidze and the deputy chairman of the Executive Committee, Trudovik A.F. Kerensky. The Petrograd Soviet included representatives of socialist parties (Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks), trade unions and non-party workers and soldiers. The Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries played a decisive role in the Soviet. The Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies decided to support the Provisional Committee of the State Duma in the creation of the Provisional Government, but not to participate in it.
February 28 (March 13) - Chairman of the Provisional Committee Rodzianko negotiates with the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, General Alekseev, about support for the Provisional Committee from the army, and also negotiates with Nicholas II, in order to prevent revolution and the overthrow of the monarchy.

Order number 1 disintegrated the Russian army, eliminated the main components of any army at all times - the most severe hierarchy and discipline.

The Provisional Committee formed a Provisional Government headed by Prince Lvov, who was replaced by the socialist Kerensky. The provisional government announced elections to the Constituent Assembly. The Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies was elected. Dual power was established in the country.

The development of the revolution in Petrograd after the overthrow of the monarchy:

March 3 (16) - the killing of officers began in Helsingfors, among whom were Rear Admiral A.K. Nebolsin and Vice Admiral A.I. Nepenin.
March 4 (17) - two manifestos were published in newspapers - the Manifesto on the abdication of Nicholas II and the Manifesto on the abdication of Mikhail Alexandrovich, as well as the Political Program of the 1st Provisional Government.

Consequences

The fall of autocracy and the establishment of dual power

The uniqueness of the revolution was the establishment of dual power in the country:

bourgeois-democratic power was represented by the Provisional Government, its local bodies (public security committees), local self-government (city and zemstvo), the government included representatives of the Cadets and Octobrist parties;

revolutionary democratic power - Councils of workers', soldiers', and peasants' deputies, soldiers' committees in the army and navy.

Negative results of the fall of autocracy

The main negative results of the overthrow of the Autocracy by the February Revolution in Russia can be considered:

The transition from the evolutionary development of society to development along a revolutionary path, which inevitably led to an increase in the number of violent crimes against individuals and attacks on property rights in society.
Significant weakening of the army(as a result of revolutionary agitation in the army and Order number 1), a decline in its combat effectiveness and, as a consequence, its ineffective further struggle on the fronts of the First World War.
Destabilization of society, which led to a deep split in the existing civil society in Russia. As a result, there was a sharp increase in class contradictions in society, the growth of which during 1917 led to the transfer of power into the hands of radical forces, which ultimately led to the Civil War in Russia.

Positive results of the fall of autocracy

The main positive result of the overthrow of the Autocracy by the February Revolution in Russia can be considered the short-term consolidation of society due to the adoption of a number of democratic legislative acts and a real chance for society, on the basis of this consolidation, to resolve many long-standing contradictions in the social development of the country. However, as subsequent events showed, which ultimately led to a bloody civil war, the country's leaders, who came to power as a result of the February revolution, were unable to take advantage of these real, albeit extremely small (considering Russia was at war at that time) chances on this.

Change of political regime

The old government bodies were abolished. The most democratic law on elections to the Constituent Assembly was adopted: universal, equal, direct with secret ballot. On October 6, 1917, by its resolution, the Provisional Government dissolved the State Duma in connection with the proclamation of Russia as a republic and the beginning of elections to the All-Russian Constituent Assembly.
The State Council of the Russian Empire was dissolved.
The Provisional Government established an Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry to investigate the malfeasance of the Tsarist ministers and senior officials.
On March 12, a Decree was issued on the abolition of the death penalty, which was replaced in especially serious criminal cases by 15 years of hard labor.
On March 18, an amnesty was announced for those convicted for criminal reasons. 15 thousand prisoners were released from places of detention. This caused a surge in crime in the country.
On March 18-20, a series of decrees and resolutions were issued on the abolition of religious and national restrictions.
Restrictions on the choice of place of residence and property rights were abolished, complete freedom of occupation was proclaimed, and women were given equal rights with men.
The Ministry of the Imperial Household was gradually eliminated. The property of the former imperial house, members of the royal family - palaces with artistic values, industrial enterprises, lands, etc., became the property of the state in March-April 1917.

Resolution “On the Establishment of the Police”. Already on February 28, the police were abolished and a people's militia was formed. 40 thousand people's militia guarded enterprises and city blocks instead of 6 thousand police officers. People's militia units were also created in other cities. Subsequently, along with the people's militia, combat workers' squads (Red Guard) also appeared. According to the adopted resolution, uniformity was introduced into the already created workers' militia units and the limits of their competence were established.
Decree “On meetings and unions.” All citizens could form unions and hold meetings without restrictions. There were no political motives for closing unions; only a court could close a union.
Decree on amnesty for all persons convicted for political reasons.
The Separate Corps of Gendarmes, including the railway police and security departments, and special civil courts were abolished (March 4).

