On the morning of September 11, 1973, at 6:20 a.m., Chilean President Salvador Allende received a message about a mutiny in the fleet in Valparaiso. At that time, the ships of the Chilean Navy were participating in the Unitas maneuvers jointly with the US Navy. Several hundred sailors and officers - supporters National Unity who refused to support the rebellion were shot and their corpses thrown into the sea. In the morning, the rebels shelled the port and city of Valparaiso, landed troops and captured the city. At 6:30 am, the rebels began an operation to capture the Chilean capital. They captured a number of important objects. Right-wing radio stations Agricultura, Mineria and Balmacedo informed the country of the coup and the creation of a military junta. The provisional government included Augusto Pinochet, head of the ground forces, Jose Merino, commander of the Navy, Gustavo Lee, commander of the Air Force, and Cesar Mendoza, commander of the Carabinieri corps.
The Chilean Air Force bombed the Portales and Corporación radio stations, which supported Popular Unity and the legitimate president. Interestingly, Chilean Air Force planes destroyed two television towers that stood in the capital of Chile. This blow is reminiscent of the events of September 11, 2001 (the organizers are the same). At 9:10 am followed last appeal President, it was broadcast by the Magallanes radio station. Then the Air Force attacked it and it was captured by the rebels. Several dozen radio employees were killed. Then the shelling and assault began presidential palace, which was defended by about 40 people. Eight hours later, Allende was dead. While in the burning presidential palace, Allende released those who could not fight, and he himself led the defense. He knocked out a rebel tank with a grenade launcher and fell with a Kalashnikov in his hands.
Thus, a military coup took place in Chile, as a result of which the military junta led by the head of the military department, General Augusto Pinochet, overthrew the country's President Salvador Allende and the Government of Popular Unity. The coup was prepared and carried out under the direct leadership of the US CIA.
Salvador Allende refused to leave the presidential palace during the coup and resisted to the end.
What caused the coup
On November 3, 1970, Salvador Allende Gossens became President of Chile. He used to be the general secretary Socialist Party Chile, created the People's Socialist Party. Then he returned to the Socialist Party and created an alliance with the Communists - the People's Action Front. He ran for president in 1952, 1958 and 1964. In 1969, the Popular Action Front was transformed into Popular Unity. The coalition included socialists, communists, members of the Radical Party and some Christian Democrats. In the 1970 elections, Allende came out ahead by a narrow margin, overtaking the candidate of the National Party.
Economic program Allende provided for the nationalization of the largest private companies and banks. Agrarian reform led to the expropriation of private estates. In the first two years of the Allende government, approximately 500 thousand hectares of land (about 3,500 estates) were expropriated, which amounted to about one-fourth of all land cultivated in the country. Taking into account the lands expropriated under the previous government, the reorganized sector Agriculture accounted for about 40% of all agricultural land in the state. Naturally, such a policy met resistance and sabotage from the latifundists (large land owners). Massive slaughter of livestock began; cattle were driven from estates on the Chilean-Argentine border to Argentina. This led to a deterioration in the economic situation of the country.
Tensions arose in relations with Washington, which defended the interests of American firms. The United States organized a boycott of Chilean copper, and copper exports provided the country with the main foreign exchange earnings. Chilean accounts were frozen. No loans were given. Many Chilean entrepreneurs began to transfer capital abroad, wind down their businesses, and cut jobs. An artificial food shortage was created in the country.
In 1972-1973 Allende's external and internal opponents organized mass demonstrations and strikes. The main initiator of the strike was the Confederation of Truck Owners. A state of emergency was declared in the country, the president ordered the confiscation of idle trucks. In November 1972, a new government was created, where the military occupied the most important positions. Former army commander General Carlos Prats headed the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Rear Admiral Ismael Huerta - the ministry public works, Brigadier General of Aviation Claudio Sepulveda - Ministry of Mines. The country was divided into two hostile camps, opponents and supporters of reform.
It must be said that in general, Allenda’s reforms were aimed at improving the well-being of the bulk of the population. The interest rate on agricultural credit was reduced, tens of thousands of new jobs were created, the unemployment rate was reduced, the wages of low-paid categories of workers increased, the cost of living increased, the minimum wages and pensions, the purchasing power of the population increased. The government developed a system of numerous benefits and benefits and carried out democratization medical care and schools. Naturally, large owners, latifundists, and the bourgeoisie of a comprador nature came under attack. And they did not want to give up their positions. Fortunately, we had a powerful ally – the United States.
Salvador Allende Gossens is a man who wanted to free Chile from imperialist dependence and corporate robbery.
Goals of the United States and transnational structures
Washington did not want a second “continental Cuba” to appear in Latin America. Allende carried out the nationalization of enterprises large industry, in the interests of the people began agrarian reform. Thus, the geopolitical interests of the United States - the desire to keep Chile in its orbit of influence - coincided with the interests of American corporations. Inside Chile, the Americans had a strong support in the form of large property owners.
Tactically, it was necessary to remove the legally elected socialist president, Salvador Allende, and to crush the socialist, leftist movement in Chile. Moreover, this had to be done as harshly and demonstratively as possible. Return Chile to the control of TNCs, TNB. Return nationalized enterprises to their original owners, including American corporations. It was necessary to stop transformations of a socialist nature.
Strategically, Chile's successful example of a socialist course was dangerous for the US government and transnational corporations and banks in Latin America. Cuba was already lost. In many countries South America Strong armed revolutionary groups arose, which headed for the liberation of their countries from neocolonial dependence and robbery of TNCs and TNB, towards a socialist revolution following the example of Russia and Cuba. The United States and transnational structures are faced with the threat of losing a significant part or all of Latin America. The threat would especially increase if the Stalinist course was maintained in the USSR. With the support of the USSR, Latin American countries could free themselves from dependence. Unfortunately, the seeds of treason were already sprouted in the USSR. Moscow did not use the powerful tool of the KGB to provide effective assistance to Allende.
Allende's victory and his reforms in Chile opened a direct path to the possibility of proclaiming a socialist course and the emergence of a second springboard of socialism in Latin America. It is clear that such an opportunity had to be stopped at any cost, burned out with a hot iron.
How coups are made
Most Full description coup of 1973 is contained in a separate report of the US Senate commission on operations in Chile. According to it, 13 million US dollars were spent on organizing the coup. The Americans acted in several key areas at once. The money went to support political parties that opposed left-wing movements. First of all, they supported the Christian Democrats. They financed the opposition press, mainly the giant newspaper El Mercurio. The Americans fueled the strike movement. In particular, the movement of truck owners in 1972-1973 paralyzed the Chilean economy (up to 80% of the country's cargo was transported by trucks). Financial assistance was provided to the right-wing terrorist organization Patria y Lebertad. The Chilean government was pressured by delaying loans, both at the private and government levels. Weapons were supplied to terrorist groups. In 1970, money was allocated against Allende's election campaign. During the 1970 election, Americans spent about $0.5 million.
On September 7, 1973, the American Ambassador to Chile, Nathaniel Davis, urgently flew to Washington. He held a confidential meeting with Henry Kissinger and returned to Santiago on September 9. The Chilean ambassador to Mexico, Hugo Vigorena, said that a few days after the coup he saw documents that he showed him former agent CIA, they set out a plan to overthrow Allende (“Plan Centaurus”).