Trade union movement

On April 12, the law on meetings and unions was issued. Workers restored democratic organizations banned during the war (trade unions, factory committees). By the end of 1917, there were more than 2 thousand trade unions in the country, led by the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions (chaired by the Menshevik V.P. Grinevich).

Changes in the local government system

On March 4, 1917, a resolution was adopted to remove all governors and vice-governors from office. In the provinces where the Zemstvo worked, the governors were replaced by the chairmen of the provincial zemstvo boards, where there were no zemstvos, the places remained unoccupied, which paralyzed the local government system.

Preparation for elections to the Constituent Assembly

Immediately after the February Revolution, preparations began for elections to the constituent assembly. The most democratic law on elections to the Constituent Assembly was adopted: universal, equal, direct with secret ballot. Preparations for the elections dragged on until the end of 1917.

Crisis of power

The inability of the Provisional Government to overcome the crisis caused an increase in revolutionary ferment: mass demonstrations took place on April 18 (May 1), in July 1917. The July uprising of 1917 - the period of peaceful development ended. Power passed to the Provisional Government. The dual power is over. The death penalty was introduced. The failure of the August speech of the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army, Infantry General L. G. Kornilov became prelude to Bolshevism, since the elections to the Soviets that followed shortly after the victory of A.F. Kerensky in his confrontation with L.G. Kornilov brought victory to the Bolsheviks, which changed their composition and the policies they pursued.

Church and revolution

Already on March 7-8, 1917, the Holy Synod issued a decree that ordered the entire clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church: in all cases during divine services, instead of commemorating the reigning house, offer a prayer for the God-protected Russian Power and its Blessed Provisional Government .

Symbol

The symbol of the February Revolution was a red bow and red banners. The previous government was declared “tsarism” and the “old regime”. The word “comrade” was included in the speech.

Notes

Bibliography

Archive of the Russian Revolution (edited by G.V. Gessen). M., Terra, 1991. In 12 volumes.
Pipes R. Russian Revolution. M., 1994.
Katkov G. Russia, 1917. The February Revolution. London, 1967.
Moorhead A. The Russian Revolution. New York, 1958.
Dyakin V.S. ABOUT ONE FAILED ATTEMPT OF TSARISM TO “SOLVE” THE LAND QUESTION DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR. (Goals and nature of the so-called liquidation of German land ownership in Russia)

Photos and documents

Soldier demonstration in February days.

Demonstration of soldiers demanding imprisonment for the bloody Nicholas. March 1917

Arrest and escort of disguised policemen. February 1917.

Meeting of the Provisional Government at the Mariinsky Palace. From right to left: Minister of Trade and Industry A.I. Konovalov, Minister of Agriculture A.I. Shingarev, Minister of Railways N.V. Nekrasov, Minister of Foreign Affairs P.N. Miliukov; Chairman of the Council of Ministers Prince G.E. Lviv; Minister of Justice A.F. Kerensky; Minister of Finance M.I. Tereshchenko; state controller I.V. Godnev; Minister of Public Education A.A. Manuilov; Comrade Minister of Internal Affairs D.M. Shchepkin; Government Affairs Manager V.D. Nabokov

The first stage of the 1917 revolution in Russia, which took place in early March (according to the Julian calendar - at the end of February - beginning of March). It began with mass anti-government protests by Petrograd workers and soldiers of the Petrograd garrison, and as a result led to the abolition of the monarchy in Russia and the establishment of the power of the Provisional Government. In Soviet historical science it was characterized as “bourgeois”.

Russia on the eve of the revolution

Of all the great powers of Europe that participated in the First World War, Russia entered it as the weakest economically. Then, in August 1914, in Petrograd it was believed that the war would last only a few months. But the hostilities dragged on. The military industry could not satisfy the demands of the army, the transport infrastructure was underdeveloped. Morale declined not only in the army, but also in the rear: villagers were dissatisfied with the departure of able-bodied workers to the army, the requisition of horses, and the reduction in the supply of urban manufactured goods; townspeople - tension in enterprises, rising costs and supply disruptions. By the beginning of 1917, the socio-economic situation of the Russian Empire had deteriorated significantly. It became increasingly difficult for the state to maintain the army and provide food to the cities; dissatisfaction with the military hardships grew among the population and among the troops.

The progressive public was outraged by what was happening at the top, criticizing the unpopular government, the frequent change of governors and ignoring the Duma. In conditions of passivity of state power, committees and associations were created throughout the country to solve problems that the state could no longer solve: the Red Cross Committee tried to control the sanitary situation in the country, Zemsky and city unions - all-Russian military-public organizations - tried to centralize the supply of the army. The Central Military-Industrial Committee (TSVPK) in Petrograd became a kind of parallel ministry.

A new wave of strikes and strikes swept the cities. In January-February, the number of strikers reached 700 thousand people; 200 thousand workers took part in the strike alone on the occasion of the 12th anniversary of Bloody Sunday in Petrograd. In some cities, demonstrators marched under the slogans “Down with autocracy!” Anti-war sentiment grew and gained popularity. Russian Social Democrats (Bolsheviks), whose leader V.I. Lenin became one of the most prominent figures in the Russian political emigration, called for the conclusion of a separate peace. Lenin's anti-war program was to turn the imperialist war into a civil war. More moderate Social Democrats, such as N. S. Chkheidze and Trudovik leader A. F. Kerensky, called themselves “defenseists” and advocated waging a defensive war in the name of the Motherland, but not autocracy.

The authorities missed the opportunity to correct the situation: the emperor and his entourage consistently rejected proposals from liberal circles to expand the powers of the Duma and attract popular figures to the government. Instead, a course was taken to neutralize the opposition: organizations that advocated the reorganization of power were closed, and instructions were sent to the army and police to suppress possible unrest.

Start of strikes in Petrograd

On February 19, due to transport difficulties in Petrograd, the food supply deteriorated. Food cards were introduced in the city. The next day, huge queues formed outside the empty bakeries. On the same day, the administration of the Putilov plant declared a lockout due to interruptions in the supply of raw materials, and as a result, 36 thousand workers lost their livelihoods. The government sided with the plant administration. Strikes in solidarity with the Putilovites took place in all districts of the capital. Representatives of the legal Duma opposition (Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, Trudovik A. F. Kerensky) tried to establish contacts with illegal organizations. A committee was created to prepare a demonstration on February 23 (March 8, new style), International Women's Day. Then up to 129 thousand people were already on strike - a third of all workers in Petrograd. They were supported by the intelligentsia, students, office workers, and artisans. Classes have stopped in educational institutions. The Bolsheviks initially did not support the initiative to demonstrate on this day and joined it at the last moment. In the evening, the authorities introduced the so-called 3rd situation in the capital - thus, from February 24, the city was transferred to the responsibility of the military. The police were mobilized and reinforced by Cossack and cavalry units, troops occupied the main administrative buildings, and river police - crossings across the Neva. Military outposts were established on the main streets and squares, and they were connected by horse patrols.

The spontaneous movement grew like an avalanche. On February 24, more than 200 thousand people went on strike, and on February 25 - more than 30 thousand. The strike grew into a general strike. Workers from all areas flocked to the city center, taking roundabout routes past police barriers. Economic slogans gave way to political ones: cries of “Down with the Tsar!” were heard more and more often. and “Down with war!” Armed squads were formed at the factories. The Emperor was not aware of the scale of what was happening: on February 25, he ordered the commander of the Petrograd Military District to stop the unrest in the capital until the next day, but by this time the general was no longer able to do anything. On February 25-26, the first clashes between strikers and the police and gendarmerie occurred; hundreds of people were killed or injured, many were arrested. On February 26 alone, more than 150 people died on Nevsky Prospect and Znamenskaya Square. On the same day, Nicholas II issued a decree dissolving the State Duma, thereby missing the chance to transition to a constitutional monarchy.

Demonstrations turn into revolution

On the night of February 27, some of the soldiers and officers of the “elite” Volyn and Preobrazhensky regiments rebelled. Within a few hours, most of the regiments of the 200,000-strong Petrograd military garrison followed their example. The military began to go over to the side of the demonstrators and take over their protection. The military command tried to bring new units to Petrograd, but the soldiers did not want to participate in the punitive operation. One military unit after another took the side of the rebels. The soldiers attached red bows to their hats and bayonets. The work of authorities, including the government, was paralyzed, strategically important points and infrastructure facilities - stations, bridges, government offices, post office, central telegraph - came under the control of the rebels. The demonstrators also seized the Arsenal, where they took more than one hundred thousand guns. The mass uprising, now armed, was joined not only by soldiers, but also by prisoners, including criminals released from the capital’s prisons. Petrograd was overwhelmed by a wave of robberies, murders and robbery. Police stations were subjected to pogroms, and the police themselves were subjected to lynching: law enforcement officers were caught and, at best, beaten, and sometimes killed on the spot. Not only released criminals, but also mutinous soldiers engaged in looting. Members of the government were arrested and imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress.

The center of the uprising was the Tauride Palace, where the Duma had previously met. On February 27, the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies was spontaneously formed here with the participation of Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, trade union leaders and cooperators. This body appealed to the collectives of factories and factories to elect their representatives to the Petrograd Soviet. By the end of the same day, the first dozens of deputies were registered, and they were joined by delegates from military units. The first meeting of the Council opened in the evening. The Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Council was the leader of the Social Democratic faction of the Duma, the Menshevik N. S. Chkheidze, his deputies were the Trudovik A. F. Kerensky and the Menshevik M. I. Skobelev. The Executive Committee also included Bolsheviks P. A. Zalutsky and A. G. Shlyapnikov. The forces grouped around the Petrograd Soviet began to position themselves as representatives of “revolutionary democracy.” The first thing the Council took up was solving the problems of defense and food supply.