It should be noted that Allende practically deprived himself of his main support. In August 1973, the military, led by Pinochet, organized a provocation against General Prats, who remained loyal to the Government of Popular Unity. Prats resigned. The President appointed General Pinochet in his place. On August 23, Carlos Prats noted in his diary: “My career is over. Without exaggerating my role, I believe that my resignation is a prelude to a coup d’etat and the greatest betrayal... Now all that remains is to set the day of the coup...” Prats' capabilities are evidenced by the events of the coup, when the CIA used an interesting psychological technique(method of unstructured management). A rumor was spread in Santiago that a brigade under the command of Prats (he was under house arrest at that time) was approaching the capital from the north to help the president, and detachments of volunteers were joining it. As a result, Allende’s active supporters in Santiago believed the much-desired information and began to wait for the arrival of “reinforcements.” The coup organizers managed to avoid a large-scale confrontation with Allende's supporters in the capital and achieved victory, although there were well-prepared and well-organized groups of supporters of the legitimate president in Chile and neighboring countries.
Why was Allende so careless? Many researchers believe that Salvador Allende underestimated the danger of a coup, since he himself belonged to the Chilean aristocracy and was a Freemason (he himself admitted this). According to Masonic ethics, you cannot touch “your own.” Pinochet was also a Freemason, and he should not have gone against his “brother.” However, Allende clearly miscalculated. Masons are not the most top positions in the Western hierarchy. Allende's actions harmed the United States and transnational corporations, so he was sentenced. Peaceful attempts - through elections, strikes - did not lead to the fall of Allende, so they took extreme measures. Moreover, National Unity was suppressed with maximum and demonstrative cruelty, so that others would be discouraged.
"Patria y Libertad". On July 30, 1971, American President Richard Nixon replaced the ambassador to Chile, Ed Corrie, with Mr. Davis, who was known as an expert on “communist affairs.” Davis in 1956 -1960 headed the USSR department at the US State Department. He was envoy to Bulgaria and ambassador to Guatemala. In Guatemala, he was noted as the “father” of the “Black Hand” - a paramilitary organization that organized and carried out terrorist attacks against representatives of the leftist movement. In addition, Mr. Davis was considered the organizer of the spy auxiliary organization Peace Corps, which at the beginning of the coup in Chile had hundreds of informants. The activities of the Corps were so open that already in 1969, deputy Luis Figueroa, chairman of the United Workers' Union of Chile, accused him of espionage activities.
On September 10, 1970, following the example of the Black Hand, the CIA created the Patria and Libertad (Homeland and Freedom) movement in Chile. Its formal leader was Pablo Rodriguez. The Homeland and Freedom movement was supposed to organize Allenda's opponents. Combat groups were created where fighters were trained, teaching them shooting and hand-to-hand combat skills. The head of the fighting organization was Roberto Temier. In addition, training camps were established outside of Chile. In particular, such a camp was organized in the town of Vyacha, thirty kilometers from La Paz. Its leader was former Chilean army major Arturo Marshall. The number of militants reached 400 people. Among the leaders of Rodina and Freedom, Ivan Feldes stood out. He was in charge of communications. He imported equipment to Chile that made it possible to intercept the encryption of the intelligence services of all three branches of the armed forces and, if necessary, paralyze the entire network intercom in the country. The movement was financed by the President of the Industrial Development Association, Orlando Saez, and large landowner Benjamin Matte, who represented the National Association of Agriculture. Svoboda militants acted in close cooperation with criminal elements.
Patria y Libertad organized street riots, attacks on government agencies, educational institutions, premises of the socialist party, on leaders of the communist and socialist parties, journalists expressing the interests of National Unity. The organization was openly terrorist. On June 17, 1973, the premises of the Communist Party in Nuñoa were machine-gunned and the premises of the Socialist Party in Barrancas were attacked. On June 20, a bomb was detonated on national television in Santiago. On June 26 they were fired upon public buildings in Santiago. Similar incidents occurred almost every day: shelling, explosions, attacks, beatings, arson, etc. Bandits blew up bridges, railways, electrical substations and others important objects. Due to power failures, industrial refrigerators stopped working, and by August the country had lost half of its harvested fruits and vegetables. Due to sabotage on communications, the supply of food to the provinces was disrupted. Truck drivers who delivered food to working-class areas were beaten and killed. The situation in the country was being prepared for hour X.
On June 29, Svoboda militants held a real rehearsal for a future coup. In the morning in Santiago, from the location of the 2nd Armored Regiment, several tanks, armored vehicles and trucks with soldiers drove out onto the street. Having driven to Bulnes Square, one of the tanks fired at the presidential palace, other vehicles moved towards the Ministry of Defense. A Sherman tank approached the front of the building, climbed the flights of stairs, knocked down the door with a blow from its hull, and fired into the lobby. This rebellion was suppressed in the evening. The military prosecutor's office conducted an investigation and found out that Motherland and Freedom was behind the rebellion.
Pinochet was a screen. All organizational work was carried out by professionals from the CIA. All the threads went to the National Security Council, which was headed by Henry Kissinger. Dean Rois Hanton was responsible for organizing the economic sabotage and strangulation of Chile. In 1971, he received the position of deputy chairman of the Council on International Economic Policy. Hunton in Guatemala, together with Nathaniel Davis, organized a “counter-revolution”. The second envoy to the American Embassy in Chile was Harry W. Schlaudeman. Before that, he worked in Bogota, Bulgaria, and the Dominican Republic. Also taking part in organizing the coup were: Daniel Arzak, James E. Anderson, Dalon B. Tipton, Raymond Alfred Warren, Arnold M. Isaacs, Frederick W. Latrash, Joseph F. McManus, Keith Willock (he was the organizer of Operations Patria and Libertad "), Donald Winters et al.
The neoliberal myth of Pinochet
During the years of the dominance of liberal ideology in Russia, the myth about the beneficent rule of Pinochet and the “economic miracle” in Chile was launched. Pinochet, having seized power, began to pursue liberal policies in the spirit of Yegor Gaidar’s “shock therapy” in Russia in the early 1990s. This policy did not lead to an “economic miracle”. The economy has not even returned to the level of development achieved under Allende. A tenth of the population left the country. These were mostly qualified specialists, since ordinary peasants did not have the financial opportunity to leave.
Chile became the first country in the world to implement the ideas of 1976 Nobel laureate Milton Friedman. Pinochet's advisors were the so-called. "Chicago boys" are followers of Friedman's views. Chile proposed a stabilization program based on a monetarist approach (it underlay all IMF programs). Monetarists see the root of all ills in the excess money supply in circulation, from public policy“cheap money” and excessive emissions, which leads to inflation. To “recover” the economy, they propose reducing the amount of money through tough credit and budget policies. The budget deficit is reduced by reducing government programs, including social spending, investments, subsidies, etc. In Russia, until now, figures (or saboteurs?) of this kind dominate the economy and finance. They see salvation in sharp cost cuts. While Roosevelt, Stalin and Hitler achieved enormous success by investing a lot of money in the development of the country's infrastructure.
Monetarists propose reducing consumer spending by reducing or freezing wages. In addition, this measure leads to a reduction in production costs. In the banking sector there is a policy of “expensive money”, an increase in interest rates. Devaluation of the national currency, reduction in government emission of money. Limitation of state regulation of prices and foreign trade(export-oriented industries benefit from this).
In Chile, wages were reduced and the number of people employed in the public sector was reduced. Subsidies for state-owned enterprises were cancelled. Educational and health programs were cut off from government funding (just a dream of Russian “liberal fascists”!). The state budget deficit began to be covered mainly by IMF loans. Money emission was reduced to almost zero (in 1985, only 0.2% of GDP).
More than a third of the population were thrown into poverty. There was a sharp deepening social inequality and poverty. For example, the director of a company producing paper and cardboard received 4.5 million pesos per year, and a nurse received 30 thousand pesos (ratio 150:1, respectively). Economically, the country began to resemble a classic colony, a raw material appendage of the West. Due to external debts, there was almost a loss national independence. Over two decades, Chile was plunged into debt: from $3 billion in 1973, the country's external debt increased to $17 billion in 1982 and rose to $21 billion in 1993.
Under National economy they planted a “bomb” in the form of a sharp drop in government spending on infrastructure development (communication routes, power lines, schools, hospitals, etc.). From 1973 to 1982, infrastructure development rates fell by 22%. In particular, if in 1973 Chile was ahead of Latin America in electricity production by 50%, then over 20 years electricity production increased by only 1%. The lack of investment in this area of the national economy is one of the characteristic features of all neoliberal “stabilization” programs (in reality, this is stable degradation). This is a real delayed-action nuclear landmine for the national economy. The example of Ukraine and the Russian Federation, which fell into the same trap, is obvious. Both states followed the lead of Western and home-grown neoliberals, eating away the Soviet legacy and not developing infrastructure. Now we need hundreds of billions for major repairs, complete replacement and modernization of the country's infrastructure.
Bombing of the presidential palace "La Moneda" during the military coup in Chile.
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Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte (Spanish: Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte; November 25, 1915, Valparaiso, Chile - December 10, 2006, Santiago, Chile) - Chilean statesman and military leader, captain general, head of the military junta from September 11, 1973 to September 27 June 1974, Supreme Head of the Chilean nation from June 27 to December 17, 1974, President of Chile (dictator) from December 17, 1974 to March 11, 1990. Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Armed Forces from September 11, 1973 to March 11, 1990.
The future dictator was born on November 25, 1915 in Valparaiso, his father was a customs official. Augusto entered the Chilean Military Academy in Santiago at the age of 18. He graduated from the academy with the rank of junior lieutenant in 1936. For some time he served with her, and then began teaching at a military college. Then he held some command positions in the troops and reached the point where he became a brigadier general. In 1968, he returned to Santiago and took over as commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
In 1970, Salvador Allende came to power, the first popularly elected socialist president in the Western Hemisphere. He tried with all his might to weaken US influence on Chilean domestic politics. Ties were established with Cuba. The United States tried to pursue a policy of isolating Chile, and the CIA spent a lot of money to support General Pionchet and destabilize the Allende regime. No matter how good Salvador Allende’s intentions were, a crisis began in the country, production fell, and food shortages became tense. Pinochet took advantage of this. He enlisted the support of the navy, military forces, and the Carabinieri corps. Together they decided to overthrow the El Salvador regime.
On September 11, 1973, one of the bloodiest coups in Latin America began. The Navy captured the port of Valparaiso, armored and other troops were pulled towards Santiago. Pinochet gives Allende an ultimatum, he asked him to resign immediately, otherwise the regime will be overthrown by force and no matter what sacrifices have to be made. Allende refused. He began hastily preparing for defense, but the forces were unequal. A couple of hours of fierce battle and the presidential palace in the capital was captured, and inside, among the many corpses, there was Allende’s corpse. It is believed that he killed himself, and some say that he died in battle.
After the change of power, those who held left-wing political views were subjected to repression. Martial law and curfew were introduced in the country. Violation of the hour - execution on the spot. Pionchet was proclaimed President of Chile. First, it was necessary to break ties with the USSR and Cuba. A large-scale trial of 14,000 representatives of the political left began. parties. One was executed and the others were expelled from the country. About 20,000 people died during the coup and civil purges, according to experts. Thousands of people were imprisoned as political prisoners. And the United States, which prioritized its international politics protection of human rights throughout the world, cynically supported the repressive and inhumane regime in Chile. They gave Pinochet financial assistance. Towards the end of Augusto's reign, economic situation the country has improved significantly. Inflation has been reduced in Chile. External debt was reduced and unemployment fell by 8%. Experts were quick to report an “economic miracle” in Chile. High-rise buildings appeared in Santiago, the metro began to operate, public gardens, road junctions, and modern shopping centers. However, behind the external prosperity there were a lot of social problems. About five million Chileans lived below the poverty line in the country in the 1980s.
In 1985, Pinochet stated that communist party prohibited by law in Chile. He did not want leftist forces to seize power in the country. However, socialists and communists circumvented the ban. They united and created a new party. In March 1990, Pinochet was forced to resign. Democratic forces came to power, but Augusto continued to command the ground forces and political life countries actively participated. At the beginning of 1998, Pinochet resigned as commander of the ground forces, but remained, in accordance with the constitution, a senator for life.
The dictator went to London for treatment in 1998, but was arrested there. He was accused of murder based on a warrant issued by Spain. However, he was released on bail. Two years later, he was deprived of senatorial immunity; he was a suspect in many more cases related to his past and the regime in Chile. He was accused of kidnapping, drug trafficking, and corruption. Basically, of course, he was tried for many murders. In 2006, the dictator suffered a severe heart attack. He died on December 10 of the same year. His body was cremated and given military honors, but there was no mourning. Pinochet's activities in leading the country are still assessed ambiguously.
Spanish Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte
Augusto Pinochet - President of Chile from December 17, 1974 to March 11, 1990
Predecessor: Salvador Allende Gossens
Chairman of the Government of the Military Junta of Chile (September 11, 1973 - March 11, 1981)
Religion: Catholicism
Birth: November 25, 1915 Valparaiso, Chile
Death: December 10, 2006 Santiago, Chile
Party: Non-Party
Military service Years of service: 1931-1998
Affiliation: Chile Rank: Captain General
Commanded by: Chilean Armed Forces
Augusto Pinochet
Augusto Pinochet Augusto Pinochet(Spanish: Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte; November 25, 1915, Valparaiso, Chile - December 10, 2006, Santiago, Chile) - Chilean statesman and military leader, captain general. Came to power as a result of a military coup in 1973 that overthrew the socialist government of President Salvador Allende.
Chairman of the Government of the Military Junta of Chile (1973-1981), President and dictator of Chile in 1974-1990. Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Armed Forces (1973-1998).
Augusto Pinochet born in one of the largest port cities in Chile - Valparaiso. His father, Augusto Pinochet Vera, was a port customs employee, and his mother, Avelina Ugarte Martinez, was a housewife and raised six children, among whom the future head of state was the eldest. Pinochet's great-grandfather, of Breton origin, moved to Latin America from France. He left considerable savings as an inheritance to subsequent generations of the family.
For Augusto, who came from the “middle classes,” the path to the top could only be opened by service in the armed forces, with which, upon reaching the age of 17, he threw in his lot by entering the infantry school in San Bernardo. Prior to this, he studied at the school of the Seminary of Saint Raphael and the Institute of Quillota and Colegio of the Sacred Hearts of the French Fathers of Valparaiso. IN infantry school the young man spent four years (from 1933 to 1937), graduated from the latter in junior officer rank and was sent first to the Chacabuco regiment in Concepcion, and then to the Maipo regiment in Valparaiso.