Meanwhile, in the next hall of the Tauride Palace, the Duma leaders, who refused to obey the decree of Nicholas II on the dissolution of the Duma, were forming a government. On February 27, the “Provisional Committee of Members of the State Duma” was established, declaring itself the bearer of supreme power in the country. The committee was headed by Duma Chairman M.V. Rodzianko, and the body included representatives of all Duma parties, with the exception of the extreme right. The committee members created a broad political program for the transformations necessary for Russia. Their first priority was to restore order, especially among the soldiers. To do this, the Provisional Committee needed to come to an agreement with the Petrograd Soviet.

Nicholas's abdicationII

Nicholas II spent all days from February 24 to 27 at the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in Mogilev. Poorly and untimely informed, he was sure that only “unrest” was taking place in the capital. On February 27, he dismissed the head of the Petrograd Military District S.S. Khabalov and appointed General N.I. Ivanov to this position, giving him the order to “put an end to the unrest.” Chief of Staff of the Headquarters M.V. Alekseev ordered Ivanov to refrain from using forceful methods of establishing order and by the evening of February 28, having secured the support of the front commanders, he convinced Nicholas II to agree to the formation of a government responsible to the Duma.

On the same day, February 28, the monarch left Headquarters for Tsarskoe Selo - there, in the imperial residence, were his wife, Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, and their children, who were suffering from measles. On the way, his train was detained by order of the revolutionary authorities and redirected to Pskov, where the headquarters of the Northern Front was located. A delegation of the Provisional Committee of State Duma members also went there to propose that the emperor abdicate the throne in favor of his son Alexei under the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, the younger brother of Nicholas II. The Duma members' proposal was supported by the command of the army (fronts, fleets and Headquarters). On March 2, Nicholas II signed an act of abdication in favor of his brother. In Petrograd, this step caused a flurry of protests. Ordinary participants in the revolution and socialists from the Petrograd Soviet resolutely opposed the monarchy in any form, and the Minister of Justice of the Provisional Government A.F. Kerensky noted that he could not vouch for the life of the new monarch, and already on March 3, Grand Duke Mikhail abdicated the throne. In his act of abdication, he declared that the future of the monarchy would be decided by the Constituent Assembly. Thus, the monarchy in Russia ceased to exist.

Formation of a new government

By the morning of March 2, long and tense negotiations between the two centers of power - the Provisional Committee and the Petrograd Soviet - ended. On this day, the composition of the new government headed by Prince G. E. Lvov was announced. Before the convening of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly, the government declared itself Provisional. The declaration of the Provisional Government set out a program of priority reforms: amnesty for political and religious affairs, freedom of speech, press and assembly, abolition of classes and restrictions on religious and national grounds, replacement of the police with people's militia, elections to local governments. Fundamental issues - about the political system of the country, agrarian reform, self-determination of peoples - were supposed to be resolved after the convening of the Constituent Assembly. It was precisely the fact that the new government did not resolve two main issues - about ending the war and about land - that was later taken into account by the Bolsheviks in the struggle for power.

On March 2, addressing the “sailors, soldiers and citizens” gathered in the Catherine Hall, P. N. Milyukov announced the creation of the Provisional Government. He said that Prince Lvov would become the head of the government, and he himself would head the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The cadet leader's speech was received with great enthusiasm. The only representative of the Soviets who received a ministerial post was the Trudovik A.F. Kerensky.

Results of the February Revolution

The February Revolution exposed the deep socio-economic, political and spiritual contradictions of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. Various social groups tried to defend their interests and solve accumulated problems. This led to the activation of existing organizations and the emergence of new ones that sought to put pressure on the authorities. Following the example of Petrograd, Soviets began to appear throughout the country - in March 1917, there were about 600 of them in provincial, district and industrial centers alone. Soldiers' committees were formed in the army, which quickly became the real masters of military units. By May 1917, there were already almost 50 thousand such committees, containing up to 300 thousand soldiers and officers. Workers at enterprises united into factory committees (FZK). In large cities, detachments of the Red Guard and workers' militia were formed. The number of trade unions reached two thousand by June.

The February Revolution also gave impetus to national movements. For the Finnish, Polish, Ukrainian, Baltic and other national intelligentsia, it became the key to obtaining autonomy, and then national independence. Already in March 1917, the Provisional Government agreed to the demand for independence for Poland, and the Ukrainian Central Rada appeared in Kyiv, which subsequently proclaimed the national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine against the wishes of the Provisional Government.

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