In 1948 Pinochet entered the country's Higher Military Academy, from which he graduated three years later. Now the service is in military units alternated between being a dedicated officer and teaching in army educational institutions. In 1953, Pinochet published his first book, entitled “The Geography of Chile, Argentina, Bolivia and Peru,” defended his thesis, received a bachelor’s degree and entered the law school of the University of Chile, from which he never graduated: in 1956 he was sent to Quito to assist in the creation of the Ecuadorian Military Academy.
At the end of 1959 Pinochet returned to Chile, where he commanded a regiment (and over time a brigade and a division), was engaged in staff work, served as deputy head of the Military Academy, and having received the rank of general, he published his next works - “Essay on the Study of Chilean Geopolitics” and “Geopolitics” .
In 1967 army unit under the command of Pinochet, a peaceful meeting of striking miners at the El Salvador mine was shot. As a result of the shooting, not only the workers were killed, but also several children and a pregnant woman.
In 1971, Pinochet took over as commander of the Santiago garrison, his first assignment under the Popular Unity government led by President Salvador Allende. At the beginning of November 1972, as deputy minister of the interior of General Carlos Prats, he became acting commander-in-chief of the ground forces. In August 1973, the military, led by Pinochet, organized a provocation against General Prats, who, remaining loyal to the Government of Popular Unity, unable to withstand the persecution, resigned from all posts. Allende appointed General Pinochet in his place. Carlos Prats wrote in his diary on August 23, 1973: “My career is over. Without exaggerating my role, I believe that my resignation is a prelude to a coup d’etat and the greatest betrayal... Now all that remains is to set the day of the coup...”
On September 11, 1973, a military coup took place in Chile, one of the initiators of which was A. Pinochet. This was not an ordinary garrison-type mutiny, but a well-planned military operation, centered on a combined attack using artillery, aircraft and infantry. The Presidential Palace was attacked with rockets. All state and government institutions were occupied by military formations. Measures were taken to prevent military units from marching in defense of the Government of Popular Unity. Officers who refused to support the putsch were shot. During the coup, the government of Popular Unity with Salvador Allende was overthrown. A military junta was formed, which included: General A. Pinochet (from the army), Admiral Jose Toribio Merino Castro (from the Navy), General Gustavo Lee Guzman (from the Air Force) and General Cesar Mendoza Duran (from the Carabinieri).
Presidency of Augusto Pinochet
Soon after the coup Augusto Pinochet stated that the armed forces remain faithful to their professional duty, that only feelings of patriotism, as well as (quote from the statement Pinochet) “Marxists and the situation in the country” forced them to take power into their own hands, that “as soon as calm is restored and the economy is brought out of a state of collapse, the army will return to the barracks.” The general even set a deadline for the implementation of these goals - about 20 years, after which Chile will return to democracy.
Until December 1974, Pinochet remained the head of the military junta, and from December 1974 to March 1990 he served as President of Chile, being at the same time the commander-in-chief of the country's armed forces. Over time, he managed to concentrate all power in his hands, eliminating all his competitors - General Gustavo Lee received his resignation, Admiral Merino, who formally remained part of the junta, was eventually deprived of all power, the Minister of the Interior, General Oscar Bonilla, died in a plane crash during unclear circumstances. In the summer of 1974, the law “On the Legal Status of the Government Junta” was adopted, in which General Pinochet was proclaimed the supreme bearer of power. He was endowed with broad powers, including the right to single-handedly declare a state of siege, approve or repeal any laws, and appoint and remove judges. His power was not limited by parliament or political parties (although it continued to be formally limited by other members of the junta). Back on September 21, 1973, according to a presidential decree-law, the National Congress of Chile was dissolved, as stated, due to the inability to “comply at the present time with the legislative requirements for the established procedure for the adoption of laws.”
From the first days of its rule, the military regime declared a state of “ internal war». General Pinochet stated: “Of all our enemies, the main and most dangerous is the Communist Party. We must destroy it now while it reorganizes throughout the country. If we fail, it will destroy us sooner or later." Military tribunals were established, replacing civil courts, secret torture centers were created (Londres 38, Colonia Dignidad, Villa Grimaldi) and several concentration camps for political prisoners. The executions of the most dangerous opponents of the regime were carried out - at the Santiago stadium, during Operation Caravan of Death, etc. Military intelligence services played a significant role in the first months of repression: army intelligence, naval intelligence, intelligence air force and reconnaissance of the Carabinieri corps. However, it soon became clear to the leaders of the regime that the authorities military intelligence do not cope with the assigned tasks.
In January 1974, a unified national intelligence agency began to be created. First, the National Executive Secretariat for Prisoners' Affairs was formed, and in the summer of the same year, the Directorate of National Intelligence (DINA). Its tasks included collecting and analyzing information necessary to ensure national security, as well as the physical destruction of those who opposed the regime. By the mid-70s, DINA had up to 15 thousand employees. During Operation Condor, which it initiated, the targets of the new secret service were opponents of the military government who were in exile. The first victim was General Carlos Prats, who lived in Argentina. On September 30, 1974, he and his wife were blown up in their own car right in the center of Buenos Aires. Then the hunt began for the former defense minister in the Allende government, socialist Orlando Letelier, who criticized the military regime from abroad. On September 11, 1976, he was declared an “enemy of the nation” and stripped of his Chilean citizenship, and exactly 10 days later he was killed by DINA agents in Washington. In August 1977, Pinochet issued a decree formally dissolving DINA, and the National Information Center (NIC) was created on the basis of this organization. Like DINA, the new body reported directly to Augusto Pinochet.
In 1978, Pinochet held a referendum on his credibility and received 75 percent of the vote in his favor. Observers called it a major political victory for Pinochet, whose propaganda skillfully exploited Chileans' anti-Americanism and their commitment to values such as national dignity and sovereignty. However, the possibility of falsification on the part of the regime could not be ruled out.
In August 1980, a plebiscite on the draft constitution took place. 67 percent of the votes were cast in favor and 30 percent against. Since March 1981, the constitution came into force, but the implementation of its main articles - on elections, congress and parties - was delayed for eight years. Augusto Pinochet, without elections, was declared "constitutional president for eight years with the right of re-election for a further eight years."
In 1981 - early 1982, after a short rise economic situation in the country has worsened again. At the same time, Pinochet refused to consider the “National Agreement for the Transition to Democracy.” At the beginning of July 1986, a general strike took place in Chile.
September 7, 1986 Patriotic Front named after. Manuel Rodriguez attacked the dictator, but it was unsuccessful. Having let the escort of motorcyclists pass, the guerrillas blocked the path of the president's limousine with a truck and trailer and opened fire. The partisans' weapons failed - first the grenade launcher misfired, then after the second shot the grenade pierced the glass, but did not explode. Five of the general's guards were killed during the attack. He himself called it “the finger of the Almighty” that he managed to remain unharmed. “God saved me,” he said, “so that I could continue to fight in the name of the fatherland.” By his order, the broken and burnt cars of the presidential motorcade were put on public display.
In the field of economics, Pinochet chose the most rigid and radical path of “pure” transnationalization. “Chile is a country of property owners, not proletarians,” the dictator repeated. Around him formed a group of Chilean economists, many of whom had studied in Chicago under the leadership of Nobel laureate Professor Friedman and Professor Arnold Harberger. They developed, in relation to Chile, a program for the transition to free market economy. Friedman himself attached great importance to the Chilean experiment and visited the country several times.
In August 1987, a law on political parties was adopted, which further worsened the image of the regime abroad.
An interim plebiscite, provided for by the 1980 constitution, was scheduled for October 5, 1988. After the announcement of the upcoming plebiscite, the head of the junta assured future voters that all political forces, including the opposition, will have the right to control the voting process. The authorities lifted the state of emergency and allowed former deputies and senators, leaders of some left parties and trade unions, who had previously been declared “state criminals,” to return to the country. Hortensia Bussi, the widow of Salvador Allende, was also allowed to return to Chile. On August 30, members of the junta, after a short debate, unanimously named Augusto Pinochet as presidential candidate; Pinochet himself could only agree. His appointment as the only candidate caused an explosion of indignation in Chile. In clashes with the carabinieri, 3 people were killed, 25 were injured, and 1,150 demonstrators were arrested. By the time of the plebiscite, the country's opposition forces had consolidated and acted more decisively and organizedly. More than a million people gathered for the final rally on the Pan-American Highway - it was the largest demonstration in the history of Chile. When are the polls public opinion began to predict the victory of the opposition, Pinochet began to show clear signs of concern. To attract voters, he announced an increase in pensions and salaries for employees, demanded that entrepreneurs reduce prices for socially important food products (bread, milk, sugar), appointed a 100% subsidy for cold water supply and sewerage, and promised to distribute to peasants those lands that were still belong to the state.
In the plebiscite on October 5, 1988, calculations showed that about 55 percent of voters cast their votes against the dictator. More than 43 percent of voters were in favor of giving Pinochet the opportunity to remain at the head of Chile for another 8 years. However, this otherwise gratifying fact (the support of more than 3 million Chileans!) this time did not satisfy the dictator. It was no longer possible not to recognize the preponderance of votes in favor of the opposition. Two weeks after the plebiscite he was removed from his post close friend and Pinochet’s ally, Sergio Fernandez, who was declared almost the main culprit for the loss of victory. Together with Fernandez, the head of the junta removed eight more ministers, thereby carrying out a major purge in the government. Speaking on radio and television, Pinochet assessed the voting results as a “mistake of the Chileans,” but said that he recognized the verdict of the voters and would respect the results of the vote.
Pinochet family
In 1943 Pinochet married 20-year-old Lucia Iriart Rodriguez. She served as the First Lady of Chile from 1973 to 1990. They had five children - three daughters and two sons.
With Augusto Pinochet After leaving the presidency
On March 11, 1990, a democratic government led by Patricio Aylwin came to power. Pinochet resigned as president, but remained commander-in-chief of the ground forces and retained his influence in the political life of the country. Authority Augusto Pinochet continued to fall. A public opinion poll conducted in 1992 showed that only 20 percent of those surveyed voted for him, Aylwin received 70% of the votes. The general also had problems abroad. In 1991, his European tour was disrupted because at the very beginning, when Augusto Pinochet was in Great Britain, none of the official representatives received him. Meanwhile, the Aylwin government continued Pinochet course to the neoliberal modernization of the country. The new president has repeatedly noted that military dictatorship left his government with not the best economic legacy: high budget deficit, inflation, unemployment, low standard of living. At the same time, they paid tribute to the changes for the better in the economy that Augusto Pinochet was able to achieve.
In 1994, Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle took office as president - the son, according to one version, of the dictator Eduardo Frei Montalva, who was poisoned on the orders of dictator. During his reign, the military, led by Pinochet, continued to enjoy considerable influence. One of the ministers in the Frey government told a Chicago Tribune correspondent: “Pinochet and the military are listened to. They are very powerful and play an important role.”
At the beginning of 1998, Pinochet resigned as commander of the ground forces, but remained, in accordance with the constitution, a senator for life.
Military career of Augusto Pinochet
Criminal prosecution of Augusto Pinochet in 1998-2005
In October 1998 Augusto Pinochet went for an operation in one of the private clinics in London, where he was arrested on suspicion of murder on the basis of a warrant issued by the court of Spain: hundreds of citizens of this country were killed or disappeared without a trace in Chile during his reign Augusto Pinochet. The Spanish side demanded extradition former dictator, but the London court recognized that Pinochet, being a lifelong senator of Chile, enjoys immunity. The House of Lords overturned this decision and declared the arrest legal. The Chilean side insisted on the illegality of both the arrest itself Pinochet, and his extradition to Spain.
At the end of October 1998, a London court granted Pinochet's lawyers' request for his release on bail. At the same time, the court imposed a number of restrictions, according to which the former head of Chile had to remain in one of the London hospitals under constant police protection.
On March 24, 1999, the House of Lords issued a final verdict that Pinochet should not be held responsible for crimes committed before 1988, but would not be immune from prosecution for crimes committed later. This ruling allowed up to 27 charges on the basis of which Spain sought Pinochet's deportation to be thrown out.
On March 2, 2000, Pinochet's 16-month house arrest ended and, according to the decision of British Home Secretary Jack Straw, based on the results of a medical examination, the general flew to Chile, where he was placed in a military hospital in Santiago.
In August 2000, the Supreme Court of Chile deprived Pinochet senatorial immunity, after which he was prosecuted on more than 100 counts of murder, as well as kidnapping and torture. However, in July 2001, the court recognized Pinochet as suffering from senile dementia, which was the reason for his release from criminal liability.
On August 26, 2004, the Supreme Court of Chile deprived Pinochet immunity from prosecution, and on December 2 of the same year, the country's Court of Appeal decided to begin the trial of the former dictator, accused of complicity in the murder of the commander ground forces General Carlos Prats.
January 21, 2005 vs. Pinochet was charged with the murder of members of the Left in 1977 revolutionary movement Juan Ramirez and Nelson Espejo.
On July 6, 2005, the Court of Appeal of Chile deprived Pinochet immunity from prosecution on charges of involvement in the extermination of political opponents of the regime as part of the so-called Operation Colombo (which was part of the large-scale Operation Condor).
On September 14, 2005, the Supreme Court of Chile again deprived Pinochet immunity from criminal prosecution which he enjoyed as a former head of state.
On November 23, 2005, he was accused of corruption, and the next day - of involvement in kidnappings and murders during Operation Colombo.
On October 30, 2006, charged with 36 counts of kidnapping, 23 counts of torture and one murder at Villa Grimaldi.
Also Pinochet accused of drug trafficking, arms trafficking and tax evasion.
Death
December 3, 2006 Pinochet suffered a severe heart attack, on the same day, due to the danger of life, the Sacrament of Unction and Communion was performed on him. He died on December 10, 2006 in a Santiago hospital. According to reports, his body was cremated and there was no state funeral or mourning (he was given only military honors). After the death of the former dictator, Chilean society found itself in in a certain sense divided: December 11, 2006 in Santiago was marked by crowded jubilant demonstrations of opponents Pinochet on the one hand, and no less crowded mourning meetings of supporters of the deceased, on the other.
Performance evaluations Augusto Pinochet
Economic achievements of Pinochet: Chile's GDP (blue) compared to Lat. America as a whole (orange), 1950-2008. The period of his presidency is highlighted in gray.
Activity Pinochet the leadership of the country is assessed ambiguously. For example, Russian liberal politician Boris Nemtsov noted:
Pinochet is a dictator. On his conscience are thousands of killed Chileans and a huge number of repressed... But Pinochet- a unique dictator. He carried out very important liberal economic reforms… Augusto Pinochet firmly believed in private property both in competition, and under him, private companies took their rightful place in business, and the economy grew both under him and after him...
On the other side, Pinochet has been criticized for human rights violations and economic policy. Russian left-wing sociologist Alexander Tarasov noted:
At Pinochet Chile experienced its deepest recession to occur in Peaceful time in Latin American countries of the 20th century... A tenth of the population - 1 million people - left Chile. The overwhelming majority were qualified specialists: the peasants simply could not leave.
Publicist Roy Medvedev testified in his memoirs:
The military coup in Chile also received an unexpected response among (Soviet) dissidents, as a result of which some of the communists and socialists there were physically destroyed, and the government came to power Augusto Pinochet. Some of the most radical Western human rights activists said among themselves that the only way to deal with the communists was as in Chile.
At the beginning of January 2012, the National Council of Education of Chile decided to amend the Chilean school books. Governing body Augusto Pinochet is now designated not as a “dictatorial regime”, but as a “military regime”.
The image of Augusto Pinochet in popular culture
Sting's song "They dance alone" is dedicated to women whose husbands disappeared in Pinochet's prisons.
English mathcore band Down I Go have a song called "Augusto Pinochet". It was included in the album Tyrant, dedicated to dictators of all times and peoples.
Mentioned in the lyrics of the song “Forces of Victory” by the American group Gogol Bordello:
My dear good friend Let’s not forget That we can take down Pinotchet
Mentioned in the song "Empire" by the Vyborg group Last Tanks in Paris (P.T.V.P.)
The work of Boris Ekimov is “Pinochet”.
In the video game Tropico 3 Augusto Pinochet may be El Presidente Tropico.
Coup Pinochet described in the novel “The House of the Spirits” by Isabel Allende and the film adaptation of the same name, as well as in the Chilean film “Machuka” (Machuka, 2004).
The events that took place on the day of Pinochet’s military coup were filmed in the famous film “It’s Raining in Santiago.”
Documentary“Chronicle of events in Chile / Acta General de Chile” (1986), directed by Miguel Littin.
“No” is a film directed by Pablo Larraín about the events of 1988, when A. Pinochet announced a referendum on the extension of his presidential powers.
Literature about Augusto Pinochet
Shevelev V. Morning of Augusto Pinochet.// Dictators and gods. Rostov-on-Don: Phoenix, 1999.
Gabriel García Márquez - “The Secret Adventures of Miguel Littín in Chile” (Spanish: La aventura de Miguel Littín clandestino en Chile).
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- Colegio de los Sagrados Corazones de Valparaíso [d]
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- University of Chile - Faculty of Law [d]
Augusto Jose Ramon Pinochet Ugarte(Spanish) Augusto José Ramón Pinochet Ugarte ; November 25, Valparaiso, Chile - December 10, Santiago, Chile) - Chilean statesman and military leader, captain general. Came to power as a result of a military coup in 1973, which overthrew the socialist government of President Salvador Allende with the support of the US government.
Encyclopedic YouTube
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✪ Mikhail Boyarsky: “Revolution and counter-revolution in Chile. Allende and Pinochet are the two faces of Chile.”
✪ The prosecution of Augusto Pinochet (narrated by historian Alexey Kuznetsov)
✪ Allende and Pinochet in Chile
Subtitles
Origin
Augusto Pinochet was born in one of the largest port cities in Chile - Valparaiso. His father, Augusto Pinochet Vera, was a port customs employee, and his mother, Avelina Ugarte Martinez, was a housewife and raised six children, among whom the future head of state was the eldest. Pinochet's great-grandfather, of Breton origin, moved to Latin America from France. He left considerable savings as an inheritance to subsequent generations of the family.
Military career
For Augusto, who came from the “middle classes,” the path to the top could only be opened by service in the armed forces, with which, upon reaching the age of 17, he threw in his lot by entering the infantry school in San Bernardo. Prior to this, he studied at the school of the Seminary of Saint Raphael and the Institute of Quillota and Colegio of the Sacred Hearts of the French Fathers of Valparaiso. The young man spent four years at the infantry school (from 1933 to 1937), graduated from the latter with the rank of junior officer and was sent first to the Chacabuco regiment in Concepción, and then to the Maipo regiment in Valparaiso.
In 1948, Pinochet entered the Higher military academy country, which he graduated from three years later. Now the purposeful officer alternated service in military units with teaching in army educational institutions. In 1953, Pinochet published his first book, entitled “The Geography of Chile, Argentina, Bolivia and Peru,” defended his thesis, received a bachelor’s degree and entered the law school of the University of Chile, from which he never had to graduate: in 1956 he was sent to Quito to assist in the creation of the Ecuadorian Military Academy.
At the end of 1959, Pinochet returned to Chile, where he commanded a regiment, and later a brigade and a division, was engaged in staff work, and taught at the Military Academy. At the same time, he published his next works - “Essay on the Study of Chilean Geopolitics” and “Geopolitics”.
It is alleged that in 1967, an army unit under the command of Pinochet shot at a peaceful meeting of striking miners at the El Salvador mine. As a result of the shooting, not only the workers were killed, but also several children and a pregnant woman. However, this information exists only in Soviet sources - not a single foreign source mentions this. In addition, in the period from 1964 to 1968, Pinochet did not command combat units, since he was the deputy head of the Military Academy, and also taught a course in geopolitics there. In 1969 he was awarded the rank of brigadier general, and in 1971 - division general
In 1971, Pinochet took over as commander of the Santiago garrison, his first assignment under the Popular Unity government led by President Salvador Allende.
In early November 1972, while serving as Deputy Minister of the Interior under General Carlos Prats, he became acting Commander-in-Chief of the Army.
In August 1973, the military, led by Pinochet, organized a provocation against General Prats, who, while remaining loyal to the Government of Popular Unity, unable to withstand the persecution, resigned from all posts. Allende appointed General Pinochet in his place. Carlos Prats wrote in his diary on August 23, 1973: “My career is over. Without exaggerating my role, I believe that my resignation is a prelude to a coup d’etat and the greatest betrayal... Now all that remains is to set the day of the coup...”
Presidency
Shortly after the coup, Pinochet announced that armed forces remain true to their professional duty, that only feelings of patriotism, as well as (quote from Pinochet’s statement) “Marxists and the situation in the country” forced them to take power into their own hands, that “as soon as calm is restored and the economy is brought out of a state of collapse, the army will return to the barracks." The general even set a deadline for the implementation of these goals - about 20 years, after which Chile will return to democracy.
Death
Pinochet has been criticized for human rights violations and his economic policies. Russian left-wing sociologist Alexander Tarasov noted:
Under Pinochet, Chile experienced the deepest recession that occurred in peacetime in the Latin American countries of the 20th century... A tenth of the population - 1 million people - left Chile. The overwhelming majority were qualified specialists: the peasants simply could not leave.
In early January 2012, the National Council of Education of Chile decided to make changes to Chilean school textbooks. Augusto Pinochet's rule is no longer referred to as a "dictatorial regime" but as a "military regime"
In the first month of General Pinochet's dictatorship alone, over 30 thousand people were killed
In 1969, Chile's political parties formed the Popular Unity bloc, whose candidate, communist Salvador Allende, won the 1970 presidential election.
Demonstration in support of Allende. On the far right is the famous Chilean musician, actor and singer Victor Jara.
The Allende government immediately nationalized enterprises owned by US companies and announced a course towards building socialism according to Soviet model. As a result, on September 11, 1973, in the capital of Chile, Santiago, a military coup was carried out by the army, as a result of which President Salvador Allende and the Government of Popular Unity were overthrown. Allende himself died during the storming of the presidential palace.
The presidential palace of La Moneda was tightly surrounded by the military.
Shelling of the presidential palace by putschists.
Salvador Allende a few minutes before his death.
The body of Salvador Allende is taken out of the presidential palace.
A military dictatorship led by General Augusto Pinochet came to power in the country: all political parties that were part of the socialist bloc were banned, and their members were subjected to severe repression, and the constitution was revoked.
Per month " state of siege", introduced to carry out the coup, over 30 thousand people were killed.
Another 12.5 thousand died during the years of dictatorship under torture, died in prisons, and were shot on the street.
In Chile they began to burn books and shoot writers.
In all Chilean cities there were mass arrests of government employees, supporters of the ousted president, journalists, members of left-wing parties and trade union organizations, as well as simply “suspicious” people.
The infamous National Stadium in Santiago, turned into a concentration camp by the junta, can accommodate 80 thousand people. In the first month, the number of people arrested at the stadium averaged 12–15 thousand people per day. Adjacent to the stadium is a velodrome with stands for 5 thousand seats. The velodrome was the main site of torture, interrogation and execution. Every day, according to numerous witness statements, from 50 to 250 people were shot there.
Augusto Pinochet. Chile, 1973-1990. Series "The End of the Dictator"
In addition, the Chile stadium, which could accommodate 5 thousand spectators, was turned into a concentration camp, but up to 6 thousand people were arrested there. At the Chile stadium, according to survivors, the torture was especially monstrous and turned into medieval executions. A group of Bolivian scientists who found themselves at the Chile stadium and miraculously survived, testified that they saw headless human bodies, quartered corpses, corpses with ripped open bellies and chests, and corpses of women with cut off breasts in the locker room and in the stadium's first aid station. The military did not risk sending the corpses to morgues in this form - they transported them in refrigerators to the port of Valparaiso and dumped them into the sea there.
American journalist John Barnes reported in Newsweek in October 1973 that the Santiago Central Morgue alone received 2,796 “unidentified” violent corpses in the first 14 days after the coup, mostly from the National Stadium.
Cemetery workers told Barnes that the corpses of those executed were loaded into helicopters and dumped into the sea. The same Barnes told how in the poblacion (poor people's quarter) of Jose Maria Caro, soldiers shot 10 students in front of the school building.
The Parisian Le Monde reported on September 17 that French diplomats had observed the day before, on the 16th, how the carabinieri loaded trucks with the bodies of those killed the previous night. Another diplomat saw soldiers hastily burying the bodies of the dead (a whole truckload) in a huge hole. A third said that in the Emida neighborhood where he lived, the military killed 400 people. The Miami Herald, which is not at all left-wing or even liberal, published on September 25, 1997, the testimony of the American married couple Patricia and Adam Guerret-Shesh, who spent several days at the National Stadium. The couple said that during these days the military shot from 400 to 500 prisoners “in groups of 10–30 people.”
Secretary General International movement Catholic lawyers Leopold Torres Burso, Secretary General of the International Federation of Human Rights Michel Blum, Secretary General of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers Joe Norman issued a joint statement after a week-long trip to Chile, saying that massive violations of human rights in Chile “are approaching genocide in as defined in the UN Convention."
Municipal employees Humberto Gonzalez and others testified that on the night of September 11-12, in the Pinguino quarter, in the area of the Carabinieri barracks, over 300 people were shot with machine guns - mostly workers of the Komandari factory, including many women. According to Esteban Carvajal, who was arrested along with four other people only because the soldiers confused the entrance to their house with the entrance to the district committee of the Socialist Party, at least 120 people were beaten to death in the barracks of the Tacna regiment in the first three days of the coup. An employee of the Chilean airline LAN, Julio Peña, who visited the Chile stadium, testified that in the hall at the exit to the football field he saw three columns of naked human bodies, laid in rows of four, crosswise on top of each other. Each column had from 8 to 10 layers. The soldiers called these columns of corpses “sandwiches.”
Augusto Pinochet. Chile, 1973-1990. Series "The End of the Dictator"
Among those killed by the putschists at the National Stadium in Santiago was the famous Chilean poet, theater director, singer, dancer, and political activist Victor Jara.
Victor Jara was among those arrested at the National Stadium. Seeing what was happening at the stadium, the singer picked up a guitar and began to sing. The soldiers knocked the musician to the ground and tore the guitar out of his hands.
During four days Victor Khara was beaten, tortured with electric shocks, and his hands were broken. Then the guitarist’s hands were cut off, then his head was broken. 34 bullets were fired into his body. The dead singer was hanged next to his guitar. Right at the stadium. He was 40 years old.
Victor Jara became a symbol of the struggle against the Pinochet regime.
Dozens of corpses floated down the Mapocho River, which flows through Santiago, every day. Sometimes there were so many of them that the water in the river turned red, which was recorded by photography and filming. The military forbade fishing for corpses, except in cases where the bodies washed ashore. People, as Newsweek magazine reported on October 1, 1973, turned away from the river, trying to pretend that they did not see the corpses. Time on October 23 quoted three lawyers, members of the UN Commission on the Rights of Refugees: “All the days that our commission was in Chile, until the eve of our departure, corpses were removed from the Mapocho River. In addition, corpses were brought in huge quantities to the morgue or left to decompose where people were killed, in order to enhance the effect of terror.” The architect Maria Elena, who herself went through torture and beatings only because a Soviet silver ruble was discovered in her coin collection, even at the end of December 1973, that is, two and a half months after the “normalization”, witnessed how On the Costanera embankment near the Lastarria Lyceum, 13 bags washed up on the Mapocho shore. When the assembled schoolchildren opened the bags, they found headless corpses inside.
Things were even worse in the provinces. In Valparaiso, naval sailors simply fired indiscriminately from large-caliber machine guns at neighborhoods in the area of the Baron railway station and on Avenida España, without interest political views those who fell under bullets.
Those arrested were taken to prisons, then barracks, schools, a women's lyceum on Barros Luco Street, and finally the ships Lebu and Maipo were converted into prisons. Thousands were arrested, hundreds died under torture, and of those who ended up on the ships, almost none returned - their corpses were thrown into the sea.
According to eyewitnesses, the Esmeralda training ship was also turned into a prison, where torture was carried out by officers from Brazil who arrived with their equipment. The Maipo ship housed 800 prisoners permanently - and every day 10-15 people were shot.
In Concepción, in the university quarter, over 80 people were killed on the first day. In the small town of Los Angeles (Bio-Bio province) on September 11, local fascists seized power and began with a public execution on central square 12 city leaders of the Unified Trade Union Center of Chile. In general, in the province of Bio-Bio, over 90 people were shot (mostly not even by the military, but by local fascists and latifundists) in the first week. In the province of Cautin, the latifundists simply organized a hunt for peasants - Mapuche Indians. Armed landowners took the arrested peasants to the field, released them, and then chased them in cars like hares. Those Indians who were not killed, but wounded, were handed over to the carabinieri. Several local priests who protested against such a “hunt” were also handed over to the Carabinieri. The city of Puerto Montt was captured by Air Force General Sergio Lee, brother of junta member Gustavo Lee. The city was captured according to the rules of military art - as if it were an enemy strong point. And although no one offered resistance to the military, about 60 people died during the capture of the city - residents of working-class villages, including several children.
It must be borne in mind that many of those detained in the first month of the coup were killed for completely random reasons. At the National Stadium, soldiers systematically killed those who had gone mad, and also finished off unsuccessful suicides (many in the stadium tried to commit suicide by throwing themselves from the upper stands). At Chile Stadium, several women were shot for wearing trousers, and men for wearing trousers. long hair(among them was a group of foreign hippies). Mexican journalist Patricia Bastidos told how she saw a man shot dead at the National Stadium just because he was having an epileptic attack. At the same time, the military understood well what they were doing. It is no coincidence that officers used nicknames instead of names: for example, at the National Stadium - Lev-1, Lev-2, 3, 4, or Eagle-1, 2, 3, 4...
Augusto Pinochet. Chile, 1973-1990. Series "The End of the Dictator"
With the announcement of “normalization,” “military operations” against civilians did not stop. When, at the end of 1973, General Pinochet visited the village of Quinta Bella to attend the ceremony of renaming the village to Buin (in honor of the regiment of the same name), this was preceded by an act of intimidation: the military drove all 5 thousand residents of the village to the football field, and selected 200 of them , of which 30 were shot, and the rest were declared hostages. On the night before Pinochet's visit, soldiers constantly shelled the village. Several dozen people were injured. Later, Chilean television showed Pinochet's arrival in Quinta Bellew and women sobbing around him and explained that the women were crying out of tenderness and gratitude to the general for “freeing them from Marxism.” Although they cried, it was not at all because of this.
Having taken the helm, Pinochet in the summer of 1974 adopted the law “On the legal status of the government junta,” in which General Pinochet was proclaimed the supreme bearer of power.
Pinochet declared communists and socialists his main enemy and dealt with them with all cruelty.
For this purpose, military tribunals were established in the country and torture centers and concentration camps were organized. To carry out repressive measures, a national intelligence agency was created with an extensive network of agents, and literally six months later it grew into the Directorate of National Intelligence (DINA). The main task of the employees (and there were about 15 thousand of them) was to search and destroy supporters of Allende’s views who emigrated from the country.
In the first two years under Pinochet, 110 thousand people were arrested and sent to prisons and camps for political reasons.
492 thousand people passed through prisons in Chile under Pinochet. In total, 27.1% of the population went through prisons and camps.
Although Pinochet and the junta constantly proclaimed themselves “defenders of Christian values” and emphasized their devout Catholicism, thousands of believers were subjected to repression under the military regime.
Four Catholic priests from Belgium were subjected to torture and abuse at the National Stadium, arrested for trying to stop soldiers beating children in a poor neighborhood.
In the mountain villages around Valparaiso, local priests tried to intercede for their parishioners and protested against mass arrests. For this they themselves were arrested, and their churches were destroyed and looted by the military.
Augusto Pinochet. Chile, 1973-1990. Series "The End of the Dictator"
In total, at least 60 Catholic priests and monks were arrested in Chile in the first month of the coup. Of these, at least 12 people were killed or “disappeared.”
Fascist parties were Pinochet's only civil ally - and it was these parties that continued to be active in the country, despite the junta's official ban on the activities of political parties. It was the fascists who were entrusted with the “ideological justification” of the regime, they were the “ideological commissars” of the junta in universities, etc. Very soon glorification of Hitler, Mussolini and Franco became the norm.
Under Pinochet, Chile became a hotbed of fascist propaganda throughout the Spanish-speaking world. Mussolini's "Doctrine of Fascism" Spanish was published in Chile with a circulation of 6 million.
In the late 70s, Nazi war criminals fugitives from justice came to Chile from all over the world. Former SS men served as consultants, experts, and sometimes managers in the concentration camps created by the junta in Chacabuco, on the island of Doson, on Tierra del Fuego, etc. Among them were celebrities - for example, the inventor of the “gas chamber” V. Rauch.
One of the political prison camps in Chile.
During the “capture” of La Serena, the fascists and soldiers of the Stark Corps scrawled the entire city with the slogans “Death to Marxists, intellectuals and Jews!”
Leading Chilean playwright Maria Requena was subjected to torture, one of which was, to put it mildly, peculiar: a woman was deprived of food and water for two days, and then she was offered to drink... pig's blood. “You Jewish pig! - the officers shouted. - Why don’t you drink your blood, pig’s? Are you used to Christian?”
The junta changed not only the intellectual climate in the country, but also the moral one. Denunciations were encouraged. The informer received a bonus of one and a half million escudos and all the property of the person he denounced. Hundreds and thousands of relatives and neighbors who were in a quarrel denounced each other. The city of Chuquicamata became notorious as the “cradle of informers”: there, teenagers from wealthy families raced to denounce their own parents in order to get their property and quickly squander it. We had one Pavlik Morozov, in little Chuquicamata there were 90 of them!
But Pinochet acquired many ardent admirers: those who made a considerable fortune for themselves through denunciations. Today these people are afraid that if Pinochet is convicted, then they will begin to try other officers for war crimes, and then, lo and behold, they will get to the informers.
When Pinochet refused to consider the “National Agreement for the Transition to Democracy” in 1986, the opposition movement began to grow: a wave of strikes swept across the dictator and an armed attack was carried out. Pinochet miraculously survived, but five of his bodyguards died. This circumstance increased hatred of democracy: “Those who talk about human rights will be expelled from the country or sent to jail” - this was the verdict of the “overlord.”
In 1988, Pinochet was again named the country's only presidential candidate and a referendum was announced. But the results of the plebiscite were not what Pinochet expected. In the referendum, the majority of Chileans supported the return of civilian government.
Speaking on radio and television, Pinochet assessed the voting results as “a mistake by the Chileans.”
Chileans demanded an investigation into the crimes committed by the Pinochet junta.
History puts everything in its place.
In October 1998, Pinochet was accused of state crimes by Spain: during the years of dictatorship, hundreds of Spaniards were killed or disappeared without a trace in Chile. Spain demanded the former dictator's extradition, but since Pinochet was a senator for life of Chile, he was subject to immunity laws. Pinochet was put under house arrest five times, but was released due to health reasons and “insufficient” evidence.
Augusto Pinochet. Chile, 1973-1990. Series "The End of the Dictator"
In 2000, the Chilean Supreme Court stripped Pinochet of his immunity. The dictator was accused of committing crimes in more than 100 cases related to murders, kidnappings and torture of people. In 2004, a trial began for complicity in the murder of the commander of the ground forces, General Carlos Prats, and members of the Revolutionary Left Movement. Pinochet was accused of 36 cases of kidnapping, 23 cases of torture, murder, drug trafficking, arms trafficking and tax evasion, corruption.
Cemetery in Santiago where executed Allende supporters were buried in anonymous mass graves.
On December 10, 2006, after suffering a heart attack, Augusto Pinochet died in a Santiago hospital. He bequeathed his body to be cremated, since he knew that the grave would certainly be desecrated.
Alexander Tarasov.